asked whether, in the event of the Government of Ireland Bill becoming law by the 30th June, 1914, under the terms of the Parliament Act, it is the present intention of the Government to postpone by Order of the King in Council the summoning of the Irish Parliament until such date as will allow of any measure of registration or of electoral reform, including the abolition of the plural vote, that may be proposed during the present Session, being voted on by 103 representatives from Ireland and being subsequently passed into law under the terms of the Parliament Act by the House as at present constituted?

The hon. Member's question is based on hypothesis and deals with matters which, so far as I am aware, have not been considered by the Government.

asked when the Regulations as to the hours of employment of winding enginemen, framed under Section 57 (3) of the Coal Mines Act, 1911, will come into operation as finally adjusted?

I have, in accordance with the recommendation of the Referee, made an Order fixing the 30th June next as the date after which, except as provided by the Regulations, no winding engineman may be employed more than eight hours a day. The Regulations will come into force at the same time.

asked the Home Secretary whether, in view of the state of the law with regard to Sunday trading, he will reconsider the Report of the Joint Select Committee on Sunday Trading appointed in 1906, or will recommend the appointment of a Select Committee to deal with the doubts and difficulties in its administration still existing?

The Government made an attempt in 1911 to deal with the question of Sunday closing on the lines recommended by the Joint Select Committee of 1906, but the proposals encountered considerable opposition, and no solution was found which was generally acceptable. I am aware of the strong feeling in favour of some measure of Sunday closing among a large section of the traders of the country, and I should be glad if a satisfactory solution could be found, but I am afraid there is no prospect of the Government being able to take the matter up again at present, and I am not satisfied that the appointment of another Select Committee now would be likely to advance the question.

asked the Home Secretary whether he can state the total number of persons, distinguishing between men and women, who have been imprisoned since 1st January, 1910, for offences connected with the movement for the enfranchisement of women; what number of these have refused to take food and have been forcibly fed; and the number who have had to be released for reasons of health connected with forcible feeding?

The number of persons imprisoned for offences in connection with the suffragist agitation since 1st January, 1910, is as follows:—

asked the Home Secretary whether, under the terms of the Factories Acts, the hours of work in factories must be regulated as from the beginning of one complete hour to the end of another, half-hourly periods not being permitted; and, if so, whether he will consider the advisability of introducing legislation with a view to rendering possible more elastic and more convenient arrangements?

Under the Factory Act, the period of employment for women and young persons must begin at six and end at six, or begin at seven and end at seven, or (in the case of non-textile factories and workshops) begin at eight and end at eight. It is not permissible to make the period run from, say, 6.30 to 6.30; but there is nothing to prevent the employer making actual work commence, say, half an hour later or end half an hour earlier than the statutory limits; it is not unusual to do this and to allow the first half hour or last half hour, as the case may be, as a meal time. The present system has been in force since 1878.

asked the Home Secretary whether he has received from the Education Department of the Glamorgan County Council a memorandum asking for the recognition of the Glamorgan Education Committee's certificates in first aid for the formation of rescue brigades in mines, and qualification for first and second class certificates of competency; whether he is aware that the Board of Trade and the War Office accept the committee's certificates; and whether the Home Office is now prepared to accord a similar recognition?

I have received an application from the Glamorgan County Council for the recognition of their first-aid certificate for the purposes of the Coal Mines Act. The whole question of the recognition of first-aid certificates for the purposes of that Act is under consideration, and I am not in a position to make any statement at present.

Can the right hon. Gentleman say how long this matter has been under consideration, and whether, in view of the fact that the examination for mines' certificates takes place in May of this year, the Report of those who are considering the matter can be now produced?

I am afraid that I cannot give the hon. Member a more definite answer. The recognition of the Glamorganshire County Council certificate has been vigorously opposed in various quarters.

asked the Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster whether he can furnish any further information with regard to the Inter-Departmental Commission to investigate the trawling for herrings and other fishery questions; and whether he can state how many days the Commission has sat, and when the Report will be issued?

The Inter-Departmental Committee on Fisheries held its first meeting on 6th July, 1912; and the last meeting at which evidence was heard on 24th February of this year. The Members of the Committee have, however, been, obliged to give very con- siderable time, in addition to the actual meetings of the Committee, to considering various Reports and Memoranda sent in from both England and Scotland. An agreement between the drifting and trawling interests to request a postponement of decision by the Committee until after this fishing season, appears to be imminent. In view of such probable agreement, and of the necessity of obtaining certain practical information desired by the Committee and the contending parties, and only obtainable by research on the fishing grounds, it is probable that no Report will be issued until the autumn.

Now that that agreement has been arrived at, will the Committee direct its attention to the object for which it was set up?

When we have considered the evidence which we have already got we shall proceed to the second part of the inquiry, which is the question of limiting, or perhaps extending, the international area.

Will you remember that that is the chief object of the Committee?

I cannot agree with that.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that at the present time experiments are being made on the subject of trawling for herrings?

Yes. Those experiments and researches have so far been inconclusive, and it is desired on both sides that they should be continued and extended during the present fishing season.

Did I understand the right hon. Gentleman to say that the question of limiting the area was being considered? Am I not right in saying that the only question is that of extending the area.

It may be that the question of limitation will come up. I should not exclude it.

Does that mean that we shall have no information as to extension or limitation before the autumn?

The question to which I have given an answer has reference to the difficulties with regard to trawling for herrings. It is upon that and that only that a postponement of decision will probably be requested.

asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies whether prostration is insisted upon by the British Government officials in Northern Nigeria; and, if so, whether these prostrations are demanded from natives and non-natives alike, not only for the officials but for their wives?

The answer is in the negative.

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether he has any further information to give to the House as to the coercion of Montenegro by the Great Powers; and whether, before Great Britain is committed to taking part in a policy by which Montenegro is forcibly deprived of territory which she has conquered or may conquer, the Government will give Parliament an opportunity of expressing its views?

asked whether, in the event of the naval demonstration of the Great Powers proving ineffective, it is proposed to sanction any isolated action by Austria-Hungary on land to reinforce the demand for a cessation of the bombardment of Scutari?

May I ask the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether he can give the House any further information with regard to Montenegro?

Two of His Majesty's ships, the battleship "King Edward VII." and the cruiser "Dartmouth," have proceeded to the coast of Montenegro to take part in an international naval demonstration. Austrian, French, German, and Italian warships are also there for the same purpose. The British senior naval officer has been instructed to join the senior officers of the international squadron in consultation as to any means which may be practicable to exert pressure on the Montenegrin Government to defer to the decision of the Powers. The landing of naval brigades and field guns or actual bombardment will not be undertaken without further instructions. The attitude of the Russian Government is explained in the following communique:—

"In view of the fact that the Conference of Ambassadors in London has pronounced a naval demonstration in Montenegrin waters indispensable, Russia, although not herself taking part in the above-mentioned demonstration, has expressed the opinion that the demonstration ought to have an international character, and that French and British ships ought to take part in it."

The House will perhaps allow me to offer some explanation of the object of this naval demonstration, and of how and why His Majesty's Government have become a party to it. We are party to it because we are a party with the other Great Powers to an agreement which the naval demonstration is intended to uphold. This agreement is that there should be an autonomous Albania. We willingly became a party to this, for the Albanians are separate in race, in language, and to a great extent in religion. The war which is proceeding against them has long ceased to have any bearing on the war between Turkey and the Allies, or to be a war of liberation. The operations of Montenegro against Scutari are part of a war of conquest, and there is no reason why the same sympathy that was felt for Montenegro or other countries contending for liberty and national existence should not be extended to the Albanian population of Scutari and its district, who are mainly Catholics and Moslem, and who are contending for their lands, their religion, their language, and their lives. For these reasons His Majesty's Government have no hesitation in being parties to the agreement of the Powers about Albania. The agreement between the Powers respecting the frontiers of Albania was reached after a long and laborious diplomatic effort. It was decided that the littoral and Scutari should be Albanian, while Ipek, Prizrend, Dibra, and (after much negotiation) Djakova should be excluded from Albania. This arrangement leaves a large tract of territory to be divided between Servia and Montenegro as the fruits of victory. The making of the agreement was essential for the peace of Europe, and, in my opinion, it was accomplished only just in time to preserve that peace between Great Powers. That the agreement, if disputed, should be upheld by international action remains essential for the continuance of that peace. His Majesty's Government have no direct interest in the details of the agreement, and we should not, in all probability, object to any agreement that commanded the consent of the Powers more directly interested than we are. But, because we believe that the agreement is, in its main lines, in accord with humanity, liberty, and justice, and because we know that the peace of Europe depends upon the maintenance of concord between the Powers most directly interested in this region, we have thought it right, and by becoming a party to the agreement we have undertaken the honourable obligation to take part in the international action now proceeding to uphold it and make it respected.

May I ask the right hon. Gentleman how he can reconcile the attitude of His Majesty's Government with their declaration of neutrality?

As I have already said, what is going on in Albania is not now a war of liberation, but a war of conquest. It has long ceased to have any bearing upon the war between Turkey and the Allies. The Great Powers, having all become parties to an agreement about the frontiers of Albania, we, as one of the parties—and willingly—for reasons I have given, are bound to take part in international action.

I do not propose to enter into a discussion at this time, but I should like to say that at the first opportunity we shall raise this question.

The hon. Member can ask any questions.

Can the right hon. Gentleman inform me whether this House will have any opportunity of discussing this question at an early date?

I think it a matter of very grave doubt whether a discussion of this sort at this particular moment would be in the public interest. If there is a general desire—[HON. MEMBERS: "We are content"]—and if that desire is concurred in by the right hon. Gentleman opposite—[HON. MEMBERS: "No, no"]—I shall be quite prepared to put down the Foreign Office Vote for Thursday. But I would say to my hon. Friends behind me, in all seriousness and with a full sense of responsibility, that while we are far from desiring in any way to burke or to postpone discussion on this subject, I do not think, in view of the enormous and very delicate interests involved, that any great advantage will arise from discussion.

Apart from what the right hon. Gentleman has said, I should myself have considered it in the last degree undesirable to have a discussion at this moment.

Is my right hon. Friend aware that there is a very strong opinion in this country against the action in this matter of His Majesty's Government, and that, though this House may not be in a position to discuss it, it is being discussed in every newspaper in the country and in every other Parliament in Europe?

Before the Foreign Office takes any further action in regard to the blockade of Montenegro will this House have an opportunity to discuss it?

Can an undertaking not be given that before troops or marines are landed this House will have an opportunity of discussing a matter which may easily develop into a European War?

In view of the absurdity of this position, may I now move the Adjournment of the House to discuss this question?

What are the terms of the hon. Member's Motion?

To discuss a matter of urgent public importance, namely, the action of His Majesty's Government in taking part in a naval demonstration against a friendly Power.

The hon. Member asks leave to move the Adjournment of the House in order to call attention to a matter of urgent public importance, namely, the action of His Majesty's Government in taking part in a naval demonstration against Montenegro.

The pleasure of the House not having teen signified, Mr. SPEAKER called on those Members who supported the Motion to rise in their places, and, fewer than forty Members having accordingly risen, the House proceeded to the Business of the Day.