House Of Commons
Thursday, 3rd August, 1961
The House met at half-past Two o'clock
Prayers
[Mr. SPEAKER in the Chair]
Experiments On Living Animals
Address for Return,
"of Experiments performed under the Act 39 & 40 Vict. c. 77. during 1960."—[Mr. Fletcher-Cooke.]
Oral Answers To Questions
Trade And Commerce
The Hartlepools
1.
asked the President of the Board of Trade if he will state the present rate of unemployment in the Hartlepools; and What prospects there are of further industries and expansions in the area.
At mid-July there were 1,278 registered as wholly unemployed in the Hartlepools group of employment exchange areas, a rate of 3·5 per cent. About 1,500 jabs are in prospect. Since I answered a similar Question by my hon. and gallant Friend on 30th March, 1961, several firms have shown interest in going to the Hartlepools area.
While thanking my right hon. Friend for that reply, may I paint out to him that the Hartlepools are now the second worst hit area in the North-East for employment? Can he say what prospects there are in the future, bearing in mind that we have nearly 200 school leavers at the moment, a recession in shipping and the possible withdrawal of the Reserve Fleet? Can my right hon. Friend say what the prospects are of the Americans taking an interest in the area?
There are about 1,500 jobs in prospect. I hope that they will all materialise. If they do, they will certainly improve the prospects in the district.
Local Authorities, Yorkshire (Patent Office Publications)
2.
asked the President of the Board of Trade haw many local authorities in Yorkshire have declined to pay the increased subscription now demanded for Patent Office publications.
Three local authorities in Yorkshire have declined to pay the increased charge.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that in other important manufacturing areas, apart from these three, there is resentment against these charges? Does the right hon. Gentleman remember that this used to be a free national service, that then charges were imposed and now they have been increased? Can we be reasonably sure that we shall not have further increases in the near future?
This charge put on patent specifications has gone up from £100 to £140 a year. In that period the number of specifications has gone up from 20,000 to 30,000. The ordinary sale price of these specifications would be over £5,000, so I do not think it unreasonable to ask them to pay £140.
Trade Marks Acts
3.
asked the President of the Board of Trade what conclusions he has come to in his reconsideration of the difficulties arising from the operation of the Trade Marks Acts; and if he will make a statement.
I understand that the hon. Member is referring to the Answers which I gave to him and to the hon. Member for Huddersfield, West (Mr. Wade) on 11th July. Since then, directors of both companies concerned have expressed to officials of my Department their sense of the importance of avoiding any confusion on the part of the public between their respective products. When discussions are complete, I will write to the hon. Member.
I have given a direction that when an application is made for the registration of a mark for non-alcoholic drinks and some similar foodstuffs a search should be made for similar marks registered for such things as drugs, disinfectants and cleaning materials. The converse will also apply.I thank the right hon. Gentleman very much.
Factory, Newhouse
4.
asked the President of the Board of Trade, in view of the decision of Hollins and Company Limited to cease production at Newhouse, what action he is taking to find a new occupant for the factory which will provide work for the women and men displaced.
The Board's regional office is at present negotiating with a prospective new occupant, who will, it is hoped, provide substantially more jobs in this factory than before.
The President of the Board of Trade will be aware that that is good news for those about to lose their work. He will also be aware that the firm likely to take them had already planned a big extension. We are really losing 400 jobs in this area. Is it possible for the right hon. Gentleman to use his influence with the Board of Trade and with other bodies interested in the bringing of industry to Scotland to get them to work together more closely so that when big prospective industries are on the scene we know about them quickly and start them?
I am certainly anxious to get more firms to come into this part of Scotland. My regional officers are working as hard as they can on this, and I will do all I can to support them.
Motor Cars (Export)
6.
asked the President of the Board of Trade how many motor cars were exported in the first six months of 1961; how this total compares with the same period in 1960; in which overseas markets this decline has mainly occurred; and what estimate he has made of the prospects for improvement in the second half of this year.
175,306 new cars were exported during the first six months of 1961 compared with 342,415 during the same period last year. The main markets in which a decline occurred were the U.S.A. and Canada and South Africa. While there may be some improvement, exports in the second half of this year are likely to remain well below the record levels achieved in the first half of 1960.
Are not these figures very alarming and is not this something like the worst situation which we have had for about eight years in exports? Is not the Chancellor's action, whatever we think about it, bound to make matters worse in terms of employment in the Midlands? As it points to a very dangerous employment, short time and even redundancy situation in the Midlands in the latter part of the year, would the right hon. Gentleman agree to calling an emergency conference with the motor car manufacturers so that a sudden new crisis does not hit the Midlands without warning later this year?
I agree that these are disappointing figures but there are special reasons for them, particularly in the United States. I have very close contact with both sides of industry through the National Advisory Council, which is carrying out a special study of the export problem. What the figures bring out clearly is that the employment and prosperity of the motor industry very much depends upon its export achievements.
Is the President of the Board of Trade aware that the important factor is to get down the cost of cars and if we cannot get a maximum throughput into our highly mechanised factories we cannot do that? Is he aware that if the taxation of the motor industry goes up any further we shall not have the home demand to justify the heavy capital expenditure involved in plant?
That is a rather wide question, and although I do not entirely accept what my hon. Friend said, I recognise the strength of his argument.
In view of the disappointing figures, can the President of the Board of Trade say whether the proposed extensions of the industry are going ahead at the pace previously proposed?
I have no reason to suppose that they are not.
Motor Cars (Export To Nigeria)
7.
asked the President of the Board of Trade if he is aware of the decline in the sale of British motor cars in Nigeria compared with the increased sale of non-British cars and of complaints of delay and difficulties in servicing British cars; and what action he will take to assist the increase of exports to Nigeria by British motor manufacturers.
Sales of British motor cars in Nigeria have increased steadily in recent years, but the United Kingdom's share of the market has decreased. All aspects of this matter, including the problem of servicing, are being studied jointly with the industry.
Does not the right hon. Gentleman agree that that Answer is extremely ambiguous and conveys no concrete information? Can he say whether, according to the information which he has gathered, the statement implicit in my Question is true and that it is very difficult to find proper servicing for British cars? In that case, what is being done to see that they are serviced properly or that facilities are provided for that purpose?
No doubt better servicing could be provided. We are discussing with industry ways and means by which this can be done.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the Prime Minister of Northern Nigeria had an air-conditioned Rolls Royce, that when it went over a laterite road he was entirely covered in red dust which had come through the air conditioner, and that consequently he got rid of it and is buying an American car?
No, Sir. I am not aware of that
Factory Building Programme, Scotland
8.
asked the President of the Board of Trade to what extent he expects the current Govern- ment factory building programme in Scotland, and that for 1962–63, to be affected by the recent decision of Her Majesty's Government regarding the economic situation.
I have not in mind any change in this programme.
While thanking the Minister for that reply, may I ask him explicitly to give the House an assurance that, in view of the importance of maintaining the drive for new industry in Scotland, there will be no cuts in the factory building programme during this year or the next financial year?
I do not intend to make any cuts in the programme in Scotland or in any other part of the development districts. As my right hon. and learned Friend said in his speech on 26th July, we will continue to use our powers vigorously to deal with this situation.
Barley (Imports)
9.
asked the President of the Board of Trade if he will make a further statement on the measures taken to prevent the dumping of foreign barley, and so ensure a steady market for the home crop at a price level that does not require unduly heavy Exchequer subsidy.
Yes, Sir. As I told the hon. Member on 7th July, the French authorities have agreed to make no further sales beyond existing contracts and they informed me that the amount still to be sold under existing arrangements did not at that time exceed about 30,000 tons. Similarly the Australian authorities informed me that outstanding deliveries from the old crop did not exceed about 45,000 tons of which a proportion has been sold at above £20 a ton. As I also stated on 7th July, discussions are to be held with the French and Australians about the price at which new sales may be made. These discussions will be based on the need to establish a c.i.f. duty paid price of not less than £20 per ton. As regards Russian barley, agreement has been reached with the Soviet authorities that exports for delivery to the United Kingdom during the 12-month period 1st July, 1961, and 30th June, 1962, shall not exceed 150,000 tons; this compares with about 340,000 tons delivered in the previous twelve months.
This is better news. Has my right hon. Friend been able to get an assurance from the Russians that they will not unload barley here at less than £20 a ton, especially during the coming three months, when the weight of the the main harvest will be on the market?
They have agreed to limit their deliveries to 150,000 tons, and I am grateful for their help in this matter. I am certain that as the amount which they can send is limited they will arrange their time of delivery so as to get the maximum price for the product.
Anti-Dumping Duties
10.
asked the President of the Board of Trade why three applications for anti-dumping duties have been under consideration by his Department since September, 1959, June, 1960, and December, 1960, respectively; and when he will come to a decision in these cases.
The Board of Trade announced the decision on corduroy from Spain, advertised in December, 1960, on 28th July. In the other cases mentioned by the hon. Member, the facts relating to dumping and material injury are hard to determine and I cannot say when it will be possible to take a decision.
I do not want to hustle the right hon. Gentleman in the other cases, but does it not appear to him that the anti-dumping machinery in his Department, about which there have been many complaints in recent months, is creaking a little?
I have myself heard no sounds of creaking.
Exports To Canada
11.
asked the President of the Board of Trade since imports from Canada in the last three years were £308, £312, and £375 million, respectively, and exports were £188, £207, and £213 million, leaving an adverse balance of £387 million, what new steps he is taking to induce the Canadian Government to reduce tariffs and restrictions against British imports and to allow the United Kingdom to sell to Canada as much as it buys, since this could go a long way to solve the United Kingdom balance-of-payments problem; and if he will make a statement.
My right hon. Friend the Minister of State, when recently in Canada, took the opportunity to stress the importance we attach to access to the Canadian market in view of the large market we provide for Canadian goods. We cannot, however, necessarily expect bilateral balance with a particular country, and Canada is a market in which our exports face no import restrictions, enjoy substantial preferences and have expanded by more than half over the last ten years.
Is my right hon. Friend aware that the Canadians are buying far more from the United States than they are selling and that they are paying for the excess imports from America by selling far more to us than they are buying from us? Is he aware that we are paying for that excess of imports of American goods into Canada and that in addition the Americans are selling to us £230 million more a year than they are buying from us? If only the North American trade were settled there would be no problem for this country. Have we not a right to press both Canada and the United States to encourage British exports into their markets?
This triangular pattern of trade is traditional. If we try to balance our trade bilaterally with every country the only result will be a reduction in the total volume of trade. I do not think that we are entitled to press these countries to encourage our exports, but we are entitled to press them not to put any barriers in the way so that we can earn as much as we can in their markets.
There are barriers both in the United States and in Canada. If my right hon. Friend does not know about them let him ask any textile manufacturer. Surely he knows this. Are we not entitled to press them to help us or to stop their goods coming here?
If my hon. Friend looks at the comparative barriers to trade in this country and in the case of most American goods, I think he will revise his views.
Have the Government recently approached the Canadian Government and suggested that they should be willing to reduce their tariffs on the import of manufactured goods from this country, provided that we continue our present tariff-free entry to Canadian goods here? Would not that meet the point?
If that involved creating a wider margin of preference it would be ruled out by G.A.T.T. We have approached the Canadian Government recently on a number of individual points in which we think they ought to be able to help.
Cotton Textiles (Geneva Agreement)
12.
asked the President of the Board of Trade if he will make available in the Library copies of the agreement reached at Geneva recently between the major cotton textile and importing countries; and if he will make a statement on the agreement.
Yes, Sir. These arrangements, which were agreed ad referendum, include a short-term arrangement for the year beginning 1st October, 1961, providing for increased access to certain markets at present restricted and for bilateral negotiations for avoidance of disruption in markets which are not restricted. A G.A.T.T. Cotton Textiles Committee will be established and will meet in the autumn to consider a longer term solution to the problems of international trade in cotton textiles.
Although I have not seen the full text of the agreement, it appears to me that in the short term it will have the effect of freezing American imports at about one-twentieth of the level of domestic production and freezing imports into this country at approximately half of our level of domestic production.
The detailed effects need a considerable amount of working out, but on balance it will help to produce a certain increased stability in the international trade in these commodities.
Does the right hon. Gentleman realise that while the details are being worked out a good deal of alarm and despondency is being spread throughout the textile industry in this country? Has he considered what would be the effects of the agreement now made if this country persisted in its attempts to become part of the Common Market? Would that mean that there would be a Completely free flow of European textiles into Britain?
On the whole, the effect of our relations with the Common Market, which are industrialised countries, is rather different from the question of the imports of textiles from low-cost producers, which is that mainly in the mind of the G.A.T.T. discussions.
Industries (Consultation)
13.
asked the President of the Board of Trade what arrangements his Department makes fur dealing with individual industries; and what kind of information his Department calls for from each of the industries in his care.
My Department keeps in touch with individual industries mainly through trade associations but also in direct discussions with firms. There are some consultative committees relating to particular industries. In addition to statistical information, the views of industries are sought on many aspects of Government policy which affect their trading interests.
Does the right hon. Gentleman believe that he is getting enough information on such items as orders arid stocks to be able to give him an up-to-date picture of the State of an industry at any time?
Although we are all the time improving our statistical services, particularly on orders and stocks, I am certain that a good deal more can be done. But we must also always counter-balance the desirability of additional information against the considerable inconvenience created to business if one asks too many questions.
Productivity
14.
asked the President of the Board of Trade if he will now begin, as an experiment with one industry, the practice of calling for an assessment of productivity in the current year and a forecast of productivity for 1962.
My right hon. and learned Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer is looking carefully at this suggestion in the review of the processes of consultation and forecasting which is being carried out in acordance with the statement which he made last week.
May I suggest that the right hon. Gentleman selects an industry with a very good record for work study and inter-firm comparison.
I am grateful for that suggestion.
Cotton Textiles (Imports From Hong Kong)
15.
asked the President of the Board of Trade if, in the light of discussions between the Hong Kong Government and industry, he will now state whether exports of duty-free cotton textiles from Hong Kong to the United Kingdom will continue to be limited after 31st January, 1962, on the lines of proposals made by the Government on 30th June.
The Advisory Board which is representative of the Hong Kong industry has advised that, subject to some reservations which are being further considered, the proposals should be accepted.
Is my right hon. Friend aware of the relief that may be felt in Lancashire that the uncertainties as to what might happen after 31st Janaury have been resolved? Can he say whether the agreements with India and Pakistan will automatically be extended? Can he assure me that he will work to ensure that this short-term solution might be translated into some longer-term agreement?
I shall be very glad indeed when this problem is resolved. There are still some reservations which we have to sort out. We cannot be absolutely clear what the answer will be. The purpose is to bring the Hong Kong agreement in line, in point of time, with the Indian and Pakistan agreements. It is due to expire a year before they do. That will give all of us another year in which to look at the problem again. We have to recognise that India, Pakistan and Hong Kong all have an interest in our market.
Steel Company Of Wales (Coal)
16.
asked the President of the Board of Trade whether he has taken a decision on the application by the Steel Company of Wales for a licence to import coal from the United States of America.
In consultation with my right hon. Friend the Minister of Power, I have decided to refuse this application.
In view of that reply, may I ask my right hon. Friend to use his best endeavours and all his influence to ensure that the National Coal Board and the British Transport Commission get the right coal to the works of this company, which are so valuable to us, at the right time and at the right price? If they do not, will he review the situation?
This is a difficult question. In deciding to refuse this application I did not pre-judge the future. To allow the private import of coal would be a major departure in policy, and I took the view that, when the new Chairman of the National Coal Board is looking at the progress of the Board's modernisation plans, it is too early to make a departure from the present arrangements. But I emphasise that I was dealing with a particular application.
Will the right hon. Gentleman explain the delay in reaching this decision? Will there be an equal amount of stalling in future? Will he attempt to evaluate the loss of confidence suffered by the mining industry on each of these occasions?
I do not see why the mining industry should suffer loss of confidence. There is tremendous demand for its product if it is produced at the right price.
Is my right hon. Friend aware that there is some inconsistency in this between the efforts of the right hon. Gentleman's colleagues to increase production by encouraging exports, and this effort to protect a particular industry, first by penal taxation of an alternative form of fuel, and secondly by total prohibition of imports?
I do not think "penal taxation" is a fair description. Most of our industries have some form of tariff protection. My decision in this case was based not upon principle for the future but upon the fact that, while Lord Roberts, is looking at the position of the National Coal Board's development, it would be unwise to make what would be a major departure in policy.
Has the right hon. Gentleman received any application from this company for the import of cheap Russian oil?
Not so far as I am aware, but I would like notice of that question.
National Finance
Treasury Staff (Qualifications)
17.
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer how many of the second secretaries, third secretaries, under-secretaries and assistant secretaries in Her Majesty's Treasury hold degrees or qualification in physics, mathematics or engineering; and what percentage this is of the total numbers in the above grades.
Seven, or about 9 per cent., of the members of these grades on the Treasury strength hold degrees in mathematics or physics. None is a qualified engineer.
Is my right hon. Friend aware that, so far as one can see, about 20 per cent. of these gentlemen were educated at Balliol College, Oxford? Does not he feel that, particularly in view of the Reports of the Plowden Committee and of the "Three Wise Men", it might be a good thing to increase the percentage of those with experience of quantitative science? If he does think so, is he prepared to do anything about it?
This is a big question which we might profitably debate another time. A great deal of thinking is being done about the importance of skilled and qualified advice to Ministers. In the Treasury we receive today far more rigorous advice on economic ques- tions than might have been the case 20 or 30 years ago.
Had the Chancellor received any advice from his scientific advisers when he decided to revise the Burnham award to science teachers?
I think that is another question.
So do I.
War Loan
18.
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer what was the price of 31 per cent. War Loan on 1st October, 1951; and what was the price on 1st August, 1961.
8613/16 and 529/16 respectively.
Is the hon. Gentleman aware that, according to the tape today, the price has gone down further to £51 5s.? I have no personal interest to declare in this matter, but is he aware that the people who patriotically lent their money at a time of national emergency are suffering as a result of Government mismanagement? What is he going to do about it?
I have on a number of occasions dealt with this matter, and I repeat that I am well aware, as is my right hon. and learned Friend, of the difficulties facing people who hold this stock. For the reasons I have explained at length before, particularly on 7th December last, there is no way in which we can take special action to help.
Most unsatisfactory.
is the hon. Gentleman entirely happy and content with a situation in which Government credit stands at the lowest levels ever recorded in the history of this country?
No, Sir. It is clear from my answers, now and previously, that we are not content with the hardship which is being suffered by individuals as a result of what has happened. But, for the reasons I have explained frankly to the House, I do not see how we can help.
33.
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer what would be the estimated cost to the Revenue of extending to holders of 3½ per cent. War Loan a similar concession to that whereby the first £15 of Post Office Savings Bank interest is exempted from Income Tax.
I am afraid that it would not be possible to answer this Question without information that is not readily available about the sizes of holdings by individuals and the tax liabilities of present holders.
Is it not a fact that the figure must be quite a small one? In view of the supplementary questions which have been asked earlier this afternoon on this subject, will not the hon. Member now recommend to his right hon. and learned Friend that these patriotic investors should be given some relief in the somewhat difficult situation in which they find themselves because of the low standing of this stock?
For the reasons that I have given the House I think that the hon. Member will agree, on reflection, that it is not possible to give even a rough estimate. But in any event I do not think that it would be right to depart from the general rule that tax reliefs should be related to the amount of the taxpayer's income and his personal circumstances, and should apply generally to all taxpayers whose incomes and circumstances qualify them, and not depend upon the possession of a certain stock.
Is there not some parallel here between Post Office savings and War Bonds? Cannot the Minister do something to bring them into line?
No, because the reason for the relief given in respect of Post Office savings is as an incentive to savings, whereas what the hon. Member is asking for is on grounds of relieving hardship resulting from holdings of a certain stock.
Public Boards (Chairmen)
19.
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer if he will state the difference in the number of hours worked by a full-time, and those worked by a part-time, chairman of a public board.
The amount of time worked by a part-time chairman varies with the appointment.
Is the hon. Gentleman aware that I asked this question in view of the rather curious Answer given recently by the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Power who, in defending the payment of a salary of £6,000 a year—which I understand is £250 a year more than the Chancellor of the Exchequer's—to this gentleman working part-time, said that the office of chairman is not part-time in the ordinary sense of the word? May we know what the ordinary sense of the word is and how this is extraordinary?
I anticipated the first part of that question. My hon. Friend the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Power gave a satisfactory answer. Full-time and part-time chairmen are both entirely responsible for the whole business of their boards, but in some posts it is realised that this responsibility can be properly discharged in less than a full working week. Salaries are calculated pro rata on the amount of time an individual is expected to have to devote to the business.
Salaries, Dividends And Wages
20.
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer what estimate he has made of the percentage increase in salaries, dividends and wages which the country can afford this year.
As my right hon. Friend said in his statement on 25th July, his view as regards increases in wages and salaries is that there must be a pause until productivity has caught up and as regards dividends that a further general increase this year would not be justified.
Does not my hon. Friend agree that this goes to the very crux of our economic problems? Will he give the maximum publicity to this statement at this time? Does he agree that this is the best way in which he can help the holders of War Loan in future?
I agree entirely with my hon. Friend in saying that this goes to the crux of the problem. I think that hon. Members on both sides will agree that what my right hon. and learned Friend has said about this matter has already received considerable publicity, but I know that he would be grateful not only if it could be made more widely known but also if it could be explained in more detail.
Is not my hon. Friend aware that these exhortations have been made in the past but have quickly worn off and had no effect? Will he consider suggesting to his right hon. and learned Friend that he writes to the chairmen of boards of public companies stressing and underlining the need, both economically and psychologically, for restricting increases in dividends?
I will certainly draw that suggestion to the notice of my right hon. and learned Friend.
Has the Economic Secretary any idea how long the pause will last, because the Government's economic policies look like making it a permanency before production rises?
No. The length of the pause will obviously depend on how we get on. I am bound to say that I am surprised that what my right hon. and learned Friend has said does not have the support of the hon. Gentleman. After all, to consider last year alone—between the first quarter of 1960 and the first quarter of 1961—wages and salaries per head rose by 7 per cent. In the same period productivity rose by less than 1 per cent. What my right hon. and learned Friend has said, as regards both wages and salaries, and dividends, is reasonable and I believe that it will have the support of the majority of people in this country.
Richard Thomas And Baldwins
21.
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he will give an assurance that no announcement regarding the sale of Richard Thomas and Baldwins will be made during the Summer Recess.
It would not at any time be appropriate for me to give such an assurance.
Will the Economic Secretary tell the House during which Recess it is intended to sell Richard Thomas and Baldwins? Is it intended to sell it and follow the pattern of last year, when Llanelly Steel was sold three days after the House had gone down for the Recess, Staveley Iron in September, and S. G. Brown during the Whitsun Recess?
I am sure that the hon. Gentleman knows—at least, if he has read the explanations which were given he should know—that his implications as to what happened in connection with those other companies are quite unfounded. The Government have stated their general policy on this matter. I cannot accept, neither can my right hon. and learned Friend, extra-statutory restrictions on carrying out a policy which has been approved by Parliament and embodied in legislation.
Treasury Valuer (Property Assessments)
23.
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer what right of appeal there is under his regulations against assessments of property made by the Treasury assessor.
Properties in the occupation of the Crown are not rateable but ex gratia contributions in lieu of rates are granted to the appropriate local authority. The basis on which such contribution is made is determined by the Treasury Valuer after discussion with the representative of the Rating Authority. There is no statutory right of appeal.
Is the Financial Secretary aware that tenants of houses which belong, for instance, to the National Health Service have been very seriously perturbed by the increase in the assessment of those houses? They are very annoyed indeed that neither the individuals, nor the boards of management, nor the regional hospital boards have any right of appeal whatever, whereas anyone else in any other property which is assessed by a county or city assessor has the right of appeal. What do the Government intend to do to give these people the democratic rights which are enjoyed by the vast majority of people?
If there is a special case which the hon. Lady would like to take up with me, I shall be very glad to have it considered. I assure the hon. Lady that the Treasury Valuer is always prepared to re-open cases where his valuation is objected to, whether on the ground that it is too high or too low, and to take account of any adjustments which have been made to comparable property as a result of statutory appeals. Perhaps the hon. Lady would like to get in touch with me about it.
I am grateful for the hon. Gentleman's suggestion that I get in touch with him. I have already been in touch with the Secretary of State for Scotland. I am glad to hear that the Treasury Valuer is willing to reconsider his decisions, but the important point is that people should have the right of appeal, which they have not got.
We cannot debate this subject now. The only concern of the Treasury Valuer and his department is to arrive at a fair valuation of the property concerned, having regard to other comparable property and to valuation law.
Goya Picture (Duke Of Wellington)
24.
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer if he has now received the advice of the Reviewing Committee on the Export of Works of Art with reference to the export of Goya's portrait of the Duke of Wellington; and whether he has received a request from the trustees of the National Gallery for a special grant towards the purchase of this picture.
I refer the hon. Member to my right hon. and learned Friend's statement on this subject made in reply to the hon. Member for Richmond, Surrey (Mr. A. Royle) yesterday.
I am sure that the whole House will want to join in the expression of gratitude to the Wolfson Foundation for its act of great generosity towards the nation and also to thank the Chancellor of the Exchequer for his part in ensuring that this great masterpiece is in its proper home on the walls of the National Gallery. Will the Financial Secretary explain the Chancellor of the Exchequer's curious conduct with regard to my Question? It has been on the Order Paper for ten days. Why did he find it necessary to get one of his hon. Friends to table a Question for Written Answer yesterday, for which only a few hours' notice was given? If there was such a tearing hurry to make the announcement, why did he not get in touch with the hon. Member who already had a Question on the Order Paper?
I wish to say two things in reply to that. First, the hon. Gentleman is literally the last hon. Member in the House to whom anyone could wish to be discourteous. Secondly, I think that my right hon. and learned Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer has written to him today. The point is simply this. One can be fuller and more explicit and put greater detail in a Written Answer than is possible in an Oral Answer. That is the sole reason. My right hon. and learned Friend has written to the hon. Gentleman and would like to express his full apologies for any unintended discourtesy to the hon. Member.
Will the Financial Secretary tell the Chancellor of the Exchequer that I find his explanation totally unconvincing but I naturally accept his apology? Is he aware that I raised this point only because Ministers are making a habit of this? It is a very bad habit, and I hope that Ministers will desist in future.
Economic Development (Co-Ordination)
25.
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer what steps he has taken since 25th July to formulate a national plan to raise production, promote exports, and achieve a better distribution of wealth; and what steps he is now contemplating to secure the elimination of waste and the fulfilment of essential needs.
I have nothing to add as yet to my right hon. and learned Friend's statements about the co-ordination of our economic development in the House on 25th and 26th July.
Does that mean that no steps at all have been taken? We have heard all about cuts, wage restraint, and rising interest charges. When will some positive policies be produced to raise production, increase exports, and stop speculative waste? Has the Treasury no such proposals?
My right hon. and learned Friend explained when he made his statement that he deliberately did not want to be specific about the machinery involved, because he wanted to formulate it in consultation with those concerned. I assure the hon. Gentleman that my right hon. and learned Friend has not been inactive on this matter since 25th July. In regard to the hon. Gentleman's reference to waste, the new plans for public expenditure will reinforce the drive against wasteful expenditure and will make the economy better able to meet the essential needs to which the hon. Gentleman referred.
Since the exercise of sensible restraint in the payment of increased wages, salaries and dividends and the bringing to an end of outmoded restrictive practices are undoubtedly two essential prerequisites to the raising of productivity, is my hon. Friend comforted by the knowledge that he has the loyal support of the hon. Member for Newcastle-under-Lyme (Mr. Swingler) in both those matters?
I am grateful for that.
Is the Economic Secretary aware that what we have heard so far about the results of his measures has been cuts in the provision of some essential needs, as, for example, a slow down in municipal housing, and the creation of a great deal of disruption in the education service? If this is all the contribution the Government have to make, it will not do much to raise production.
I can only suggest, with no disrespect to the hon. Gentleman, that he reads once again my right hon. and learned Friend's statement.
Income Tax (Schedule A)
27.
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer what is the annual cost of collecting Schedule A tax in terms of salaries, superannuation, office accommodation and all other expenses and overheads attributable to the processes of assessment collection and repayment of this tax.
Approximately £4·4 million.
As only £45 million is yielded by way of Schedule A tax from owner-occupiers, does not my hon. Friend agree that the cost of collecting it is quite disproportionate, and that when one also takes into account the time spent by accountants and bankers in making claims on behalf of their clients the amount of national resources applied in the collection and settling of this tax is really disproportionate?
With respect to my hon. Friend, I think that it would be false to make too much of this. Although these percentages are higher than the average of Inland Revenue taxes, which is only 1·48 per cent., it would be ridiculous to suggest that a tax which costs 3 or 4 per cent. of its total yield to collect is automatically not worth collecting.
Company Taxation (Expenses)
28.
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he will disallow the charging against company taxation of expenses on country houses, sporting properties and leases, boxes at racecourses, and similar items.
My right hon. and learned Friend will bear my hon. Friend's suggestion in mind when he comes to review the whole question of expenditure on business entertaining before the next Budget.
Is my hon. Friend aware that there is absolutely no justification for this sort of thing? There is no need, surely, for my right hon. and learned Friend to wait. Could not he simply make a statement to this effect immediately and satisfy many people who are disturbed about this?
I have considerable sympathy with my hon. Friend on this. Let me make a brief statement now. To the extent that directors and senior employees derive personal benefit from facilities of this sort provided by their companies, they are liable to tax on the costs to the company of providing them with the benefit. So far as they enjoy such facilities in the process of business entertaining, I think that my right hon. and learned Friend indicated sympathy with my hon. Friend's point of view in his Budget speech when he referred to the unhealthy excess in some business entertaining, and, as I have replied this afternoon, he is engaged at this moment in a review of this whole question.
If the right hon. and learned Gentleman does not have to wait until next year to raise taxes by £200 million, why does he have to wait until next year to do something about this?
This is exactly the kind of subject where it is very undesirable to bring in precise fresh detailed legislation before one has examined all the aspects pretty thoroughly.
Will my hon. Friend bear in mind that this matter is undoubtedly a scandal and ought to be stopped?
I have already referred to my right hon. and learned Friend's Budget speech. I suggest that perhaps my hon. Friend also recalls what I said to the hon. Member for Sowerby (Mr. Houghton) on an Amendment to the Finance Bill, that my right hon. and learned Friend has no sympathy with those who regard this subject as something beyond the competence of this House. This is certainly a subject which my right hon. and learned Friend takes most seriously.
The hon. Gentleman says that the Chancellor needs time to study this difficult problem. As we gave him all the evidence he needed on this on the Second Reading of the Finance Bill on 9th May, 1956, together with detailed proposals of how to deal with it—I will give the hon. Gentleman the column reference if he wishes—why is it that after five years we are getting only statements that the Chancellor does not feel any sympathy for this racket?
It is not a matter only of the need for time to consider the problem, but time to consider the precise terms of any legislation which may be necessary.
Government And Local Authority Borrowing
29.
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer if he will estimate the total of Government and local authority borrowing which will be, or will become, repayable on or before 30th June, 1962; what is the total of the corresponding net liquidity from which such sums would need to be repaid; and what amount has been borrowed from overseas lenders which will be, or will become, repayable on or before that date by all borrowers in the United Kingdom.
Apart from floating debt and debt repayable on demand the amount of Government borrowing repayable in the year ending 30th June, 1962, is about £930 million. On the basis of the position in March, 1960, about £1,080 million of local authority loan debt is likely to fall due for repayment in the same period.
I regret that the answer to the second and third parts of the Question is not available.Can the Minister give the House an assurance that, in respect of this £2,000 million of short-term debt, he will ascertain as soon as he possibly can the other two vital factors in the assessment of the situation as regards the national liquidity?
I was in the difficulty that I did not fully understand what my hon. Friend meant by the reference in his Question to "corresponding net liquidity". If he gives me further information, I will do my best to answer it, but it is difficult in any event, assuming that he is referring to the general credit base, to give an answer with regard to a future date. As regards borrowing from and repayments to overseas lenders, which is the second point in his Question which I am able to answer, I am afraid that figures are not available in the form in which my hon. Friend seeks them, because he referred to all borrowers in the United Kingdom.
30.
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer if he will estimate the total proportionate amount by which Government and local authority borrowings which will become repayable after 30th June, 1962, will be advancing in a year towards maturity, on the assumption that all such debts which have a compulsive date will be so repaid on the last date and those with a permissive date will be repaid only if the rate of interest is 6 per cent. or more.
On the assumption given in the Question, the proportion of Government debt, other than floating debt and debt repayable on demand, which will fall due for repayment in the year following 30th June, 1962, is approximately 8 per cent. It is not possible, at this stage, to calculate with any certainty what proportion of local authority borrowing will fall due for repayment in the period in question. But on the basis of figures relating to the position in 1960 about 17 per cent. of local authority outstanding loan debt is likely to fall due for repayment in the twelve months beginning 30th June, 1962.
New Universities
31.
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer if he will now state the location of the fourth new university.
I have nothing to add to my right hon. and learned Friend's Answer of 18th May.
Is the hon. Member aware that his right hon. Friend said that we could expect this announcement within two or three months, and that it therefore should be possible for the Government to make it very quickly? Further, can he assure the House that there will be no pause in the establishment of further university places in this country? We are going to be seriously short of them within the next decade.
I regret that it has not been possible to make the announcement before the Recess. I can only say that an announcement will be made as soon as possible. In answer to the second half of the hon. Lady's supplementary question, it is not strictly on the Order Paper, but I can say here and now that my right hon. and learned Friend's measures of 25th July do not include any changes in university building programmes already announced.
Inter-Parliamentary Union And Commonwealth Parliamentary Association
32.
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer what application he has received from the Inter-Parliamentary Union and the Commonwealth Parliamentary Association for additional funds to enable them to provide facilities for hon. Members to make periodic visits overseas.
My right hon. and learned Friend has received no specific proposals on these lines.
Are we to understand that no request has come from the Inter-Parliamentary Union or the Commonwealth Parliamentary Association for additional funds? Is he aware that I was informed by the secretaries of both organisations that they were making application?
No formal approach has been made for a review of the grant. Lord Munster, as Honorary Treasurer of the Commonwealth Parliamentary Association, has written to my right hon. and learned Friend informally, and to other officers of the Association, seeking their views on an expansion of the Association's activities. I am not prepared to say what advice he has received. [Interruption.] If we are not going to make a distinction between a formal request and an informal inquiry a good deal of our business will be very difficult.
I do not say that the hon. Member did so deliberately, but he actually misled us. Can he say what his right hon. and learned Friend proposes to do, now that this informal application has been received? Is he aware that this would mean only a few thousand pounds at the most? Surely we are net so hard up that we cannot afford that?
I cannot add to what I have said. The House has been made aware of the great need to conserve our foreign exchange at the present time, and the importance of this House setting an example in these matters. Beyond that I cannot go.
Public Works Loan Board (Interest Rates)
34.
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he will make a statement on the revised interest rates on loans to local authorities from the Public Works Loan Board.
37.
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer what changes in interest rates on Public Works Loan Board housing loans are proposed following the latest raising of the Bank Rate; and if he will remove restrictions on the quantity of such loans.
Government policy is that the rates of interest charged by the Public Works Loan Board should be kept in line with those ruling on the market. Market rates have been rising in recent weeks, and Public Works Loan Board rates will accordingly be raised. From Saturday, 5th August, the rates of interest charged by the Board will be:
Per cent. | ||
Up to 5 years | … | 7½ |
Over 5 but not over 15 years | … | 7½ |
Over 15 but not over 30 years | … | 7 |
Over 30 years | … | 7 |
In view of the heavy burdens which will be placed upon local authorities as a result of these changes, where local authorities have received loan sanction prior to the announced increase in the Bank Rate should not the Government provide the necessary funds, through the Public Works Loan Board, at a fixed, reasonable interest, so as to permit local authorities to avoid some of the burden that is being placed upon them?
I can best answer the right hon. and learned Member's question by saying that the normal rules which have hitherto applied when there has been a change in the rates of interest will apply on this occasion.
Is not that a monstrous reply? Is it not going to add 10s. or 15s. a week to the rent of the average council flat? Will it not drive rents so high that many families who desperately need council flats will be unable to go into them?
Unless the rates charged by the Public Works Loan Board are kept in line with those ruling in the market, local authorities borrowing from the Board would be at an advantage or a disadvantage—[HON. MEMBERS: "Why not?"]—as compared with those borrowing on the market. I will explain if hon. Members will listen. Surely it would be unfair as between one local authority and another if those authorities borrowing from the Board could borrow more cheaply than those borrowing from the market.
Who, in heaven's name, does the hon. Gentleman think is responsible for the rates ruling in the market? It was the Chancellor of the Exchequer who increased the Bank Rate last week. Will the hon. Gentleman tell us whether he thinks it is possible for local authorities to meet the enormous problems of overcrowding and slum clearance with Public Works Loan Board borrowing rates of 7 per cent. and 7½ per cent.? Since the purpose of the high Bank Rate is simply to bring into this country "hot" money which we do not need and cannot use, and which causes fresh problems when it goes out again, will the hon. Gentleman tell his right hon. and learned Friend to reconsider the whole policy?
No, Mr. Speaker. The reasons for the increase in the Bank Rate were explained at length by my right hon. and learned Friend in the debate the other day, and there would be no point in my going over all that ground again this afternoon. I am sure that the right hon. Gentleman understands the reasons perfectly well, but it must follow from the policy which has been pursued by the Government since October, 1955, with regard to local authority borrowing, that the rates of interest on loans made by the Public Works Loan Board must be kept in line with the rates ruling in the market. Otherwise, the whole system becomes completely unfair.
Is not it equally true that while rents may be increased savings are increased, as the saver gets a higher rate of interest? Is it not true that high rates of interest are beneficial to savers and that it is the saver we wish to help at the moment?
I think it is recognised by most people who have studied this matter that the general effect of the action taken by my right hon. and learned Friend will be of benefit to the economy. But I should like to make plain that the raising of these rates is not a deliberate measure to restrict local authority capital expenditure. It is simply an action taken in line with the policy pursued since 1955 in dealing with interest rates on loans made by the Public Works Loan Board.
Nuclear Disarmament (Foreign Secretary's Speech)
Q1.
asked the Prime Minister whether the speech of the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs at Buckingham on 22nd July, about unilateral nuclear disarmament represents the policy of Her Majesty's Government.
Yes, Sir.
Is the Prime Minister aware that the Berlin crisis has demonstrated the complete failure of the nuclear deterrent policy, and increased public desire that the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs should concentrate on finding a constructive alternative to this bankrupt policy, instead of indulging in cheap sneers against supporters of the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament?
I understand the hon. Lady's point of view, but I do not think that it is the general point of view of this House.
While the point of view of the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament may not represent the general view of this House, does the right hon. Gentleman think that it is the view of this House that people who accept that view and work for it are paid propagandists? That is what the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs said.
I think that a lot of very sincere people are exploited by the Communists who try to make use of it.
Prices, Productivity And Incomes (Council's Report)
Q3.
asked the Prime Minister what instructions he has given, or is considering giving, to Government Departments following the latest Report of the Council on Prices, Productivity and Incomes.
The hon. Member will have noted from the statement by my right hon. and learned Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer that we have the matters discussed in the Council's Report very much in mind, and we will certainly give very careful consideration to its views. I do not consider, however, that any specific instructions to Departments are necessary.
I welcome that limited follow-up, but is it not a fantastic state of affairs that the Chancellor's actions should be in direct variance with the Council's advice? May I ask the Prime Minister why neither he nor the Chancellor of the Exchequer last week told the House that this Report had been received? Finally, given that the Report is dated 13th July, surely the Government could have ensured by special means that it was available to the House when the debate took place last week?
I think that the Council made it quite clear and emphasised that there was a distinction between long-term considerations and the short-term measures which the Chancellor thought it necessary to take.
When we debated inflation on a previous occasion, when the Minister of Aviation was Chancellor, the only concrete proposal he made was to set up this Council. As the Council has been sitting for many years, and the quality of its Reports is improving so much, why did the Prime Minister not take account of that Report in the debate? Will he specifically answer my hon. Friend's question? Since the Prime Minister and the Chancellor had this Report three days before the debate, why was it not placed in the Library? Had the Prime Minister read it before he spoke in the debate?
I was not allowed to say very much in the debate.
Does my right hon. Friend agree that if there had been a greater readiness by both sides of industry to accept the advice of earlier Reports we should be in a better position today?
Is my right hon. Friend aware that so many Reports of various sorts are presented to the Government and Departments and then no clear and definite answer is given by the Government or by the Departments on the question of the recommendations in those Reports over many years? Will a Report like this one receive the considered comments of the Government? Will the Report of the Plowden Committee similarly receive comments and answers?
I think that both these Reports will be very valuable in the framing of long-term policy, but I do not think that they affect the necessity for the short-term measures which the Chancellor took.
In case the Prime Minister did not hear my hon. Friend's question, can he say why this Report was not published before last week's debate?
No, Sir. I am afraid that I cannot.
Prime Minister (Broadcast)
Q4.
asked the Prime Minister whether, in his broadcast to the nation on Friday, 4th August, he intends to make any reference to the future of wage negotiating machinery in both the public and private sectors of industry.
I hope that the hon. Member will look in and listen.
The right hon. Gentleman can be assured that I will, out of a sense of duty and some entertainment. But does he realise that there are thousands of workers in this country at this moment, and particularly public employees, who fear that the Government are increasingly interfering in the negotiating machinery, in some instances set up by Statute? Will the right hon. Gentleman give a specific assurance that, as regards the teachers anyway, he will not interfere in that way? If he does interfere, does he not realise that he will be faced with a very serious situation in the educational world in September? Does he not further recognise that, in regard to the Government's appeal for wage restraint, the motto of many of these workers is, "Keep your 'pause' off me"?
I am grateful for the valuable thoughts that the hon. Member has given me for the benefit of my broadcast.
Does not the Prime Minister agree that the Chancellor's statement— especially as it concerns negotiating machinery in public industries—is one of the most serious statements ever made in this House? Does he appreciate that in fact it means the suspension of the whole of the negotiating machinery, covering many millions of employees, and that if his advice is taken by the private sector, the same thing will emerge in the case of private industry? Can the right hon. Gentleman tell us when, either in peace or war, British industry has ever been denuded of the whole of its negotiating machinery?
That is a misstatement of what my right hon. Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer said. He appealed for a pause before large wage increases were given without regard to productivity.
Will the Prime Minister give a specific assurance to the teaching profession that the agreement reached by the Burnham Committee will be sustained by the Government without any reduction whatsoever in it?
That is another question, but I think that the Government's position has already been made quite clear.
Q5.
asked the Prime Minister whether, in view of the fact that in his broadcast to the nation on Friday, 4th August, he will be appealing for national unity, he will share the time available with the Leader of the Opposition.
No, Sir. I fear that the right hon. Gentleman has gone away.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that an increasing number of the public wish that he would go away? Is he further aware that, according to the latest public information polls, he represents much less than half our population? In those circumstances, if may amend my Question, will he not consider handing over the whole broadcast time to my right hon. Friend?
The hon. Member has done the best he could with his Question, but he really ought to have withdrawn it.
My hon. Friend in fact did rather better than the right hon. Gentleman. Since the circumstances of this broadcast, which is by invitation of the B.B.C., are a little unusual, will he bear in mind that if he becomes controversial in the broadcast we shall certainly want the right of reply?
That is not a matter for me.
Press (D Notices)
(by Private Notice) asked the Prime Minister what changes in restricting publication of defence matters have recently been made and if they were made with his authority.
A D notice was issued on 27th July, reducing the restrictions contained in two previous notices.
The D notice of 27th July was, like all D notices, issued after agreement in draft with the Press representatives on the Services, Press and Broadcasting Committee. I did not authorise it personally myself.Will the Prime Minister bear in mind that under the guise of reducing it, on the face of it, the restriction would appear to have been increased very much, and that there is a blanket black-out on news? Will he consider suggesting to the Press, the Newspaper Proprietors' Association and the others, that they look at the level of the calibre of their representatives on the Committee? Since we have the Radcliffe Committee, and all other matters affecting security are being referred to it, will the right hon. Gentleman refer this notice for the consideration of the Committee, as to whether it is necessary?
The old notices asked for a general restriction on information about all kinds of weapons and equipment. The new notice specifies the type of information which cannot be published, and leaves it open to the Press to publish any information not specified in the notice. Therefore, the new notice is less restrictive than the old notices.
I will, of course, consider whether the Press is satisfied. It makes its own appointments, but if there is anything in that, we will certainly consider it. Regarding the third part of the right hon. Gentleman's question, about the D notices, which have been operated for many years with agreement, and what rôle they should have in the general security arrangements, I should be glad to refer that to the Radcliffe Committee and ask for its advice as to the value of the notices.The right hon. Gentleman's answer to the third part of my question was not quite an answer to what I asked. No doubt it is my fault. Would the Prime Minister refer this particular notice to the Committee and ask whether the Committee feels it is necessary, since many of us consider that the description given by the right hon. Gentleman is not the description which it merits?
Nobody can deny that it is a fact that this notice is less restrictive than the ones before, which were general in character. This one gives a particular list. However, I will refer both this specific question and the general question to the Radcliffe Committee. I think that it would be of great value for the Committee to advise us whether this is useful or whether there should be some alteration.
Has the Prime Minister considered the importance of the feeling of almost all journalists concerned that the position is exactly the reverse of what he has now expressed, that the old notices were specific and that this is general, and that the effect will be far more restrictive, though possibly it was not intended to be? Will the right hon. Gentleman look at this again, because that is the opinion which is held about the real effect?
The old notices asked for a general restriction on information on all kinds of weapons and equipment and the new notice specifies certain types. I will certainly look at it again, or ask the Radcliffe Committee to look at it. I would call the attention of the House to the fact that the chairman of the Services, Press and Broadcasting Committee is an official of this body. There are three other official members and eleven members representing the Press, the B.B.C. and Independent Television. Therefore, this is not a decision which the chairman can take, or about which he can overrule the Committee. This is an agreed decision of a Committee on which the officials number four against, I think, eleven others.
Orders Of The Day
European Economic Community
Order read for resuming adjourned debate on Amendment to Question [ 2nd August]:
That this House supports the decision of Her Majesty's Government to make formal application under Article 237 of the Treaty of Rome in order to initiate negotiations to see if satisfactory arrangements can be made to meet the special interests of the United Kingdom, of the Commonwealth and of the European Free Trade Association; and further accepts the undertaking of Her Majesty's Government that no agreement affecting these special interests or involving British sovereignty will be entered into until it has been approved by this House after full consultation with other Commonwealth countries, by whatever procedure they may generally agree.—[The Prime Minister.]
Which Amendment was, to leave out from "House" to the end of the Question and to add instead thereof:
"notes the decision of Her Majesty's Government to make formal application under Article 237 of the Treaty of Rome in order to initiate negotiations to see if satisfactory arrangements can be made to meet the special interests of the United Kingdom, of the Commonwealth and of the European Free Trade Association; regrets that Her Majesty's Government will be conducting these negotiations from a position of grave economic weakness; and declares that Great Britain should ewer the European Economic Community only if this House gives its approval and if the conditions negotiated are generally acceptable to a Commonwealth Prime Ministers' Conference and accord with our obligations and pledges to other members of the European Free Trade Association ".—[Mr. Gaitskell.]
Question again proposed, That the words proposed to be left out stand part of the Question.
3.37 p.m.
Not one speaker in this debate so far, I think, has failed to realise the momentous nature of the issue which we are discussing and deciding in this two-day debate. Even though we sometimes find him lacking in certain of the qualities which we consider essential to statesmanship, the Prime Minister does not possess in a large degree one quality which is essential, and that is a deep sense of history. I do not think that he will have missed the parallel between this decision which has now to be taken and that which faced Sir Robert Peel 115 years ago, though I think that, for some of the reasons which the right hon. Gentleman and my right hon. Friend the Member for Leeds, South (Mr. Gaitskell) stated, in the sphere of world politics the importance of this issue transcends even that of the Free Trade issue of 1846.
Our position has been stated by my right hon. Friend yesterday in his speech. We do not oppose the decision of the Government to embark on negotiations to ascertain the conditions on which Britain can join the European Economic Community, but we do utterly reserve our position on the decision which must be taken when the Government return to this House from the negotiations. We set out in our Amendment some of the conditions we regard as fundamental. Frankly, until we know what terms we can get, anyone who can claim to see this issue in simple black and white terms, in or out, is either a charlatan or a simpleton. I regard it as my duty this afternoon to set out some of our anxieties particularly, but not exclusively, in the field of economics and trade, anxieties which, in our view, must be resolved if the final outcome is to be regarded as acceptable. Our Amendment refers without qualification and without apology to the fact that we shall be negotiating from a position of grave economic weakness. It is no good bucking this fact. It will profoundly affect the negotiations. Equally, without going over all the ground of the debates we have had in the last few weeks, the clear responsibility for this weakness lies with the Government who, in unprecedentedly favourable economic conditions, have created weakness out of great potential strength. To be on one's knees through the crippling blows which our economy has sustained and is sustaining is not the right Posture for negotiations which can decide our entire future. The Prime Minister referred to the historical fact that over the centuries Britain has intervened in Europe at times of great crisis, and I think that that is true. He no doubt had in mind, in reviewing the centuries of the past, as other speakers have said, the actions of this country in the reign of Elizabeth I against Philip of Spain and the actions of Chatham and the younger Pitt, two centuries later, but his sense of history sometimes leads him astray. In the reign of Elizabeth I our invisible exports were powerfully aided by the proceeds of piracy—State-supported piracy at that. Today, the pirates are satisfied to batten on the home market, again with State support. The older and the younger Pitt organised the great European coalitions with vast subventions from our national Treasury, but today we have to go cap in hand to the bankers of Europe for loans. So there is a difference this time. In the economic debate, I warned the Government not to regard their decision about Europe as an exercise in economic escapism. We shall survive—inside or outside Europe—only as a result of our own efforts, our own ability to increase production and exports and to restrain costs. There is no escape and certainly no justification for escapism, but what a difference there would be if we were taking the decision not from weakness, but from the strength which should have been ours to command. There has been great argument about the economic consequences of going into Europe or staying out—because the decision to stay out would have economic consequences no less profound than the decision to go in. I shall give my views. We already feel some of the effects. As I said in the Common Market debate a year ago, so far we feel them more in terms of a diversion of investment than in a diversion of trade. From the long-term point of view, I think that there is a strong case for saying that in terms of our own industry and our trade in Europe we may gain from being in Europe. When British industry, which is, perhaps, a little more versatile and adaptable than sometimes appears, has made the changes necessary, we may, and I think that, on balance, we should, gain. But precisely because of our present weakness, I hope that the House will bear me if I do not spend so much time on the long-term economic position, but spend a little time on the short-term position which would result from a decision to go in now. Yesterday, the Government announced a loss of £114 million from our gold reserves in July, almost the worst month ever recorded. It was more than 10 per cent of our total reserves gone in a single mouth despite the special help we are getting from the European central banks. We also read the news of the humiliating necessity of having to borrow—we have not been told officially yet—£700 million from the International Monetary Fund. If that figure is correct it is only £200 million less than we had to borrow in 1946, a year after the war, when our export trade had not been rebuilt and we were still suffering from the shortages caused by the war. Now, sixteen years afterwards, if these figures are right, we are borrowing a sum only a little less than what we borrowed just after the war and which has provided a field of propaganda for hon. Members opposite for the last fifteen years. The reason why I mention this and the amount of "hot" money which is pouring in because of the excessive Bank Rate is its relevance to whether we should go into the Common Market or not. I wonder what calculations the Government have made about the short-term effects on sterling if we go in. We can only guess. My view is that the short-term increase in exports will not be as great as the short-term increase in imports to this country. I hope that I am wrong. In the economic debate, I said that British industry, at any rate in the short-term, is not very responsive to the cold draught of import competition which we hear so much about. If we look at the figures for 1958 to 1960, following the liberalisation of a great deal of our import trade, we find that our imports of manufactured goods from the Common Market countries have risen from a monthly average of £23½ million to £34·9, an increase of 49 per cent., while exports of the same kind of goods, Class D manufactures, rose from £27½ million to £34½ million, an increase of 25 per cent. This may be the pattern if we go in. What of capital movements? Can anyone challenge the view that if British investments and speculators were free to invest in Europe there would be in the short term a massive withdrawal of funds from this country? As long as there is this grave weakness and this imminent fear of devaluation there will always be those, perhaps in high places, who may say that it is anti-British or derogatory to sterling but it makes sense to them. The premium on the soft dollar, the only legal route into Europe in recent months, is one measure of the design. Even if there were no possibility of devaluation, the initial freedom to get into Belgian, French and German securities would mean a fairly big net outflow unbalanced by an equal inflow. Most of these countries have had considerable freedom to bank funds here.The fact is, as the right hon. Gentleman knows, that British investors are perfectly free, through the medium of the soft dollar, to invest in Europe. There is no reason to suppose that after this change they will invest more or less.
The point about investing in soft dollars is that there is a likelihood that as it gets harder and harder there is a premium on the soft dollar, but I do not think that anyone would maintain that there is freedom of capital movement into Europe as there would be under the Treaty of Rome. Of course there is not. If there is, the Government had better look to its economic defences. On balance, I should judge—and I should like to know whether the Government agree—that there would be an immediate and dangerous outflow on current capital account which could quickly exhaust our £700 million loan.
Recently, in the economic debate the President of the Board of Trade stressed the special vulnerability of sterling because of our position as an international banker. He was right, of course. I wonder how the Government view the position of Britain as banker for the sterling area if we went into Europe. Could we still remain as banker for the sterling area? This is an important question, but we have had no guidance at all from the Government about it. The sterling area depends on sentiment as well as on hard cash. It could hardly survive otherwise. If this sentiment is impaired, and countries such as Ghana or Malaya saw us turning to Europe and felt that it would be from Europe, not from Britain, that they would get more and more developmental capital, if they felt that the currencies of the countries which would be supplying them with capital equipment—such as Germany—offered better long-term security than sterling, would there not be a rush to convert their sterling balances at present held in this country, at any rate sufficiently to break Britain's position as banker of the sterling area? This is a very serious problem and I know that the House will take it seriously. I hope that we shall have a serious reply from the Government today. There we have the possible combined effects of a worsening trade balance for a year or two, an outflow of capital from Britain and the breaking up of our position as sterling area bankers—all this happening in the first year or two; it is a formidable prospect. We are told that our capital problems are understood in Europe, that they are willing to waive or defer the operation of greater freedom of capital movement and that they would not be as quick as might be thought to rush into applying that part of the Treaty. I profoundly hope that there is this view in Europe and that it will be made a sticking point by the Government in the negotiations, otherwise none of us can be answerable for the consequences. So much for the short term. I have referred to the long term. I believe that we could gain, but not on the basis of the degree of lethargy and sloth which is still characteristic of so much of British industry today. There is no more dangerous illusion than that laissez-faire and the cold east wind will do the trick. Positive, purposive, economic planning will be needed, as we have frequently and recently stated If I may adapt a phrase from our policy statement, "Signpost to the Sixties", if there is no fundamental change in our internal economic policies, what we are debating today is whether we shall be a backwater in Europe or a backwater outside Europe, and both are an equally dangerous position to occupy. We see evidence that a number of the more progressive businessmen in the country want to go in. I think that that is true, especially some who are efficient and confident that once they are presented with a very big market they will be able to earn a great deal more foreign exchange and to sell more goods. But they are not representative of the entire community, and I do not think that hon. Members can deny for one minute that there are some who are anxious to get in with one reason only—to have a wages showdown which they have not been able to have in the last four years. It is five years since the Prime Minister, when Chancellor, announced his restrictive policy and in collusion, I think, with the the Chairman of the Engineering Employers' Federation had a showdown on engineering wages. That was in 1956. That, of course, failed and ever since attempts to have a wage freeze and a wage showdown have not succeeded. There are some people, I do not say on the Conservative benches, who resent that. One hears murmurings from time to time that we had better get into Europe so that we can have this showdown once and for all. I do not want to identify myself with any particular industrial view on this, but I must, in fairness to the Government, right away give a pledge, While hon. Members on both sides of the House have their constituency responsibilities, I want to give a pledge which we gave over four years ago, when we first debated the original Free Trade Area proposals. We give a pledge that as a party, whatever decision we might take on the broad essential principles to go in or not to go in, we do not intend, whether we decide to go in the Common Market or not, to make common cause with protectionist industrial interests in this country. We will not make mischief about whatever decision is taken by allying ourselves with individual protectionist interests. I gave that pledge four years ago and I repeat it. I have referred to the need for planning. I ask the Government: how far, under the Treaty of Rome as it is, could we undertake the degree of centralised economic management that we on this side of the House feel is needed? Hon. Members will form their own view. I say frankly to the House that as I read the Treaty of Rome, and the intentions of those who at present operate it, the measures necessary to fulfil the policies set out, for example, in "Signpost to the Sixties" cannot be implemented without substantial amendments to the relevant articles to the Treaty. That is my own personal view. This may not worry the Prime Minister very much. I think that that was shown by the levity with which he answered questions put to him by my hon. Friend the Member for Nuneaton (Mr. Bowles) on Monday. But if this is his attitude, do not let him talk, as he did on Monday, of this being an all-party operation. In these negotiations he is acting on behalf of the whole nation, including the 12 million who voted Labour and who voted for planning and purposive economic policies. Even the Prime Minister can claim to be Prime Minister for the whole nation and not just for the Conservative Party, or he would be representing a very small minority of the electorate at the present time. He is negotiating on behalf of those 12 million and millions more who would be voting for these policies if they had a chance of electoral expression today. I hope that the Prime Minister accepts this responsibility. If he is negotiating simply the terms on which a Conservative laissez-faire Administration can enter the Common Market, if that is all he is doing, he will understand if we reserve our right here and now, clearly and unequivocally, to judge the final outcome of the negotiations on that criterion as well as on the other criteria which my right hon. Friend mentioned yesterday. I hope that the Prime Minister will be careful to see how far even the minimal amount of planning which the Government do would be permitted under the Treaty of Rome—exchange controls, control over capital movements and the import controls which may one day have to be introduced, although we all hope not. Even Bank Rate, on which the Government rely, would be susceptible to challenge in the Commission or in the Council of Ministers under the Treaty of Rome. I hope that the Prime Minister will not think me too hag-ridden by references to 1931 if I conjure up the possibility of a situation in which, perhaps, our exports do not increase as much as it is hoped and we go to Europe in a weak condition, needing economic assistance, and in which the central bankers of Europe tell us that we must change our financial, economic and perhaps social policies before they give the assistance. The bankers of 1961 might. might become a central bankers' ramp now. I do not think that this is entirely imaginary. It is a possibility—just as much under a Conservative Government as under a Labour Government, and I hope that the Government are taking it seriously. I intend to say little about agriculture. As far as I can judge—although I am not qualified to judge at all—though big changes would be inevitable, though some sectors such as horticulture and the production of individual commodities such as potatoes might suffer grave damage, in general, as far as it is legitimate for me to express an opinion I feel that the problem of agriculture is not insoluble—though I recognise that some of my hon. Friends with far greater knowledge of, and interest in, agriculture, take a different view. Our present system of support prices and deficiency payments, at least on a national basis, would have to go. But I feel like my right hon. Friend, who said yesterday that when the obvious adjustments have been made it will be the housewife rather than the farmer and the farm worker who will be feeling the draught. I think that that is probably fair. The fundamental issue in the question of imports of food and agricultural products relates not to the British farmer, but to the Commonwealth, and to this subject, which is the central theme of our Amendment, I now turn. During the debate some hon. Members on both sides of the House have accepted rather too easily the decline in recent years of our trade with the Commonwealth, as though it were something inevitable. Last night, the President of the Board of Trade took a slightly different view and was more hopeful, but he went so far as to explain the decline in recent years as being due to what he called historical reasons. He is flattering himself and his two predecessors when he uses that phrase "historical reasons. The cause, in the main, is the Government's ineptitude and their doctrinaire approach to certain problems which I shall describe. Under the Labour Government trade with the Commonwealth as a percentage of our total trade was an all-time high, higher than ever before and certainly higher than it has been since. Right hon. Gentlemen opposite, scrapping bulk buying and long-term agreements and bilateral arrangements, destroying, as they have, the sterling area as a trading entity—that is what they have done—bear the first responsibility for the decline of Commonwealth trade over the past ten years. The second reason is the lack of enterprise and drive on the part of many of our manufacturers. Repeatedly in these debates I have given the figures of the imports of Commonwealth countries into the sterling area, showing how much of the increase which has taken place has been scooped by Japan, Germany and the United States, while our exports to those areas, through sheer lack of enterprise, have been falling. It is no good Ministers standing at the Dispatch Box and complaining about the decline in Commonwealth trade and shrugging their shoulders, because they are very largely responsible for it. It is utterly defeatist to accept as inevitable the recent decline in Commonwealth trade. With the right priorities and drive, it could be sharply reversed. I make no apology for saying that in present circumstances the three Ministers who recently toured the Commonwealth should have been authorized—as Ernest Bevin, Stafford Cripps and I were authorised fourteen years ago—to propose a free trade area to the Commonwealth first, before taking the final decision about Europe. The offer might have been refused, as it was refused fourteen years ago, but at any rate it should have been tried. It has been suggested from these benches a number of times in the past few years. Let us examine this problem of the Commonwealth and Europe. I would like to say how much I welcome the statements by prominent European statesmen that they recognise our obligation to the Commonwealth. M. Spaak said in the Belgian Assembly on 14th June, 1961—I have the text in French and this will be a somewhat limping translation:It may not be a very good translation, but the idea is there. I very much welcome a statement of that kind from M. Spaak. Now let us see what needs to be done to make those phrases a reality. The whole House will agree that there is not one Commonwealth problem, but at least three. First, I take it as inconceivable that Europe could fail to offer, or that the Government could fail to insist on getting, a protocol guaranteeing our dependencies and former dependencies, in Africa for example, the same terms as the former French territories are granted. That would be automatic. Kenya coffee and Ghana cocoa should not be prejudiced as compared with the products of Belgian or French territories, or former territories. Secondly, there is the major problem of the products of temperate zone countries. This is very difficult. New Zealand, Australian and Canadian products face the likelihood of a 20 to 24 per cent. tariff compared with duty-free entry today. That is the essence of the problem, but it is not the whole of the problem, because anyone reading the trading and economic clauses of the Treaty will realise the highly restrictive, even autarkic motivation of the Community. Non-discrimination within the area, yes, but a whole panoply of tariff quotas, import levies and other methods to supplement the tariff provisions, if, contrary to the intentions of the signatories, outside products come in on any scale. All this suggests that there will be a very formidable series of weapons designed to limit the imports into Europe, and into Britain, of the products of many Commonwealth countries. Free trade within the area, yes, but vis-à-vis the outside world—let us be frank about it—this is a highly restrictive, discriminating trading bloc. We should have no illusions about it. It is the sort of bloc which, perhaps, the Conservatives can join and perhaps, with the right safeguards and assurances, the Labour Party could support joining, but why in heaven's name the Liberal Party supports it I find it extremely difficult to follow. It will fairly be argued that the agricultural proposals are still to be agreed and that we can do more to influence from the inside than we can from the outside looking in. It would be unrealistic, when talking of the influence we could exercise about Commonwealth imports over this panoply of tariff walls and the rest, to assume that on this issue Denmark and the Netherlands would necessarily be on our side. This is the most important of the matters for negotiation on the economic side. We are told that the Commonwealth will not suffer. Last night, the President of the Board of Trade sought to console us—and, I suspect, to console himself—with the rather meaningless piece of fluff which he held out to us—"If the Commonwealth is one of the essential facts of our time, I understand this perfectly clearly and no one would wish to face Great Britain with a choice between the Commonwealth and Europe. That is why it is necessary to find a technical solution which will enable us to make effective the maintenance of the Commonwealth and the adhesion of Great Britain to the Common Market."
I would like to be certain that we are not to have to make that choice. I would like to be certain that the Government have not already made that choice in their own mind. Let us strip the problem of all these fair words and get down to realities. I want to put this question, because the Government ought to put it in the negotiations. In, say, seven years from now, on the assumption of going in, do we expect to see as much Australian and Canadian wheat coming to Britain as today, or will it be wholly or substantially replaced by French wheat? The French make no secret of their aim to be the granary of Europe. This question should be put, for it is the acid test of the words about the Commonwealth. Shall we have as much of those commodities coming into Britain seven years from now—or coming in to Europe seven years from now —as at present? Will there be the same amount of New Zealand meat, or will it be replaced by French production? New Zealand butter? This question must be put and answered, because it is the only criterion by which these fair words about the Commonwealth can be judged. This question and the answer to it are vital for us, and many of our friends in Europe recognise that. I understand that some of them, same of the most powerful figures in Europe, are now privately talking of a five or seven-year contract for New Zealand butter and other Commonwealth commodities, just as Germany concluded a seven-year agreement—secret agreement as it was then—with Denmark when the two parted company on the formation of the Common Market. If measures on those lines could be taken, they would greatly assist the solution of the problem, at any rate for a time, and I hope that the Government will not be put off with words, but will ask the question which I have asked and will get a firm answer to it, and that, if the answer is not satisfactory and if some measures of that kind are not suggested, such as long-term purchase from New Zealand, they will come here and frankly tell the House. There is one other equally fundamental question I would like to ask. We have not been told about this. Yesterday, the President of the Board of Trade referred to the position of the French territories as associate members, what the Prime Minister calls "country members". Do the Government intend to press for self-governing Commonwealth countries to be admitted on a basis of association with the Community. Is that suggestion being put forward? Although Article 237 of the Treaty restricts full membership to European countries, Article 238 makes no such restriction and under the Treaty it would not be inappropriate for Commonwealth countries outside Europe to enter this obligation. Can we be told whether the Commonwealth countries told the ministerial visitors that they wanted to be associated with the Common Market in this way? I hope that we shall be given a clear answer to that tonight. I turn to the third aspect of the Commonwealth problem, the problem of tropical agricultural products. What pledges have the Government given, or what are they willing to give, about the Commonwealth Sugar Agreement? That is a clear question and we must have an answer to it. This is one of the vital pillars in the structure of Commonwealth economic prosperity and the establishment of colonial economic prosperity after the war. There was a great fuss in the Chamber, before the change of Government, about the "Black Pact" with Cuba, but at the same time as that was negotiated we had the Commonwealth Sugar Agreement, which owed, and owes, a great deal to the statesmanship and negotiating ability of our right hon. Friend and former colleague in the House, Arthur Bottomley, whom we miss and whom the Commonwealth misses from this debate today, as he was largely responsible for that measure. The Government have continued the Commonwealth Sugar Agreement in their peculiar manner—through free enterprise and operated through a monopoly with a levy and a subsidy and all the rest of the very clumsy and complicated Heath Robinson machinery, but at any rate in a form they have continued it. Will they give a pledge that they intend to maintain it after these negotiations with Europe are completed? Also, what do they intend about citrus fruits, on which the economies of important Colonial Territories depend? We are entitled to know, because it really is nonsense for the Prime Minister to talk about a holy war against Communism. He did not quite use that phrase, but it was sticking out from a lot of what he said yesterday. It is nonsense for him to talk in those terms if he is wantonly embarking on a course which by undermining, for example, the Commonwealth Sugar Agreement and the citrus fruits arrangements will knock out the props which underpin the prosperity of struggling colonial economies. I have stated these Commonwealth problems in terms of hard economic facts, but I should be the last to disagree with those hon. Members on both sides of the House who put the problem in yesterday's debate in terms more of sentiment, kinship and bonds of a less materialistic character than those that I have been describing. The public Press has inevitably been filled with countless articles and letters for months past about all these problems, but for me—and, I think, for many others—the most pointed and moving of all of them was the letter written to the Guardian by my right hon. Friend the Member for Middlesbrough, East (Mr. Marquand), about three weeks ago. My right hon. Friend was Secretary for Overseas Trade immediately after the war. I followed him in that capacity, and I know the kind of problems with which he was dealing. In the letter he referred to the difficult negotiations this country had in the immediate post-war years when we sought to get the food and raw materials that we needed with very little to offer in terms of the steel, chemicals and engineering goods that other countries so desperate needed and that we could ill-afford. My right hon. Friend wrote:"We must not get into the frame of mind of choosing between the Commonwealth and Europe. It would be tragic if this country were forced to make that choice."—[OFFICIAL REPORT, 2nd August, 1961; Vol. 645, c. 1604.]
a very good friend of this country's, Walter Nash—"Then one day I sat down with the New Zealand delegation. I expected a bargaining session as difficult as any other. Instead, the leader of the New Zealand delegation"—
"opened the proceedings in words I shall never forget. 'We have not come to ask you "What can you give?" but simply "What do you need?" When you stood alone you preserved our freedom for us. Now tell us what butter, what neat, what grains you need, and—whatever the sacrifice may be for the New Zealand people—we will supply it.'"
Hear, hear.
I submit to the House that we cannot consistently with the honour of this country take any action now that would betray friends such as those. All this and Europe, too—if you can get it. The President of the Board of Trade last night seemed to think that we can. I hope that he is right, but if there has to be a choice we are not entitled to sell our friends and kinsmen down the river for a problematical and marginal advantage in selling washing machines in Dusseldorf.
Before I leave the economic aspects of the problem—I do not want to go on for more than a few minutes more—there are two other questions that I want to raise. The first is East-West trade. The Common Market, whether we are inside or outside, is restrictive in intent. We all know that Eastern Europe, too, has its common market, a tighter and still more restrictive bloc than anything we are thinking about. All the same, if joining the Common Market means a reduced ability to trade with the Soviet Union or other Eastern European countries, or China, I submit that this will be detrimental to our economic welfare and to the prospects of full employment —and it will make real peace more remote. So, when the Prime Minister talks in terms of a political grouping against the Communist threat, when I recall the way Dr. Adenauer last year forbade us to trade with East Germany while his own businessmen flocked across the frontier to filch our orders, I must admit that I am apprehensive about East-West trade relations. I therefore trust that the Government will tell us that they will seek assurances on this question. The other question relates to the Coal and Steel Community and Euratom. This is a problem which was dealt with by my hon. Friend the Member for Houghton-le-Spring (Mr. Blyton) last night in a speech which drew, I think, a great deal of support from both sides of the House. Presumably it is intended that we should join both these bodies as well as the Common Market, though little has been said from the Government Front Bench about either of them. We ought to he told a lot more about it. Hon. Friends of mine have made it clear that there is great anxiety in the coalfields about joining the E.C.S.C., probably far more than there is about our joining the Common Market. I am bound to ask: what safeguards would we have, if we are to go in, that British coal will not be sacrificed to the special discriminations which will be introduced in favour of Saharan oil? That is a problem—subsidised pipelines, and all the rest of it. We know that there will be competition between British and European coal. That is a problem which has to be faced in one way or another, but now we shall be up against subsidised Saharan oil. This raises some very fundamental questions on which I hope we shall get an answer tonight. Also on the broader question, we should like much more specific assurances than the Treaty gives against the growth of private or even Government-supported cartels in Europe. Some Continental industries take to cartelistic activities like ducks to water, and there are some British businessmen who would be only too anxious to get in on that kind of organisation. I hope that this is very much in the minds of the Government. Before I sit down I should like to turn briefly to one or two of the wider issues which have been raised in the debate, because it is clear that, for the Prime Minister at any rate, the motive is not economic but political. I think that was clear from his speech. Important as the economic issues, of course, are, and the Commonwealth issues with which I have been dealing, I think that our expectations or fears about the political aspects are even more fundamental. First, I should like to take issue straight away with some right hon. and hon. Gentlemen, sitting below the Gangway opposite, who quite simply regard it as an issue of sovereignty. I respect their arguments, but they—and even the word itself, I think—are really out of harmony with this modern age. The whole history of political progress is a history of gradual abandonment of national sovereignty. We abrogate it when we have a French referee at Twickenham. We abrogated it—some would say that we did not abrogate it enough—when we joined the United Nations. One cannot talk about world government in one breath and then start drooling about the need to preserve national sovereignty in the next.rose—
I will give way when I have finished this. Perhaps the hon. Gentleman will wait a moment. All of us have the difficult task of trying, as far as we can, to speak for Britain, but not all of us can speak on behalf of some of the Ancient Britons who sit on the benches opposite.
I am hardly one of them. Will the right hon. Gentleman give way?
In a moment. I may satisfy the hon. Gentleman in what I am about to say.
The question is not whether sovereignty remains absolute or not, but in what way one is prepared to sacrifice sovereignty, to whom and for what purpose. That is the real issue before us. The question is whether any proposed surrender of sovereignty will advance or retard our progress to the kind of world we all want to see.I am much obliged to the right hon. Gentleman for giving way. I do not want to intervene on behalf of ancient Britons, nor about nineteenth century Liberal ideas on supra-nationality or world government. But what about the new Britons spread around the world What about the modern Commonwealth, whose common principle is national sovereignty?
I have been discussing the economic problems of the Commonwealth countries. In a moment I hope to say a word or two about the political aspects and importance of these new countries. What I am objecting to is the old-world style of talking of national sovereignty when really we should be dealing with much more fundamental issues in this debate.
Equally, I do not join with those extremists who have been trying to estimate what Britain will become if we do or do not join the Common Market. Stay out, some say, and we shall be powerless and become another Sweden or Portugal. Go in, say the others, and we shall become another Idaho. But I think that these arguments grossly understate the position and rôle of what Britain is and what Britain could be under the right kind of leadership. The vital issue in the political sense is whether to join the Common Market explicitly or implicitly means a move towards a federal Europe. There is nothing in the Treaty of Rome enjoining federalism, although there is a great deal of supranationalism. But we are right to be concerned about the express intentions of many leading figures in the Six. Yesterday, the Prime Minister quoted President de Gaulle concerning the confederation des patries. We all welcomed that phrase when it was used by the French President, but there are the cautious, but far from meaningless, words of Dr. Adenauer who said that political unity remained the common aim of the Common Market countries, but that he favoured a pragmatic rather than a theoretical approval. One day, he said; it would be found that European unity had been reached. On 8th February the Guardian reported him as aiming at a federationMonsieur Spaak, on 14th June, made a statement and Professor Hallstein has said many times that the final aim is the integration of Europe. On 22nd May, Professor Hallstein said:"with one Prime Minister and a unified policy towards the rest of the world".
In view of these statements and others —and it is for us to select which of these various statements we should accept as correct—it is a little myopic of the Prime Minister to refer to it as"We are not in business to promote tariff preferences, or to establish a discriminatory club to form a larger unit to make us richer, or a trading block to further our commercial interests. We are not in business at all. We are in politics."
But, all the same, we warmly welcome his statement of yesterday associating himself with President de Gaulle's approach and I repeat the declaration of my right hon. Friend the Leader of the Opposition yesterday, when he said:"…a purely economic and trading negotiation and not a political and foreign policy negotiation".—[OFFICIAL REPORT, 31st July, 1961; Vol. 645, c. 937.]
I hope that the Government will be clear about this. There should be no doubt on this federal issue. There should be no double talk with Europe about it. Our position should be stated so that there is no accusation of bad faith, of dragging our feet, of perfidious Albion, if, subsequently, Europe seeks to move towards federation and then, and only then, we make clear our opposition to it. Whatever view may be taken concerning these economic negotiations, I hope that we make it clear that we shall not go into a federal system. I very much welcomed the Prime Minister's condemnation of what the right hon. Gentleman called "little Europeans." We must be outward looking. The Prime Minister is right. This is an issue on which every hon. Member must make up his mind. We have a rôle to play in the world, perhaps a decisive rôle, at some historic moment; in building a bridge between East and West—between America and Russia, perhaps America and China, and we must search our hearts and ask whether going in, or not going in, will best help in that rôle. It is no secret that the United States Government feel that Britain must retire from the task of organising summits. They have told the Prime Minister that. They consider our rôle to be in Europe. I would not deny that that is an important rôle. No one who recalls that the two world wars have begun on the Franco-German frontier will underestimate it. If that is the rôle that the Prime Minister has chosen, can we, playing a leading part in Europe, fulfil the rôle of bridge builders in the second half of the twentieth century? I have referred to the position of the American Government and I understand that it is the firm view of the United States that negotiations aimed at a modification of the Rome Treaty would appear unacceptable to them and that they would be opposed to such a step. Protocols yes, but a redrafting of the Rome Treaty—and I understand that this is being said in Washington officially now—would be ruled out as far as they are concerned. I realise that they are not in the negotiations, but they have a veto in G.A.T.T. It is, therefore, extremely important that we should understand what the position will be. But what of our rôle in the Commonwealth, particularly the newly emerging Commonwealth in Asia and Africa, where our partners will be, and already are being, called upon to play a leading part in Afro-Asian and United Nations politics? These are the questions—the ultimate decisions—which will be as momentous as any in our history. I repeat, we do not oppose the negotiations, but on the Government's success in meeting the economic and political anxieties which my right hon. Friend and I have expressed—and we wish the Government well in the negotiations—we utterly reserve our position about the package that the Government will bring back. On the Government's success in this will depend not only our decision on joining Europe but, I believe, the future standing and influence of this country in making its decisive and unique contribution to the peace of the world.…there is no question whatever of Britain entering into a federal Europe now."—[OFFICIAL REPORT, 2nd August, 1961; Vol. 645, c. 1501–2.]
4.25 p.m.
The right hon. Gentleman the Member for Huyton (Mr. Wilson) ended his speech as he began, by reserving his position as to the decision which he and his right hon. and hon. Friends will take as a result of these negotiations. That, of course, is the position which the whole House is in.
The House is being asked to reserve its position until the end of the negotiations before making a final decision about it. At the same time, it is asked to authorise Her Majesty's Government to enter into negotiations on the basis which we have stated. The right hon. Gentleman went so far as to wish us well in these negotiations and I am grateful to him for his good wishes. But that raises at once the question whether, in view of his good wishes and his own view—which he expressed as long ago as July last year, and which he reiterated today—that it is in the long-term interests of this country to have these arrangements, he should not have supported the Motion, rather than merely taking no part and abstaining or voting on his own Amendment against it. However, I am grateful to the right hon. Gentleman for his good wishes. In his speech he raised a large number of very important points and I am glad that he did so. They are, in fact—many of them—the points on which the negotiations will turn. They are, in fact, the crux of the whole matter; the things about which we shall seek to find arrangements. He will, therefore, not expect me now to say, about many of them, exactly what proposals will be put forward in respect of each of the questions he posed. It is valuable that the right hon. Gentleman should have posed them, but I am sure that he will agree that it would be wrong for me to state any decision on some of those matters at present. I hope, however, that I shall be able to deal with some of the points that he raised. The right hon. Gentleman showed his own sense of history at the beginning of his speech and I think that he was, in many ways, correct. From my point of view, the history is that the first Lord Privy Seal took office in 1275 and, at that time, the lands of Gascony and a considerable part of the Continent came under the British Crown, so that the then Lord Privy Seal was not faced with the problem of how to get a foot in Europe because he had a very substantial foot there already. But we are now faced with the problem of how to reach an arrangement. About one matter which the right hon. Gentleman raised—his statements about the attitude of the United States—I must say that it is, of course, completely untrue that the President of the United States, or any members of that Adminis- tration, have said what the right hon. Gentleman said as far as my right hon. Friend the Prime Minister and as far as the foreign policy of this country is concerned. It is completely untrue and quite unjustifiable for the right hon. Gentleman to have said it. The position of the United States is perfectly clear in this matter: that in various forms of economic arrangements which would be possible in Europe there could be economic discrimination against the United States—in fact, in almost all of them. The view of the United States is that if they can see a strengthening of the political unity of Europe it is justified from this point of view in accepting that degree of discrimination. That is the position and it it quite clear. The right hon. Gentleman the Leader of the Opposition, in opening the debate yesterday, asked why it was considered in Europe and in many other places that in making an application under Article 237 for negotiations this should be a matter of decisive importance. The reason is that Europe recognises—as do most other countries—that if the negotiations were successful and we could secure an arrangement which we are seeking, we should at the same time be undertaking obligations under the Treaty of Rome. It was, therefore, absolutely right that many speakers in the debate yesterday, including my right hon. and learned Friend the Member for Hertfordshire, East (Sir D. Walker-Smith), in a speech which, if I may say so, was powerful and beautifully phrased, dealt with this question of the obligations under the Treaty of Rome and, in particular, with the politico-economic interactions under that Treaty. It is with that part of this complex matter that I wish to deal in the first part of my speech this afternoon, because I believe that it is of very great importance. The three Communities are fundamentally economic Communities, as has often been emphasised—the Coal and Steel Community, Euratom and the Economic Community. At the same time—and I think that this is the first political aspect—they were formed with one primary political purpose, which was, through the economic arrangements, so to bind together France and Germany that they could not again come into open conflict. That was a simple political purpose which we recognise and which we have welcomed. It was because that fundamental political purpose lay behind it that the first Community was the Coal and Steel Community, dealing with the basic industries in those countries. Perhaps I may here say to the right hon. Member for Huyton in answer to the question which he raised—namely, what is the view of Her Majesty's Government?—which I also explained at the meeting of W.E.U. Ministers on Tuesday, that, if it is required, at the appropriate moment we are prepared to enter into negotiations about accession to the other two Communities, Coal and Steel and Euratom. But, of course, it must be realised that the Communities themselves are in the process of considering what their future organisation should be, and they themselves, therefore, are not clear at this moment how they are to develop. Looking at the three Communities, the economic purpose is plain. It is to create a Common Market with common purposes and it is, therefore, necessary to have common institutions in order to avoid unfairness in the operations of these Communities. But if that aspect is clear, then I think that the political aspect needs elucidation. It has always seemed to me that there is confusion between the three different political aspects of the Communities and their work. The first is what I much prefer to call the institutional; it has the machinery necessary for dealing with the economic aspects of the Community and it involves sovereignty. The second aspect is that of political consultation among the Members of the Communities about European affairs, world affairs and the interactions of the two. That aspect does not involve sovereignty—it is consultation between the countries concerned—but it is a most important political aspect of all the actions of the Communities. The third political aspect is the longterm future as to whether these economic and consultational aspects—I apologise to hon. Members; I shuddered myself at the word—of the economics and consultation between the Communities are to lead to a further constitutional development along the lines of federalism or con- federalism, or in some other sphere. Here again, sovereignty could be involved. It seems to me to be important to separate those three different aspects of the political relationships of the Communities. I should like, first, to say something about the institutional aspect and its relevance to sovereignty, because my right hon. Friend the Member for Thirsk and Mahon (Mr. Turton) and some of his right hon. and hon. Friends have put down on the Order Paper an addendum dealing with this matter. The Communities are, in fact, an example of a partnership in action with common policies. It is a common operation, a common commercial policy and a common agricultural policy. It is not a common fiscal policy or a common financial policy. This deals in part with the right hon. Gentleman's questions this afternoon. From the point of view of sovereignty, although we have heard very often in the last 24 hours about surrendering sovereignty, it seems to me that it is a conception much more of pooling sovereignty with others who are occupied in the same joint enterprise. Surrender means the abandonment of sovereignty to others. Pooling seems to me to share sovereignty with other people for a common purpose, and there seems to me to be a firm distinction between those two. It is a pooling of sovereignty over a strictly defined field, and that is laid down in the Treaty itself. I need not go over the scope of Articles 2 and 3, because they will be well known to hon. Members, but it is clearly defined there what is the scope of this pooling of sovereignty. There are, of course, various degrees of pooling. Until the end of the transitional periods there has to be a unanimous vote, and there is, therefore, a veto. To that extent one can say that sovereignty has not been pooled. After that, there is the question of the weighted majority. The Leader of the Opposition asked yesterday about the reorganisation of the weighted majority voting during these negotiations if we are to become members. That is, of course, a matter for negotiation, but I must say that I see no reason to visualise the sort of situation which he mentioned, which is that in the existing situation one great Power and one small Power, under the weighted majority, would be able to veto a proposition, but that if we became members with Denmark we would not have a comparable position to other Powers in the community. I see no reason at all to support the apprehensions which he expressed. The right hon. Gentleman, at the same time, asked about the responsibility of the Commission and said that it was responsible to the Assembly. It is responsible to the Assembly in this degree, that by a two-thirds majority of the Assembly the Commission can be called upon to resign, but of course, from the point of view of policy—the whole policy of the Communities—the Commission puts forward proposals, and it is the Council of Ministers which decides whether those policies are to be implemented or not. So it is the case that the Commission proposes and the Ministers dispose. I hope, therefore, that I have answered the point which the Leader of the Opposition raised yesterday about the independence of the Commission. Although it has certain functions clearly laid down to supervise arrangements which are carried on, it is responsible to the Council of Ministers as far as policy making is concerned. The other point raised by the right hon. Gentleman was whether the Assembly is to be directly elected or not. That is a recommendation from the Assembly. If we are to take part in this, we shall have to discuss it with the other members of the Six and we would not be expected to express views about the policy at the moment. But I do not believe that whether or not the Assembly is to be directly elected is a fundamental matter at this time, because the capacity of the Assembly is only advisory, and therefore, whether it is directly elected or is elected in an alternative way is not a fundamental question at the moment. The alternative way could, presumably, be that hon. Members would be selected by the Whips. It is entirely up to them. I hope that I have now secured complete support for the electoral processes. On this question of the pooling of sovereignty, as my right hon. Friend the Prime Minister said yesterday, and on which the right hon. Gentleman for Huyton commented today, in a number of other spheres sovereignty has been pooled for the benefit of the general policy to be followed by a number of countries, and I am not required to go into that. In the case of N.A.T.O. we have committed ourselves to the fact that an attack on one country is an attack on all. In Western European Union we have committed ourselves for fifty years to keep troops in Europe. In G.A.T.T. we have accepted other certain limited obligations. I do not want to go into this in detail, except to say that this is another example of pooling of sovereignty, although it has particular characteristics in that it is over the commercial and economic field. My right hon. and learned Friend the Member for Hertfordshire, East raised a question about municipal law, approximating it, and so forth. We do this in other organisations. In the I.L.O., for instance, if we accept a convention we approximate our law in order to carry it out. There is nothing unusual in it. It springs from the original fact that we shall be in a joint purpose together in which we are carrying out the same operations. But the approximation is necessary only in so far as it is for the functioning of the Common Market, and there is, therefore, another specific limitation on that. We have examined the general group of miscellaneous provisions under Article 3 with great care. We find that in a large number of cases there will be no difficulty because they correspond to the obligations we are already carrying out. In others it will be a matter for negotiation and, if necessary, seeing that we exert our influence in the administrative working out of policies with other members of the group.Is the right hon. Gentleman proposing, on this very important subject of political institutions, to say nothing about the declaration issued by the six heads of Government of the Common Market countries in Bonn only two weeks ago, on 18th July, a declaration which was more than a declaration, it being really a confederal political act? I do not wish to take too long, so I will summarise it. The six heads of Government decided to instruct their Commission—I ask the House to note the wording—to present to them proposals for giving as soon as possible a statutory character to the union of their people.
Will the right hon. Gentleman go into the negotiations repudiating that declaration or accepting it as the basis of negotiations?I intend to deal with that a little later in the part of my speech devoted to the three political factors, because that is not one of the institutional factors concerned with the economic side of the Communities.
The second aspect is political consultation. This springs from the Six, but, as I have said, there are no questions of sovereignty involved. It is consultation between Foreign Ministers at regular intervals and between the heads of Government at regular intervals. It is growing. It will continue. It is to be organised. It deals with European problems and their effect on world problems. In this, which does not affect sovereignty, we should consider that we could play a full part because we believe that it is necessary in this consultation that our views should be known. Otherwise, if it develops, we may see decisions which would affect us being taken without our interests being fully considered. I do not believe that it can in any way impede consultation with the Commonwealth. Exactly the reverse would be true. Our consultations with the Commonwealth would be strengthened by our close consultations with members of the Six on a political level and, similarly, we should be able to express views to the Six themselves after our experience with the Commonwealth. This we have already discovered in our experience with W.E.U. consultation. I turn now to the third aspect of political relations with the Communities. What is the position in regard to the future. The hon. Member for Ashfield (Mr. Warbey) has just referred to the Bonn communiqué. Will it lead to some other form of organisation? In the Treaty of Rome itself, there is no commitment either explicit or implicit leading to any particular form of constitutional development above the Rome Treaty itself. That is quite clear. It speaks in the Preamble of an ever closer union and it is quite true that that union is coming about through the economic arrangements of the Communities. We see the new organisations working closely together and Ministers working closely together, but there is no commitment in it. That, I think, deals with the second part of the Amendment put down by my right hon. Friend the Member for Thirsk and Malton and others of my right hon. and hon. Friends relating to anyThere is nothing implied, and there has been nothing undertaken by Her Majesty's Government in any of the talks we have carried on so far. No one can foresee the future. If hon. Members have been able to discuss with people within the Six what was to happen as a result of this work, he will, of course, have found that there are widely divergent views among the countries of the Six about how it will develop and to what extent there will be any agreement about the future. Of course, the political consultation is being formalised and an organisation is being created for it gradually, but this, again, is a matter in regard to which no one can fortell the future. If we were to go into it, there would be no obligation on us to accept any particular view. Naturally, we should then be able to use our influence in any developments of that kind which took place. The important thing is that none of this can happen unless there is either an extension of the Treaty of Rome, with additional Articles added to it, or there is a new Treaty. Both these things have to be done by unanimous consent. Our position, therefore, is quite plain. I agree wholeheartedly with my right hon. and learned Friend the Member for Hertfordshire, East that there must be no misunderstanding whatever about it between the United Kingdom and the members of the Six. Our position is plain, as is the position of member countries already in the Six or any country which accedes to the Six. The original members of the Six undertook no obligations, and the position of any newcomers to the Six is exactly the same. They can play their part in working out any developments, but the final conclusion needs to have unanimous consent either in the form of Articles additional to the Treaty or in a new Treaty itself. I hope that that has made the position absolutely plain."implied undertaking to proceed to political union or federation … in any way inconsistent with the continuance by the United Kingdom of its traditional rôle …".
Will the right hon. Gentleman—