Skip to main content

Oral Answers To Questions

Volume 649: debated on Tuesday 14 November 1961

The text on this page has been created from Hansard archive content, it may contain typographical errors.

Technical Co-Operation

Under-Developed Areas (Economic Development)

1.

asked the Secretary for Technical Co-operation what steps he has taken to make known to underdeveloped parts of the Commonwealth the wider facilities available in his Department for giving advice on such matters as economic development.

All British High Commissioners in independent Commonwealth countries and the Governments of dependent Territories have been informed of the setting up of the Department of Technical Co-operation and of its readiness to provide assistance on such subjects.

I am much obliged to the right hon. Gentleman. He will know of the views held on this side that his Department might be even more powerful in these fields. Can the Minister give a complete assurance that he gives this function an important place in the work of his Department and that he intends to make it a real clearing house for advice and information on economic and social developments in areas like these?

Yes, that is my intention. In fact, I have ideas for redesigning part of my Department to meet what the hon. Gentleman has in mind.

Advisory Committee On Co-Operation

2.

asked the Secretary for Technical Co-operation if the Advisory Committee on Co-operation, formerly within the sphere of the Colonial Office, is now under his aegis; what plans he has for further developments; and if he will make a statement.

My Department is consulting with other Departments about the reconstitution of this Committee.

Is the Minister aware that the shrinking Colonial Territories and the expanding Commonwealth Territories, particularly in Africa and Asia, make this Advisory Committee more important than it has been under the Colonial Office, and that we are pleased to hear that further plans are being made for its reconstitution?

I will note what the hon. Gentleman has to say. I hope to come to a decision very shortly about this Committee.

Gambia (Technical Assistance)

3.

asked the Secretary for Technical Co-operation what plans he has made to give technical assistance to the Gambia.

Technical assistance is being given to the Gambia in the form of education, training, and in research as well as by the provision of officials under the Overseas Service Aid Scheme. The advisory and recruitment services of my Department are also available to the Government of the Gambia on request.

Is the Minister aware that when the Gambia becomes independent it will be extremely difficult to maintain its economic strength unless some radical help is given from overseas and that it rests entirely on the groundnut industry? Will the right hon. Gentleman do all he can to ensure that when it becomes independent it is a viable economic unit?

Yes. At the moment, of course, the Gambia is financially assisted principally under the Colonial Development and Welfare Acts, but in the event of independence it would be subject to a technical assistance agreement. I agree with what the hon. Gentleman has said.

Bbc (Overseas Broadcasting Services)

5.

asked the Secretary for Technical Co-operation when he expects to receive the Report of the Working Party on the development of the British Broadcasting Corporation's overseas broadcasting services.

Is not this Report much overdue, and, in view of the intensified jamming of British broadcasting services, is it not time that the matter of overseas facilities should be treated as one of considerable urgency?

I would not say that this Report has been delayed. It is a fairly comprehensive survey, and when I said "shortly" to the hon. Member I really meant shortly. I hope to see the Report in the next few days.

May I ask the right hon. Gentleman whether the Report will be available and whether he will make a statement? Will the Minister say that it is intended to prevent Britain falling still further behind other countries in the amount of broadcasting?

I shall want to see the Report first, and no doubt I shall want to discuss it with my right hon. Friends. I note what the right hon. Gentleman says about it.

Overseas Information Services And British Council

6.

asked the Secretary for Technical Co-operation in which foreign and Commonwealth countries he is proposing a reduction in British Council expenditure.

7.

asked the Secretary for Technical Co-operation whether he is yet in a position to state what cuts he is proposing to make in information expenditure overseas.

8.

asked the Secretary for Technical Co-operation what proposals he has for ensuring a steady long-term development of the overseas information services, and for avoiding sudden and disrupting cuts.

9.

asked the Secretary for Technical Co-operation if he will now state in which foreign and Commonwealth countries he is proposing to reduce information expenditure.

10.

asked the Secretary for Technical Co-operation whether, in deciding the future level of information expenditure by overseas departments, he will make full allowance for unavoidable increases in costs.

11.

asked the Secretary for Technical Co-operation if he is aware of the difficulty of expanding or contracting information work overseas at short notice; and what action he is taking to ensure a steady, long-term development of these services.

12.

asked the Secretary for Technical Co-operation whether, in deciding the future level of British Council expenditure at home and overseas, he will make full allowance for unavoidable increases in costs.

As I explained on 7th November in reply to the hon. Member for Woolwich, East (Mr. Mayhew), it is too early to say exactly how the work of our overseas information services, or the British Council, will be affected by the need to make savings in expenditure overseas. As in previous years, the desirability both of steady development and of providing for increased costs are being fully borne in mind.

Has the Minister's attention been drawn to the very high praise given to the British Council by the Minister of Housing? In those circumstances and in view of the increasing need for British information services overseas to be expanded, is he not making a false economy by cutting down the amount of money available to the Council?

I fully share the views of my right hon. Friend about the value of the British Council. For that reason its budget expanded from £3·4 million in 1957–58 to £6·4 million this year—in other words, it has nearly doubled in just over three years. I do not think that it is impossible to provide for some pruning of the budget of the British Council without in any way destroying the good work it is doing.

Do I understand the right hon. Gentleman to say that it is too early to make a full statement? Is he not aware that in the meantime there is a good deal of uncertainty and that the present time, which is a time of crisis, is the worst possible time at which to make the cuts which have been envisaged?

I said that it was too early because this subject has been under discussion by the British Council and by the Departments and agreement has not yet been reached. For that reason I do not want to anticipate any statement I may later make.

Does my right hon. Friend realise that it is only recently that we have been able to make up the ground which was lost by the cuts of the first Conservative Government since the war? Further, with the increasing number of emerging countries the importance of the work of the British Council is greater than ever.

I fully share those views. As my hon. Friend probably knows, the total expenditure on overseas information services has doubled in the last seven years. It is against that background that the small savings which we are now investigating are to be made.

Would not the Minister agree that with the present Government it is all the more important that we should have somebody to boost our reputation overseas?

Will the Minister reply to the specific question I asked him, namely, whether allowance is to be made for the increased costs of the British Council? Is he aware that unless this is done very severe cuts by the Council will have to be made, which will result in a drastic curtailing of its activities?

I am very conscious of that point. In my original Answer, I said that the question of increased costs had been fully borne in mind. I cannot go beyond that today.

Before the Minister reaches a conclusion, will he consider visiting the Territories, especially those in Africa, and consulting administrators there? He would find not only that any cut would be regarded as irresponsible and absurd but that there is a very strong feeling that, if British influence is to be sustained, a substantial increase in the Vote is needed. Will he please consider this matter with a view to increasing the expenditure and not decreasing it?

I certainly intend to visit as many of these countries as possible. I cannot promise to do so before a decision on this issue is taken. The decision will be taken in conjunction with my colleagues who have visited these countries in recent months.

Nurses, Commonwealth Countries (Training)

13.

asked the Secretary for Technical Co-operation to what extent the services of his department are being used to further the training in the United Kingdom of nurses from Commonwealth countries.

The arrangements which have been in force for the past six years for direct contact between matrons of training hospitals in Britain and prospective nursing trainees from Commonwealth countries are continuing satisfactorily. My Department, in consultation with the High Commissions and students offices of the Commonwealth Governments in London, is able to give any additional help that may be required. There are now about 8,000 nursing students from the Commonwealth countries and dependent territories training in United Kingdom hospitals.

I thank my right hon. Friend for that reply. From what countries are these nurses coming? Are the newly independent countries taking a special interest, as nurses are badly needed in those countries?

If my hon. Friend would care to table a Question I might be able to give her further information as to the break-up and distribution of the 8,000 student nurses. I have met quite a number of them. They come from a wide variety of countries, particularly the West Indies. In answer to the last part of her supplementary question, there are a large number of nurses from Ghana in this country at present.

National Finance

Motor-Cars (Safety Straps)

14.

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he is aware that motor manufacturers have rejected the suggestion that they should supply safety straps as a standard equipment in new vehicles, and that the rejection is primarily because safety straps would then attract Purchase Tax, whereas they would not if fitted later; and whether he will amend the Purchase Tax regulations to avoid this anomaly, in the interests of road safety.

No, Sir. The motor manufacturers' reasons for not fitting safety straps as standard equipment in new cars were explained in correspondence published by my right hon. Friend the Minister of Transport in the OFFICIAL REPORT for 27th April. These reasons are largely technical, and are unrelated to Purchase Tax.

Is my right hon. Friend aware that many lives could be saved if there were more general use of safety straps? It is very unfortunate that the taxation system should act as a disincentive. There was a statement to this effect in the Press by the Society of Motor Manufacturers.

I am sure that my right hon. and learned Friend will bear in mind what my hon. Friend has just said, but I should like to emphasise the last sentence in my Answer, namely, that it is not just a matter of Purchase Tax. One must remember that safety belts are only one of a large number of accessories which are fitted to cars in the interest of road safety.

Does not my hon. Friend think that in this case the motor manufacturers ought to think again?

I am sure that they will take note of everything that is said in the House. I do not think that it is my responsibility to answer for them, but rather to point out that Purchase Tax is by no means the only consideration involved.

If it is one consideration involved and if it is a disincentive to manufacturers and also mitigates against purchasers of motor cars having safety belts fitted, will the hon. Gentleman reconsider the matter? Is it not obviously indefensible to advise and encourage people to use safety harnesses which are designed solely to save lives, their use being strongly advocated by the Minister of Transport, but at the same time to make them subject to Purchase Tax?

I do not think that I can add to what I have said in my earlier answers. I am sure that everyone concerned will bear in mind the feelings of the House. By no means all motorists are converted to the use of safety harness as standard equipment. Many motorists who are converted prefer to make their own choice as to the type and make of harness which should be fitted. There are a good many more aspects than those which hon. Members have suggested.

Shipbuilding

15.

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer if he is aware that the present Bank Rate plus the Export Credits Guarantee Department charge imposes on British shipbuilding firms an addition of at least 10 per cent. extra on the cost of a new ship, that this is handicapping British shipbuilding firms in competing with foreign firms for orders and causing unemployment in British shipyards; and if he will state his plans for releasing British shin-yards from those special burdens which are having these results.

I have nothing to add to what I said in the House of Commons on 7th November, and what my hon. Friend the Minister of State, Board of Trade, said on 10th November.

Does not the right hon. and learned Gentleman realise that in sniping at shipbuilding he is damaging not only one of Britain's major industries but the auxiliary industries associated with it? Would it not be wise for him to discriminate so that, if Britain is to enter the Common Market, she can enter it on a basis which will be just and fair to industries such as the shipbuilding and ship-repairing industries and their auxiliaries?

I assure the hon. and learned Gentleman that there is no question of my trying to snipe at the shipbuilding industry. When one comes to the question of preferential treatment for a particular industry much wider problems arise.

Are not the shipbuilding industry and its allied industry—shipping—in a very precarious condition at present, suffering from unfair competition from foreign shipbuilding countries? Is it not desirable for the right hon. and learned Gentleman to look at this matter again and try to render some assistance?

I certainly agree with the right hon. Gentleman that this is a matter which we have to keep constantly in mind, but when one comes to the actual methods of discriminating in favour of a particular industry one gets into rather troubled waters.

Since the right hon. and learned Gentleman has said twice now in answer to supplementary questions that trouble is involved when discriminating in favour of a particular industry is considered, will he say whether his mind is closed or not, as it seemed to be last week, to the idea of special help for financing capital goods exports generally, of which shipbuilding would be an important part?

That is a different matter and on that question I stand by what I said last week.

Will my right hon. and learned Friend bear in mind that former Chancellors of the Exchequer have discriminated heavily in favour of shipbuilding by granting, quite unilaterally, a 40 per cent. investment allowance for shipbuilding, which is a high rate applicable to no other form of capital equipment?

International Monetary Fund (Loan)

16.

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer what conditions were imposed by the International Monetary Fund before making Britain the recent ÂŁ714 million loan.

I would refer the hon. Gentleman to the reply which I gave to my hon. Friend the Member for Chigwell (Mr. Biggs-Davison) on 7th November.

Will the Chancellor give the House an assurance that the loan was in no way dependent on the pay pause or cuts in the social services, as the Institute of Directors' Journal says it was? Is he aware that the Economist reported that these strings would require the Chancellor to stand by his tough measures, including the wages pause? If that was the case, does it not mean that international bankers were being allowed by the Government to determine our policy?

I tried to deal with the question of conditions in my Answer to my hon. Friend. I said that the only condition with regard to the loan was in respect of its repayment it had to be repaid within three to five years. Apart from that, there were no conditions. I made my statement in the House of Commons on 25th July, and after I made that statement, the Fund agreed to the loan.

But was not the statement made by the International Monetary Fund at the time in the light of—or perhaps in the darkness of—the Chancellor's statement on 25th July, and is not the whole point that the Chancellor was able to get this very large loan only in return for promising reactionary policies of a kind which would please certain international bankers?

It is not a question of conditions or being given in return for anything. There was no bargaining about this at all. I made a statement about the policy of the Government, and after the statement was made, the loan was granted.

Does the Chancellor deny that he discussed such matters as the seven per cent. Bank Rate and the wages pause with the International Monetary Fund before the loan was granted?

I categorically deny that I ever discussed any question of the wages pause or a specific figure with regard to the Bank Rate.

New Universities

17.

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer what is to be the location of the fourth new university.

Company Taxation (Credit Card Facilities)

18.

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he will prohibit the use of credit card facilities being allowed against company taxation for expenses.

I am not convinced that it is the use of these cards, as distinct from cash, that leads to abuse, but if my hon. Friend wishes to bring any cases to my notice, I will of course consider them.

Would not my right hon. and learned Friend agree that there is very genuine worry about abuses with expenses? Would he not also agree that if he put people to the small inconvenience of being asked to pay cash he could close up what could be a very nasty loophole and end what is, I think, in many cases abuse?

I will certainly consider what my hon. Friend has said, but I think what we have to do is to concentrate on the purpose and nature of the expenditure rather than the machinery by which it is made possible.

Decimal Currency

19.

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer what consideration he has given to the proposal to introduce a decimal currency system in the United Kingdom.

Does not my right hon. and learned Friend agree that this matter is now becoming one of urgency in view of Britain's possible entry into the Common Market and the fact that we shall very soon be the only Commonwealth country with an outmoded system of currency? Is he able to say whether he himself is coming down in favour of the idea of decimal currency? Will he say what consultation there has been with the Commonwealth, because it seems to many people that this is very much a Commonwealth matter? As the matter has been under consideration by successive Governments ever since 1799, can my right hon. and learned Friend say definitely that we may expect a statement before very long?

In view of the length of time which my hon. Friend says the matter has been under consideration, perhaps he will not grudge me another month or two. I still hope to make a statement before the end of the year. With regard to Commonwealth consultation, I discussed this matter with the Finance Ministers of Australia and New Zealand when I met them in Accra earlier this year. I am afraid that I have nothing more to add to what I have said.

Has the Chancellor made any estimate of the possible cost of the change-over? Even if it is a large sum, will he bear in mind that the consequent saving would outweigh the cost?

I am certainly very well aware of the consideration which the hon. Gentleman has in mind, but I do not think I will pledge myself to figures today.

While there is plenty in the arguments about the merits of decimal coinage, does not the Chancellor agree that if the country continues to be in the red because of the bankrupt policies of the Government it will make no difference whether we divide a certain figure by 12 or 10?

Since my right hon. and learned Friend has said that he has discussed the matter with two Commonwealth Finance Ministers, would he not agree that this is a suitable proposal for discussion within the Commonwealth Economic Consultative Council?

A great number of members of the Commonwealth have already adopted the decimal system. I discussed the matter with two which have not yet adopted it.

Will adoption of the decimal coinage system be a condition for our entry into the Common Market?

Public Works Loan Board (Interest Rates)

20.

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer if, following the 1 per cent. reduction in the Bank Rate, he will now lower the present interest rates on Public Works Loan Board loans, which are causing increases in council house rents.

As the hon. Member will have observed, the rates of interest charged by the Public Works Loan Board were reduced on 11th November, following the fall in market rakes.

Does not the hon. Gentleman admit that even after that reduction the Board's rates of 6â…ž per cent. for loans up to fifteen years and 6Âľ per cent. for longer-term loans are so high as to make it necessary for councils to charge impossibly high rents?

I do not admit that. With regard to council house rents, the effect of changes in interest rates one way or the other tends to be masked by the way in which local authorities conduct and finance their housing operations. The broad effect of the arrangements is to free local authorities from the need to charge rents directly reflecting the cost of particular groups of houses. In addition, many councils also operate rent rebate schemes for the benefit of poorer tenants. I do not believe that our economic system is a conspiracy against the less well off to anything like the extent the hon. Gentleman frequently makes out it is.

Would the hon. Gentleman agree that in respect of hundreds of thousands of house owners there is no masking the position that immediately the Bank Rate goes up their mortgage rates go up and that although the Bank Rate has come down, their mort- gage rates have stayed where they were? What will he do to protect the interests of young people who are trying to solve their own housing problems?

Dividend Restraint

21.

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer if he will make a statement indicating the response he has had to his appeal for dividend restraint.

As I said in my speech to the House on 7th November, I believe my appeal for restraint is being regarded.

Is the right hon. and learned Gentleman aware that one company presided over by an hon. Member opposite has responded by increasing its dividend to 20 per cent.? Is he aware that it is a brickmaking company, and that if he wants further information he can get it from the hon. Member for Ayr (Sir T. Moore), who is the chairman?

I do not think it is proper or possible for me to deal with particular cases. I am dealing with the generality.

While the Chancellor is dealing with the generality, will he bear in mind that, despite the fact that many profits have been falling, dividends have this year increased a great deal more than wages have done.

That is a different question. I should be very willing to give the right hon. Gentleman the statistics at my disposal, but I am dealing with the situation since 25th July.

22.

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer to what extent it is his intention, in connection with dividend restraint, that a company should not effectively increase its dividend distribution despite an increase in annual profits.

The fact that annual profits may have increased in certain cases does not affect my view that a further general increase in dividends is unjustified. Special considerations apply in the case of trading companies liable to Surtax directions, under Section 245 of the Income Tax Act, 1952.

Would not my right hon. and learned Friend agree that if the dividend of a company is increased proportionately with the increase in profits, the company's board clearly cannot be said to be exercising dividend restraint? Even though it may be that the dividend policy of certain trading companies is liable to Surtax direction under Section 245, their decisions may be controlled by a small number of persons. Surely my right hon. and learned Friend's appeal for restraint should apply to private incomes of that kind as well as to incomes dissipated very widely through the dividends of public companies?

With regard to the first part of my hon. Friend's supplementary question, one must deal with the general and not the particular. With regard to the second part, I could not be expected to encourage people to avoid Surtax by putting profits to reserve beyond the needs of a company.

Chancellor Of The Exchequer (Speech)

23 and 24.

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer (1) who was present at the meeting between officials of his Department and representatives of the Observer newspaper on 30th October; and for what reason this meeting was held;

(2) what steps were taken by the Press department of the Treasury following the report of his speech at Leicester on 28th October, published in the Observer newspaper.

One of my private secretaries, one member of the Treasury Press Office, two members of the Press department of the Conservative Central Office and two members of the staff of the Observer newspaper were present. I instructed the Treasury Press Office to ensure that what I had said at Leicester was made known to the Press.

Will the right hon. and learned Gentleman inform us who actually sponsored the meeting at which he spoke? If, as I believe, it was sponsored by the Conservative Party, can he tell us why Press hand-out issued by the Conservative Central Office and the subsequent reporting of his speech were dealt with apparently by the Press department of the Treasury, and who authorised the calling into a conference in the Press department of the Treasury two officers of the Conservative Central Office? What was the purpose of having two political officers of that nature there? As after the statement in the Observer the Press Office of the Treasury, presumably on the Minister's instructions, issued a categorical denial which was printed in some newspapers and cast aspersions on the integrity of a reliable reporter, will the right hon. and learned Gentleman now admit that the reporting in the Observer was, in fact, correct?

The hon. Gentleman has no business to suggest what he has just suggested. I have never at any time cast any aspersion on the integrity of the reporter. I still think that he made a mistake. I am certain that it was not intentional and that there was no question of there being any bad faith about it. This idea that it is impossible for anyone to make a mistake seems really surprising. With regard to the question about why any representatives of the Conservative Central Office came to the Treasury, under the direction of the editor the Observer kindly said that they would make available to me a transcript of the shorthand note. They said they would make it available and in order to avoid the representative of the Observer having to go first to the Treasury and then to the Conservative Central Office, it was arranged that he could hand it over to both concerned at the same place and at the same time.

But whatever the Chancellor may or may not have said—and I am surprised that anyone takes seriously anything he says—does not the right hon. Gentleman agree that when a meeting has been organised by a political party to clear up any mess—whether done by the Chancellor or someone else —this should be a matter for the party concerned, and Treasury officials should not be brought into it? Does not the right hon. Gentleman agree that it is very important, despite the low standard set by this Government in recent years, to avoid blurring the line between Government officials and party officials in any case of this type?

It is an absolutely ridiculous proposition to say that, because a statement was made at a party meeting, my private secretaries and the Treasury should be debarred of any knowledge of what goes on and what has been said.

Bank Rate

25.

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer how much hot money is estimated to have come to London since the Bank Rate was raised to 7 per cent.; what rate of interest is being paid on it; what is the total cost to the country; if he will reduce the Bank Rate to 4 per cent.; and if he will make a statement.

It is not possible to identify precisely and measure the flow of what is called hot money. I believe that much of the increase in the reserves since July has not been stimulated by interest rates but is due to other reasons.

I have no statement to make on Bank Rate.

If the increase in the money coming into the country is not stimulated by higher Bank Rates Why put higher Bank Rates there? Since high money rates obviously cause hardship at home, and since the increase in funds does not fool the Zurich bankers, why do not we bring the Bank Rate down?

With regard to my hon. Friend's first suggestion, if one were to do what he suggests and bring in an artificially low Bank Rate one would have to bring in also the whole apparatus of physical controls, and I do not believe that that is what my hon. Friend wants. With regard to the question of hot money, and so on, my hon. Friend knows only too well that there was substantial speculation against sterling. A good deal of what came in was not hot money but what is called leads and lags.

Since other finance centres can run their economies on very much lower rates of interest, why cannot we?

Because, as my hon. Friend is repeatedly pointing out, we have a very precariously balanced economy. [HON. MEMBERS: "Why?"] I will tell hon. Gentlemen opposite why and I am surprised that they do not know. We have very heavy obligations overseas by way of defence, we have very heavy obligations by way of aid and we also depend, to a very large extent, on our export trade.

But if the purpose of the 7 per cent. Bank Rate was not to attract money to this country, whatever was it for? Was it intended to deflate our economy for no purpose whatever?

As the right hon. Gentleman knows, the purpose of the Bank Rate is partly internal—to damp down demand—and partly external. It was part of a number of measures designed to protect the £, and that is in the interest of all sections of the community.

Appeal Tribunals (Allowances)

28.

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer if he will amend the regulations governing the compensation payable for loss of remunerative time to persons attending official appeal tribunals in order to provide amounts more closely related to average earnings in industry.

I do not think it would be appropriate at the present time to authorise an increase in the maximum allowance which may be paid for loss of earnings in these cases.

As we have been told so often about high dividends and earnings, is it not time that something was done to bring this allowance into line?

The point is that the allowance is intended not to replace lost wages in full in all cases but to relieve hardship, and an increase at the present time would not be consistent with the Government's general measures for dealing with our economic difficulties.

The allowance is not designed to relieve hardships but is for loss of a day's work for these people.

The hon. Gentleman is mistaken. The doctrine I have just stated is correct.

National Economic Development Council

29

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether, in discussions with trades unions on the establishment of a National Economic Development Council, he is also consulting with unions not affiliated to the Trades Union Congress.

On the trade union side I have only been in consultation with the Trades Union Congress

Can my right hon. and learned Friend say whether he thinks that this country consists only of the T.U.C. and the employers' organisations? Is he not aware that there are many hundreds of thousands of people who are not associated with either? In this great measure to try to secure our economy, should he not pay more attention to a lot of other people who are just as interested as are these bodies, and will he contact them?

I think that the answer to the first part of the supplementary question is "No, Sir." With regard to the second part, I am aware of that fact but I still think that, in the consultations in which I have been engaged, I have followed the usual course. If any of the other organisations to which my hon. Friend is referring wish to send comments or representations to me on this point I am always willing to receive them. Of course, various other bodies have done so, but not those bodies to which my hon. Friend referred.

Would my right hon. and learned Friend bear in mind that the country would be very much better pleased if he took a little more trouble over other sections of the community and did not always refer to trade unions and employers? Why should other people send my right hon. and learned Friend information when he is so busy trying to get the trade unions and employers together? Many of these other people would like to see him.

A great many people would like to see me. I am very glad to see them on any possible occasion and to hear the views they wish to put forward. With regard to this operation, I should like to deal with representatives of the Trades Union Congress and the employers' organisations.

30.

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether, in discussions with the employers and trades unions over the setting up of a National Economic Development Council, he is considering safeguards for those whose productivity cannot be increased or measured and whose improvements in salaries and wages could not be regulated by accepted productive effort.

Discussions about the setting up of a National Economic Development Council are at present concerned mainly about the organisation and functions of the Council. With regard to the formulation of a policy about wages, salaries and other incomes, I would refer my hon. Friend to the speech I made, in the debate of 23rd October.

Yes, but is my right hon. and learned Friend aware that, although I indeed support him in the efforts he is trying to make, everyone would be very much better pleased if the whole policy was put across with greater knowledge, greater humanity and an understanding of the anxieties of many people who seem to have no opportunity—like the supplementary to medicine group and the small fixed income group and a whole range of others —of knowing how their interests are to be protected? Is my right hon. Friend aware that I think that the whole thing has been put across abominably?

I am grateful to my hon. Friend for her help in this regard, for on this question of the classes of the community in which she is so interested she takes jolly good care to see that I know a great deal about what they think.

is the right hon. and learned Gentleman aware that there are 13 million consumers who are members of the Co-operative Movement, and would he consider inviting that organisation to join in this planning council?

I have considered whether it would be wise to have representatives of consumers upon this body. That matter is still under my consideration, but, in order not to raise false hopes, I think it would be wrong. That is my provisional opinion. I think it is much better that this body should consist of representatives of the Government, of the trade unions and of employers, with possibly one or two independents. I am still discussing the matter with other people, and I have nothing to add today.

Reverting to the original question, is it not the case that at the moment only people whose productivity cannot be measured are coming within the right hon. and learned Gentleman's ban? Would he say at what point productivity in the Civil Service and the teaching profession will have improved, and how he will regulate it to the point where they can have increases?

I referred in my original Answer to remarks that I made on 23rd October. I have nothing to add on that point today. I am not disputing that the hon. Gentleman has a point which requires consideration.

Exporting Industries (Depreciation Allowance)

31.

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer what would be the annual cost to the Revenue of accelerating by three times the current rate of depreciation for tax purposes on plant, equipment, vehicles and buildings if granted to firms exporting more than 25 per cent. ad valorem of their output of finished goods; and if he will estimate the effect of such an exports' incentive to British firms upon United Kingdom trade under existing international agreements.

I regret that there is not enough information on which to base an estimate either of the cost of the suggested concession or of its effect on exports.

Does my right hon. and learned Friend recall that last Tuesday he undertook to examine this matter when he kindly gave way to me in the middle of his speech? Since then has it not come to light that examination of the balance sheet of any French major industrial undertaking will reveal that the present French Government are giving this direct export incentive to manufacturers in the form of an accelerated depreciation allowance? If the French can do it within international agreements to which we are also party, why cannot we do it?

Following upon my hon. Friend's helpful intervention the other day, I made inquiries into this matter and I understand that for some reason or another the French are shortly to abandon this system. Whether this is because of its complications or for other reasons I have not yet been able to find out.

Customs And Excise Surcharge

32.

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer what estimate he has now made of the yield during the period 26th July, 1961 to 5th April, 1962 in terms of additional tax revenue arising from the 10 per cent. regulator advance in all Excise duties; and for what purposes such revenue will be used.

When the Customs and Excise surcharge was introduced in July, it was estimated that if it continued in force to the end of the financial year it would yield an additional ÂŁ130 million. The surcharge revenue will be used to fortify the Budget surplus.

What does my right hon. and learned Friend mean by "fortification" in this context? Does he mean that it will be available next April for the very justifiable purpose of reducing taxation? Otherwise, has it not been collected illicitly from hard-pressed taxpayers?

No, I think that in this context "fortification" means "addition". The addition of this sum to my surplus will make it less necessary for the Government to go to the market to borrow money.

Government Departments And Nationalised Industries (Tenders)

33.

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer, if, by legislation or otherwise, he will require all Government Departments and nationalised boards inviting tenders to publish the names of tendering firms and the totals of each tender.

The practice of nationalised industries in this matter is the responsibility of the boards themselves. As regards Government Departments. my right hon. and learned Friend is not prepared to issue a general direction of this kind.

Will not the Financial Secretary be willing to come clean on this matter? Would it not inspire greater confidence that everything is fair and above board if the details for which I have asked were published in all cases where public money is involved? How on earth is the public to know whether these tenders are really competitive unless these details are published? What have the Government got to hide?

I am satisfied that this is a matter which must be left to Departments to decide in the light of the various circumstances of Government contracts. If the hon. Member would like to correspond with me or to see me about the matter, I shall be prepared to discuss it with him further.

Provincial Theatres (Financial Assistance)

34.

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he will make a statement on the financial assistance he will give to provincial theatres.

Yes, Sir. Subject to the approval of Parliament, I propose to make provision in next year's grant-in-aid to the Arts Council for an additional sum of ÂŁ150,000 to provide further Government assistance to provincial theatres.

While expressing what I know will be general appreciation of that action, may I ask the Chancellor whether he is prepared to consider sympathetically applications from local authorities who want to acquire theatres which are perhaps threatened by site developers?

I will consider that suggestion. Perhaps the hon. Gentleman will communicate with me about it.

Will the Arts Council be completely free to allocate this money as it thinks fit?

Speaking without notice, I think it is. I think it is within the discretion of the Arts Council, we having decided on the amount, to deal with its application.

Commonwealth (Migration)

Q1.

asked the Prime Minister whether he approached other Commonwealth Prime Ministers with the suggestion of a full conference on migration in the Commonwealth before deciding to introduce legislation limiting migration to Britain.

No, Sir. It seemed better to approach other Commonwealth Governments through the normal diplomatic channels.

Would it not have been advisable to have tried to get voluntary agreement with the Commonwealth on this issue? Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that in a telegram that I have with me the Prime Minister of Jamaica has made it clear that he did not receive the courtesy of any consultation on the content of this Bill? What is the Commonwealth going to be reduced to if Commonwealth Premiers have to confess their embarrassment at being treated in this way by the British Prime Minister?

The Question relates to a full Commonwealth conference, which I assume means that a conference of Commonwealth Prime Ministers should be summoned. We have continuous consultation and exchanges with Commonwealth Governments on many matters, and on this matter also, but of course in this case the Premier of Jamaica would not have attended a Prime Minister's conference.

Would not the Prime Minister agree that the withdrawal of the right of free entry of Commonwealth citizens to this country is a very vital change in the whole situation of the Commonwealth? Does it not occur to the right hon. Gentleman that it would have been advisable to have had this matter discussed fully at a Prime Ministers' conference, bringing into it, if it was desirable, the Prime Ministers of Colonies about to obtain their independence, before any decision was taken upon it? Will the right hon. Gentleman bear in mind that this matter affects not only Jamaica but every country in the Commonwealth?

Yes, of course, but I do not think it was really practicable, in view of the large number of questions which come up, to say that we can only deal with this matter in a Prime Ministers' conference. We have the closest consultation all the time on a large number of matters, including this one. I think it would merely hamper co-operation if we could not deal with questions except by a Prime Ministers' conference. As the right hon. Gentleman knows, there is the very big question involved of calling and finding the right day for a Prime Ministers' conference.

Would not my right hon. Friend agree that the Prime Ministers of Australia, New Zealand and Canada would find it very embarrassing to be called to give advice on this subject when they themselves have got far greater restrictions than we are proposing to impose? Would not my right hon. Friend also agree that the other Prime Ministers are exporters of migration and, therefore, have a biassed point of view on the subject?

Consultation goes on all the time. We gave notice some time before we discussed this matter that we were going to deal with it. It must go on all the time and cannot be reserved merely for Prime Ministers' conferences. A number of questions of detail have to be worked out between ourselves and other Commonwealth Governments before the Bill, if passed, can be put into operation.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that this reply is totally unconvincing? Is he also aware that some of us at least regard the right of free entry to the mother country as of very special importance to the Commonwealth and not to be dismissed merely because certain other Commonwealth countries do not apply the same principle in every case? Is the right hon. Gentleman further aware that it would be extremely desirable that these matters should not only be discussed but, as far as possible, agreed with the leading citizens of the Commonwealth, notably the Prime Ministers, before a step of this kind is taken? Will he please reconsider the whole matter, even at this late stage, in order to try to reach agreement within the Commonwealth?

On the principle of the Bill, I would have preferred to have had a longer period for consultation, but we took the normal steps and I am bound to say that, owing to the rapid increase in the number of immigrants, the introduction of the Bill, in our view, became a matter of urgency. As to its application, there will be continued consultation on the details. However, the matter has got to be discussed the day after tomorrow, and I should like it to rest there for the moment.

In view of what the Prime Minister has said about the Prime Minister of Jamaica not being called into consultation, is he aware that I have had a letter from the Prime Minister of the Federation, Sir Grantley Adams, in which he tells me that he was merely informed of the Government's intention to introduce this legislation and, further, that the Government asked him to keep it as something confidential, so that he could not publish the protest which he had made to Her Majesty's Government? Is this the way to treat a loyal member of the Commonwealth?

I do not know the details of this, but I know that I myself, when I was in the West Indies, discussed the question in March and warned them that it might be necessary for the British Government to deal with the matter and, some weeks before the decision was announced, all the Commonwealth countries were informed.

Does the Prime Minister realise that what he has just said about himself not being fully informed on the details of the matter is really an astonishing statement? Does he not appreciate that we expect the Prime Minister of this country, before taking a step of this importance, to familiarise himself with the details? Why is he proceeding with such indecent haste? Is it just because of the Tory Party conference?

The right hon. Gentleman is trying to read into what I said what I did not say. I said that I was not informed of the correspondence which had passed between the Prime Minister of the West Indies Federation and a private Member of the House.

Collieries, Scotland (Closure)

Q2.

asked the Prime Minister whether he is aware of the concern in Scotland about the social repercussions of the proposed closures of Scottish pits, the loss to local authorities on housing accommodation specially provided and the probability of additional unemployment; and whether he will set up an inquiry into the problems, with a view to recommending remedial action.

I am aware of the concern in Scotland about the National Coal Board's proposals to close more Scottish pits. But I am informed that the Board has indicated that alternative work will be available within travelling distance of their homes for the great majority of those affected. In the circumstances, I see no need to set up an inquiry on the lines suggested by the right hon. Gentleman.

Is the Prime Minister aware that nearly 2,000 families have moved from their original places of residence in order to carry out the coal mining development plans of the Government and that, these plans having now been suddenly changed, there is apprehension that at least two practically new towns will be rendered almost derelict if the people have to move away to where their new jobs will be? It is not just a matter for the Coal Board or a matter of trying to get miners to keep going down the pits—not a pleasant occupation—but there are social consequences which will result from the change. Is the Prime Minister prepared to get the Secretary of State for Scotland, the President of the Board of Trade, the Coal Board and the Minister of Labour to sit down together in order to prepare a comprehensive plan to ensure that the change is conducted without hardship and great suffering?

That, of course, is already being done. I remind the right hon. Gentleman that in 1960 44 pits were closed. By early 1961 all except 250 of the men affected had found new jobs. Under this plan, of the 16 closures announced 9 are very small employing 200 men or less. As regards the new town of Glenrothes, I understand that the development of the town has, since 1959, been directed towards general industrial development, linked with overspill from Glasgow.

Does the Prime Minister realise that a considerable amount of money has been invested here, particularly in the new colliery of Rothes, and that what we are asking for is an impartial inquiry independent of either the Coal Board or the Ministry of Power which have their axes to grind, so that we may be quite sure who is responsible for the waste of public money? Is he aware that the people in Glenrothes, the new town, are deeply anxious about the prospects of future development there?

I think that what I said about the new town covers that point. The Coal Board and the Ministry of Power have to carry out their duties in accordance with the Acts. As regards trying every possible way to mitigate the results of closures, whether in England or in Scotland, I think that the House must recognise the very remarkable way in which a considerable fall in the total employment of miners has been taken up by their employment elsewhere.

On a point of order, Mr. Speaker. The Prime Minister misunderstood the reference to a new town. The colliery which is being closed down is Glen Ochil, which has a town called Tillicoultry built to house the occupants—

Foreign Secretary (Speech)

Q3.

asked the Prime Minister whether the speech by the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, at Carluke on 3rd November, about the United Kingdom's defence potential, represents the policy of Her Majesty's Government.

Does that Answer mean that the Prime Minister approves of the speech of the Foreign Secretary, which was reported by The Times under the headline

"Britain's Power to Blast Russia"?
Is the Foreign Secretary trying to compete with Marshal Malinovsky for the Nobel Peace Prize? If this is the best contribution which the Foreign Secretary can make to international harmony today, is it not time that the Prime Minister told him to speak at weekends merely on grouse shooting and salmon fishing?

The hon. Gentleman's second barrel is always worse than the first. He must try to improve his style; he has been going off a bit lately.

It seemed to me that the Foreign Secretary's speech was very well balanced, and I do not think that it would be disagreed with by at any rate four-fifths of the party opposite.

China (United Nations Representation)

Q4.

asked the Prime Minister if he will consult the other Commonwealth Prime Ministers with a view to making a joint proposal for the seating of the Pekin Government during the current session of the United Nations.

The question at issue is whether China shall be represented in the United Nations, as hitherto, by the Nationalist Chinese authorities in Formosa or by the Government of the Chinese People's Republic. Her Majesty's Government's views on this are well known; but, as I have said before, this is a complex matter on which differing views have been held within the Commonwealth. We have, naturally, discussed this problem with Commonwealth Governments and, now that the United Nations General Assembly is shortly to consider the issue, we are in close touch with Commonwealth and other delegations at the United Nations.

In view of the fact that twelve years have passed since Her Majesty's Government first recognised the Pekin Government as the legal Government of 600 million Chinese, and in view of the mounting evidence that the majority of the United Nations have come to feel that it is a dangerous absurdity to treat the Formosa Government as the legal representative of more, now, than 600 million Chinese, can the Prime Minister tell us whether Her Majesty's Government now propose to take an initiative to bring this dangerous and absurd situation to an end?

As the hon. Gentleman knows, it is a very complex situation. It is our objective and, I believe, that of our friends, to devise an honourable solution acceptable as far as possible to all the parties.

In view of the tragic menace which faces the whole continent of Asia, will the Prime Minister give the House his assurance that nothing will occur to widen the present divergence of policy between Her Majesty's Government and the Government of the United States on this matter, which is of paramount importance to at least a third of the human race?

Of course, that is one of the complexities of the situation. Broadly speaking, we have expressed our views. We hope that we shall be able to devise a satisfactory solution, but we have to take into account the general state of the world and of the problems which face us. I still hope that it may be possible to find a solution which is generally acceptable.

In view of the fact that all the Asian members of the Commonwealth have declared themselves in favour of the admission of the Pekin Government and that General Ayub Khan made a powerful plea on this matter during a recent meeting he had with the United States Congress, does not the Prime Minister feel that Her Majesty's Government now owe a duty to the Commonwealth to try to get some action?

The first thing would be to get agreement within the Commonwealth.

Berlin

Q5.

asked the Prime Minister what recent consultations he has had with President Kennedy concerning the urgent need for negotiations over Berlin.

Our two Governments have maintained the very closest co-operation at all levels over the problem of Berlin, and the President and I are in very close contact.

In view of the very wide area of agreement between Russia and the West revealed in the recent conversation between the German Ambassador and Mr. Gromyko, and in view of the fact that delay in starting negotiation can only further undermine the morale of the people of West Berlin themselves, does not the Prime Minister feel that the time has come when Britain, the United States and Western Germany should take the initiative in starting formal negotiations on the subject? Particularly having regard to the unjustified criticism of the West German Ambassador's action in Moscow, will the Prime Minister make clear that Her Majesty's Government, at least, welcome and do not deplore this sign of a new flexibility in the attitude of the West German Government?

As the hon. Gentleman knows, one of the difficulties is that there has not been, until a few days ago, a German Government, which resulted from the election, with a new Chancellor. That has been resolved. I understand that Dr. Adenauer is to see the President next week. I also hope to see President de Gaulle here next week, and I am hopeful that it will be possible to make progress.

Would not the Prime Minister ask the British Ambassador in Moscow to find out whether these new proposals which have been reported in the Press are serious proposals put forward by the Soviet Government?

It is no doubt a great relief to all of us to hear that that is the case. Surely the Prime Minister can indicate whether he has asked our Ambassador to make specific inquiries on this point.

I think that the right hon. Gentleman knows the difficulties of the situation, the hopes of progress and indeed the certain easing of the position that there has been recently. I do not know whether his questions are intended to help, but I am bound to say that, if I were to answer them as I am pressed, it would only injure what we are trying to do.

Surely the right hon. Gentleman is not suggesting that the delay in forming a West German Government is the cause of the trouble. As this seems to me to be far beyond a party matter—there is no partisanship in this—may I plead with the right hon. Gentleman to initiate negotiations? What is the cause of the trouble? Is it delay on the part of the United States or Her Majesty's Government, or is it Dr. Adenauer or President de Gaulle? Ought we not to get ahead with these negotiations?

I think that progress has been made in recent weeks. I am very hopeful that we shall get an agreed Western position. At that point negotiations in one form or another at one level or another can begin. But I do not think that it would be helpful if I were to go into detail in answer to the right hon. Gentleman, however well meant his question, as to some of the reasons for the delay.

Would not the right hon. Gentleman agree that at least in the past the delay in the commencement of negotiations has been caused by the failure of the Western Powers to agree among themselves as to what they want? It is very difficult, is it not, to have negotiations if we do not know what we want to achieve by them? Can the right hon. Gentleman tell us, without going into details, whether the Western Powers have reached any kind of agreement among themselves on the sort of constructive proposals that they should make as an alternative to the Russian proposals?

Is the Prime Minister aware that the recent proposals which are reported to have come from Moscow seem to many of us to be relatively helpful and constitute an advance on the previous situation, and that it would therefore be a good thing if those proposals were put forward officially? Is he further aware that I asked whether he would instruct our Ambassador to make inquiries precisely for that reason, because I believe that this might help the development of negotiations over Berlin?

I think that these new developments are helpful, and I think that after the next stages that I have described we may be able to make further progress. What I am very anxious about is that we should have, first of all, an agreed basis of the Western position and an agreed procedure as to the most helpful method of obtaining our end. That is as important as the question of an agreed basis.