Local Government
Ice Cream Vans (Chimes)
2.
asked the Minister of Housing and Local Government and Minister for Welsh Affairs if he will introduce legislation to prohibit ice-cream vans from playing signature tunes indiscriminately, and thereby reduce unnecessary noise.
No, Sir. It is already an offence under Section 2 of the Noise Abatement Act, 1960, to operate these chimes outside the hours of 12 noon—7 p.m. or within these hours in such a manner as to give reasonable cause for annoyance.
In my constituency, where the inhabitants are mainly shift workers, these ice-cream vans travel about during the day and night. In spite of instructions issued by the Ice Cream Federation in which ice-cream vendors were asked not to sound these chimes in areas where shift workers were asleep, it is still going on. Will my right hon. Friend review the working of the Act?
The Act has been in force for one year only and I think it premature to consider amending it, although I appreciate what my hon. and gallant Friend says.
Green Belt, Chigwell
3.
asked the Minister of Housing and Local Government and Minister for Welsh Affairs if he will give the number, and details, of the applications by public authorities, since 1951, to build on the Metropolitan Green Belt within the Chigwell Parliamentary constituency; and what was the result of these applications.
I am afraid that this information is not available.
Is my hon. Friend aware that many of my constituents will not be wholly satisfied with that reply? There is great anxiety among them, both in the Chigwell Urban District and in the Epping and Ongar Rural District, about what seems to be the increasing tendency of public authorities and institutions to encroach on the Metropolitan Green Belt? Anything that can be done to allay this anxiety will be more welcome than my hon. Friend's answer.
I do not think that my hon. Friend's constituents need be unduly disturbed. They can, of course, get a great deal of information from the registers which the local authorities keep, if they so desire.
Wallsend (Development)
5.
asked the Minister of Housing and Local Government and Minister for Welsh Affairs if he is aware of the general dissatisfaction in the Wallsend area regarding the lack of progress on the Northumberland County Development plan, with particular reference to Wallsend; and what progress is now being made with the plan.
I know that Wallsend is concerned to get on with its main shopping area. A decision letter which will enable it to do this is being issued today.
I will deal with the remainder of the North Tyneside Town Map as quickly as possible.I thank the Minister.
Leasehold System, Wales
6.
asked the Minister of Housing and Local Government and Minister for Welsh Affairs whether he will consult Welsh local authorities on the question of the working of the leasehold system in Wales.
I will gladly consider any views which Welsh local authorities send me on the subject of the leasehold system.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that that accommodating reply will be very favourably received in the Principality? Is he further aware that the Welsh people, while realising that he is still somewhat new to his present office, none the less hope that he will give urgent and sympathetic consideration to this problem which is of top priority among the people of the Principality?
The hon. Gentleman has made me fully aware of the importance that he attaches to this problem, but there is nothing further that I wish to say about it today.
Will the Minister say whether or not he has consulted the Council for Wales, which is a body to advise the Government on major Welsh issues, about this matter? If he has not, will he do so forthwith?
Quite frankly, there is no need for further consultation to demonstrate the feeling which has been expressed on this subject.
7.
asked the Minister of Housing and Local Government and Minister for Welsh Affairs whether he will conduct a plebiscite in Wales on the question of leasehold reform.
No, Sir.
Is the Minister aware that I am not surprised at his reply? Is he further aware that the petition that I recently presented to the House would be supported by a very large number of people if there were a plebiscite in Wales? Since the Government foisted on us a plebiscite on Sunday opening, it would be interesting if they gave us a really important subject on which to vote.
I am aware of the hon. Gentleman's passions for plebiscites, but this is too complicated a topic to be dealt with in that way.
The ratepayers of Wales would far more readily bear the burden of a referendum on this issue than on Sunday opening.
That may be, but there is not going to be a plebiscite.
River Calder, Castleford
8.
asked the Minister of Housing and Local Government and Minister for Welsh Affairs what steps he proposes to take on a short-term basis, pending the Report by the Standing Committee on Detergents, to mitigate the nuisance caused by foam blowing off the River Calder into the main shopping centre of the borough of Castleford, Yorkshire.
We advised the Borough Council of Castleford in October on steps that can be taken to deal with the situation on a short-term basis.
I know that this is a difficult problem, but the foam is a threat to the business community of the town, apart from being a nuisance to the well-being of some of the traders. However, would the Parliamentary Secretary lend his support if an approach were made to the British Transport Commission to reduce the level at the weir and thus avoid the breaking up of the water which is causing the foam to become airborne?
I appreciate that is a difficult problem. We have given our advice to the local authority. It is for the local authority to act on it if it sees fit. Modification of the weir is possible, but I think that it would be much too expensive.
Office Development, London And South-East England
10.
asked the Minister of Housing and Local Government and Minister for Welsh Affairs how many planning applications for office development in the London region he has called in in the past five years because he was not satisfied they complied with planning policy in the area.
Forty-three.
Since the withholding of planning consent is the only effective means of controlling office development in south-east England, would the Minister indicate how far he has informed the planning authorities in the area that he will uphold their decisions if they refuse consent to office applications which might attract workers to already overcrowded areas of overfull employment, and that he will call in, if necessary, any applications of that nature for his personal consideration?
The hon. Lady will, I think, appreciate that one cannot, and must not, announce in advance the decision which one will reach on all such applications before the details are available. In general, I regard this as a problem that needs to be solved and I am doing my utmost, in the first instance through the amendments proposed for the London Development Plan, to apply pressure to reduce the growing amount of office accommodation in London.
26.
asked the Minister of Housing and Local Government and Minister for Welsh Affairs what measures the Government propose to take restrain office development in Greater London and South-East England.
The problems resulting from office development arise mainly in the central area of London. It is the policy of the Government and of the local planning authorities concerned to limit expansion there by restricting both the areas zoned for offices and the size of office buildings, and by rigid control over changes to office use from other uses, particularly from residential use.
The proposals for the amendment of the Greater London Plan at present before me contain proposals which I am examining for the further tightening of control over office accommodation in the central area. I am also considering the question whether anything more can in practice be done.Can the Minister give any details of how this policy will be carried out and how he proposes to tighten this control? In particular, is he aware that one of the many obstacles to any progress at the moment is the enormous financial compensation which local authorities have to pay if they refuse the necessary permission?
In answer to the first part of the supplementary question, I would say, without going into details, for they are a matter for consultation with London County Council, that the suggestions include cutting down the office zones, and the requirement of replacement of any residential accommodation on redevelopment. In answer to the second point, I realise the difficulties caused by the Third Schedule of the 1947 Act, under which there is to be compensation if a 10 per cent. increase is not allowed on reconstruction. Unfortunately, that 10 per cent. is interpreted in cubic space rather than in floor space.
Will my right hon. Friend take account of the fact that although office building uses only about 6 per cent. of the building force, that activity is concentrated in a few areas, including London and the Midlands, and to that extent is a serious problem?
I recognise that and I look at this mainly as a London problem, but I also recognise that there is a good case for replacing some of this out-of-date office accommodation.
Even though the 1947 Act was passed by a Labour Government, may I ask the right hon. Gentleman whether he will not look at the possibility of amending it, particularly with regard to the 10 per cent.?
Without particularly making any point about that, I am looking at this question.
Green Belts (Schools)
13.
asked the Minister of Housing and Local Government and Minister for Welsh Affairs whether he is aware that there is doubt as to the meaning of his Circular 42/55 about green belts, which mentions institutions standing in extensive grounds as being appropriate to a rural area; and whether this description applies to all new schools, regardless of their character.
The objects of the green belt policy are, I think, well understood. Whether a particular school should be allowed in a green belt will depend largely on the circumstances of the individual case and is, I suggest, best left to the local planning authority.
Is my right hon. Friend aware that there are many, like myself, who support the green belt policy but that there is anxiety about the encroachment into it by local authorities, for example, who naturally are tempted to do so because of the cheaper price of land, and even by his own Department? Would it not be better to clear up the wording of the circular?
To be more precise than in Circular 42 would be to reduce the discretion of those who know best—the local planning authorities.
Greater London (Population)
18.
asked the Minister of Housing and Local Government and Minister for Welsh Affairs his present estimate of the population of Greater London in 1971; the current net rate of migration of population from Greater London; and how far these figures accord with the original estimates in the Greater London Plan.
I estimate that the population of the London conurbation, as defined for census purposes, will be rather less than 8 million people in 1971. The net rate of migration from this area during the last ten years has been more than 50,000 persons annually. Separate estimates are not available for the area covered by the Greater London Plan—the Abercrombie Report.
Do these figures show that there will be much greater pressure on living space in the Home Counties than was first anticipated? If so, what action is being taken now to meet these changed circumstances?
I think that my hon. Friend is right in the assumption he makes. Broadly speaking, the step now being taken following the circular to local authorities is a scrutiny with the planning authorities of the development plans with a view to bringing more and more land into development.
Have the Government any proposals for dealing with this serious congestion in population in this part of the country? What proposals have the Government for dealing with the intensification of the housing shortage which is thereby caused?
That is outside the scope of this Question, relating to estimates of population, but it is dealt with in another Question on the Order Paper.
As the relevant area from the point of view of living and working is not just Greater London, but the whole of the south-east corner of these islands, as I think the right hon. Gentleman would agree, can he hold out any hope that there will not be a still further large increase in the population of this area between now and 1971?
He would be a bold man who would forecast with firmness what will happen. I agree with the right hon. Gentleman that this is an important issue. A detailed study is being made of the whole of the south-east, which is the appropriate area to be studied for this purpose.
Buildings Of Architectural Or Historic Interest
19.
asked the Minister of Housing and Local Government and Minister for Welsh Affairs how frequently the lists of buildings of architectural or historic interest are revised.
No systematic revision of the existing lists of buildings of special architectural or historic interest has yet begun, though my right hon. Friend does, of course, make any necessary additions as they come to light.
Will my hon. Friend ensure that before supplementary lists are published, they are looked at and checked carefully in view of the fact that recently a well-known inn which had been demolished for two years was included in such a list? I will send my hon. Friend details.
We do our best to ensure that the lists are as accurate as possible.
23.
asked the Minister of Housing and Local Government and Minister for Welsh Affairs in how many local authority areas the lists of buildings of archæological and historic importance are incomplete; and what steps he is taking to improve the lists.
Out of 1,474 local authority areas, 998 were covered on 30th November, 1961, by full statutory lists of buildings of special architectural or historic interest. A further 251 areas have incomplete lists.
How is it that if the list is reasonably complete, historic buildings can get destroyed? Does not the hon. Gentleman think that there is reason to strengthen the law on this subject?
I do not accept that assertion.
Leasehold Law
20.
asked the Minister of Housing and Local Government and Minister for Welsh Affairs if he will introduce legislation to amend the law relating to leaseholds.
I have no proposals for legislation at present.
Why not? Does the right hon. Gentleman seriously expect the House to believe that at least the Government are united on one topic?
My predecessor undertook to consider the letters of complaints which came in. He invited them and forty-nine such letters were received. They are being studied with the advice of the valuers, but I have nothing more to add to my reply.
Is the Minister aware that I like the words "at present" in his reply and that if he wants letters concerning the leasehold system from Wales I can arrange for him to have them by the thousand?
I had the impression that the hon. Member had already done his best to that end.
Can the right hon. Gentleman offer any single piece of evidence that on this subject or any other his policy is still not being run by his predecessor?
It is for the hon. Member with his well-known standards of fairness to arrive at his own conclusion.
Air Pollution
22.
asked the Minister of Housing and Local Government and Minister for Welsh Affairs what was the estimated cost to the nation of air pollution for 1959 and 1960.
It is not possible to make any reliable estimate but the cost was certainly considerable.
Does the hon. Gentleman recall that a few years ago the Beaver Committee estimated the loss to the nation at £300 million a year and that there is no reason to think that that vast sum has been reduced? Will he now do something to improve our services against air pollution and in particular the Alkali Inspectorate?
I am, of course, aware of the estimate made in 1954. It should be borne in mind that 1 million premises will be covered by smoke abatement orders by the end of the year.
Is the hon. Gentleman aware that there is some reason to think that the Alkali Inspectorate is far too restricted in its attitude and that units like Battersea Power Station, for example, appear to be creating increased pollution of the air to the detriment of the interests of local inhabitants?
That is an entirely different question.
Building Preservation Orders
24.
asked the Minister of Housing and Local Government and Minister for Welsh Affairs if he will take steps to ensure that, following the issue of a Building Preservation Order, local authorities will be required to carry out essential repairs to the building designated in the order.
My right hon. Friend has no power to require the repair of buildings in respect of which a building preservation order has been made.
Would it not be a good thing if the hon. Gentleman took it now? Are not far too many buildings being destroyed because they are just left and nobody takes any interest in them?
I do not think that it is necessary to take any further power. Section 41 of the Town and Country Planning Act, 1947, authorises the compulsory acquisition of buildings in appropriate cases. There is also power to acquire by agreement, and there are various powers which enable grants to be made in proper cases.
Land, Ormesby Bank (Development)
25.
asked the Minister of Housing and Local Government and Minister for Welsh Affairs why in January, 1961, his Department gave authority to the North Riding County Council to grant planning permission to Westfield Estates Ltd. to develop at Ormesby Bank land not allocated for development in the town map.
The North Riding County Council sought authority to grant planning permission in this case on the grounds that this small extension of the residential area would not prejudice the general planning of the area or be injurious to amenity. My predecessor required the county council to advertise the application and to forward to him all objections received. There was one objection. Following a site inspection by an officer of the Department, no reason was seen to withhold authority.
Is it not remarkable that this exceptional permission was granted to a company whose chief director is chairman of the North Riding County Council and was formerly chairman of its Planning Committee? Did not the Minister's predecessor refuse other applications for land not allocated in the development map from other applicants, asserting at the time that sufficient land for development had already been allocated in the town map?
I think that is quite an unworthy insinuation. [HON. MEMBERS: "What?"] By mentioning the fact that the chairman was a director of the company concerned there is contained an insinuation. That fact was plainly stated to the council. It was known to my right hon. Friend the then Minister of Housing and Local Government. There has been no concealment of any kind. This application has been dealt with on the usual lines without any exceptions being made to general practice.
Withdraw.
Is my right hon. Friend aware that I was a member of the council and of the planning committee at the time in question, though I took not part in these proceedings? Is he further aware that while the present chairman of the county council was never chairman of the planning committee and is not a friend of mine, and indeed is a political opponent and has been my opponent in many local battles, nevertheless during the twelve years I have worked with him and against him on the county council I have detected not the slightest impropriety in any of his public conduct?
Withdraw.
Is the Minister aware that this is one example of the remarkably good fortune that has attended planning applications by this company? Is he aware that, although he has said that nothing has been concealed about it, nothing could be concealed? The fact was perfectly well known. It is quite wrong to say that I have made an insinuation. I am stating this plainly as a fact. The permission given was unquestionably exceptional. It was not land under allocation. The previous Minister had often refused applications for land not so allocated and had simply said that sufficient land had been already allocated. I ask again, why the exception?
The hon. Member repeats the charge, in the hope no doubt that some of the mud will stick. This application was entirely above board and was dealt with in the normal way.
Sewerage And Sewage Disposal Scheme, Burntwood
27.
asked the Minister of Housing and Local Government and Minister for Welsh Affairs when approval, in principle, will be given by his Department to the Burntwood and District Sewerage and Sewage Disposal Scheme, in view of substantial inconvenience at present being caused to local residents by the absence of an efficient system.
This scheme was submitted to my right hon. Friend in mid-October. The Lichfield Rural District Council has been asked for some further particulars. As soon as these are received, arrangements will be made for the scheme to be investigated locally by one of our engineering inspectors. After that my right hon. Friend will give a decision as quickly as possible.
Is the hon. Gentleman aware that I make no complaint of delay on the part of his Department, but that, although this is a local authority responsibility. I have considered it necessary to investigate the problem on the spot in view of the very bad situation that exists, including the entry into people's houses of effluent from lavatories and also from a local abattoir? Is he further aware that I consider that there is a severe risk to health, which I have duly reported? Will he ask for this investigation to be carried out with great urgency?
We will ask the council to supply the information we have requested as soon as possible.
Housing
Overspill, Middlesex
4.
asked the Minister of Housing and Local Government and Minister for Welsh Affairs what new arrangements he is making for housing overspill from Middlesex.
The Middlesex authorities themselves are able to enter into any overspill arrangements they consider necessary and desirable. The long-term overspill needs of Greater London as a whole, including Middlesex, are being studied in the Ministry as part of the general problem of the South-East.
Does the right hon. Gentleman realise that it is precisely because the County of Middlesex has no housing powers like London and other conurbations that it is necessary for him to initiate fresh overspill arrangements? Does he appreciate that the present arrangements will provide for only about 13,000 houses for the needs of people in Middlesex in the next ten years whereas there is an urgent need for double that number? If the right hon. Gentleman is waiting for reorganisation of local government, that will be too late because of the time that these things take to materialise.
The district councils have the power and, as the hon. Lady knows, in a number of cases, such as in the St. Neots scheme and the Bletchley scheme, have acted. Indeed, under the Housing Act which has just gone on the Statute Book, there is power to help the recipient authority. I recognise that there is a need and that there will be a growing need for such overspill arrangements, but the powers are with the district councils and it is for them to operate them.
Is the Minister aware that the authorities in Middlesex have said that whatever arrangements they make will be completely inadequate and cannot deal with the problem? Local authorities have admitted that.
I am sure that the district councils have the power to do what is sought and that no action is called for from me in this regard.
Is the Minister suggesting that a hundred houses a year at St. Neots will be adequate to deal with the Middlesex overspill problem?
No, not at all. There is a need for overspill arrangements for people from Middlesex. I am saying that the power resides with the district councils.
Evictions
9.
asked the Minister of Housing and Local Government and Minister for Welsh Affairs if he will introduce legislation to secure from local authorities details of evictions under the Rent Act and from other causes.
To do this would not help local authorities to deal with their housing problems: it would simply add to their burden of work which is already heavy enough.
When will the right hon. Gentleman wake up from the complacency of his colleagues on the Government Front Bench? Is he aware that we are sure that if there were an epidemic, he would stir the Ministry of Health to action? Is not this a social epidemic just as serious? Is the Minister quite heartless about the homeless in London and about the families which are being evicted in Slough, with children going to institutions and their parents separated and grubbing where they can? Is not the Minister aware of the scandal that this represents?
Thirty-nine eviction orders were reported to the Slough Council last year.
There are many more this year.
Four of them were obtained by the local authority. Let us face the real issue, which is that of housing in Slough. I recognise that there are difficulties. In the last ten years, 5,000 new houses have been built but the popula tion in the meantime has risen by 16,000. Next year, Slough will get approved the houses that it is able to build. That is the way to tackle the problem and not by turning this into a political issue.
Is the Minister aware that this has always been a political issue and that his predecessor made no bones about it? If information about the working of the Rent Act would not help the local authorities, might it not at least help the Ministry towards a wiser policy?
Unfurnished Lettings (Rents)
11.
asked the Minister of Housing and Local Government and Minister for Welsh Affairs whether he will introduce legislation to give powers to rent tribunals to fix the rent of unfurnished lettings.
No, Sir.
Is not the Minister aware that London is graced by more rent exploitation than ever before? If the Government seriously want a pay pause, must we not have a rent pause as well? Is the Minister simply sitting back and doing nothing at all about it?
I shall certainly not sit back, but the Question seeks a reversion to rent control and that I am not willing to accept.
In view of the unsatisfactory nature of that reply, I propose to raise the matter on the Adjournment.
Private Building
12.
asked the Minister of Housing and Local Government and Minister for Welsh Affairs if he will take steps to collect and publish statistics showing how much new housing accommodation to rent is being provided by private builders.
No, Sir.
Did not the Government promise that, as a result of their housing policies, more private builders would build more houses to let? Was not that pretty well the carrot that was dangled before the House on more than one occasion? Is not the reason why the Government do not wish to collect these statistics the fact that they would show that in holding out that promise, the Government were guilty of a gigantic and cruel hoax at the expense of the people who desperately need houses?
The Rent Act had many objectives, including the conversion of large houses into flats, the improvement of property and better maintenance and repair. Those objectives have been achieved. It is a little odd that this complaint of too little housing to rent should come from a party which has done its best to discourage it by promising to repeal the Rent Act should it ever get back to power.
Since Government policy relies more and more on private building and discourages council building, ought not the Minister to be willing to obtain some sort of information as to the extent to which private building is meeting the need for accommodation to let?
Every house, whether built by a local authority or a private builder, makes a contribution to the housing accommodation of the country.
Will not the right hon. Gentleman inform himself where the houses are being built in relation to the needs of the various localities? Is it not essential for his Department to have this information?
It is not essential for us to impose upon anyone the burden of gathering these additional statistics.
In view of the continued unsatisfactory nature of the right hon. Gentleman's replies, I beg to give notice that I shall raise this matter, too, on the Adjournment.
Blyth
16.
asked the Minister of Housing and Local Government and Minister for Welsh Affairs what reply he has sent to the communication sent him by the Blyth Borough Council on the economic situation and its effect on the local housing programme; and what assistance he will give towards a solution of their housing problem.
I am sending the hon. Member a copy of the reply which has been sent to the council. I am not clear that it needs special assistance.
Is not the right hon. Gentleman aware that this is simply not good enough and that quack remedies are no longer a solution to the type of housing problem that the Blyth local authority is facing? Is he further aware that a statement was made some time ago that the housing problem existed only in the larger centres? Last year, in the Borough of Blyth, with over 1,300 people on the waiting list, no new houses were built. Is the Minister aware that if we are to clear this housing list, the Government must turn their back on their traditional housing policies and do something about it very quickly?
My information about the problems of Blyth, which the hon. Member has raised, is that two important problems confronted the local authority: shortage of land due to mining subsidence and the need of a new sewage scheme. Furthermore, by pooling rents and subsidies and applying a differential rent scheme, the local authority could find additional resources.
In view of the unsatisfactory nature of that reply. I give notice of my intention to raise this matter on the Adjournment.
Local Authority Housing Programmes (Loans)
17.
asked the Minister of Housing and Local Government and Minister for Welsh Affairs what steps he is taking to assist local authorities whose housing programmes are restricted by the interest rate charged for loans by the Public Works Loan Board.
45.
asked the Minister of Housing and Local Government and Minister for Welsh Affairs what steps he is taking to assist local authorities whose housing programmes are restricted by the interest rate charged for loans from the Public Works Loan Board or from the money market.
The recent Housing Act has improved subsidies for the authorities in greatest financial need. Authorities can further help themselves by making sure that they are charging reasonable rents and using Exchequer subsidy to help only those tenants who genuinely need it.
Is the Minister aware that, in reply to a previous Question, he said that there were only two difficulties facing the Borough of Blythe in its housing programme? Is he further aware that in the borough, a £2,000 house which in 1955 needed £5,040 on loan charges over 60 years, now needs £8,520, an increase of £3,480 and that this represents an increase of the weekly equivalent of £1 2s. 3d? How can the Minister say that our housing problems are being tackled if these are the difficulties that local authorities have to face?
I did not suggest that they were the only two problems, but they are two important problems which confront the local authorities. On the general proposition of the council, that interest rates for housing should be lowered, all I can say is that that would be a breach in the Government's credit policy which they are not prepared to undertake.
Is it not a fact that cities with such terrible housing lists as Manchester, Liverpool and Newcastle, far from benefiting under the Housing Act, will suffer a lower subidy? They will enjoy £8 a year instead of £22 a year subsidy. Secondly, is the Minister aware that these restricted programmes plus increased council house rents are causing widespread discontent with local authorities for which the Government are entirely responsible owing to their increased charges? Many of these councils are Labour-controlled and the Government are making them—[HON. MEMBERS: "Speech."] Are not the Government making them the scapegoat for their own sins?
In reply to the first point, this House approved the principle that there should be a differential rate of subsidy between those authorities with the greater resources and those with the smaller resources, and that is an entirely fair principle. In regard to the hon. Member's second point, and, in particular, his reference to rents, I find it difficult to reconcile what he has said with the fact that in his own constituency the rent of a postwar three-bedroom house is 25s. 4d. and of a pre-war three-bedroom house 19s. 11d.
Letting Of Houses (Children)
21.
asked the Minister of Housing and Local Government and Minister for Welsh Affairs whether he will introduce legislation to prohibit advertisements of houses to let which mention a bar against children.
I do not think that such legislation would help to solve the problem the hon. Member has in mind.
Is my right hon. Friend aware that this discrimination against people who commit the crime of having children is nauseating? Is he aware that, while in a free society people must be free to let their houses to whom they please, at least we should not underwrite the practice to which the Question refers but should show our disapproval by making it impossible to advertise the fact?
I have great sympathy with the basis of my hon. Friend's supplementary question but his suggestion is that these words should be forbidden in advertisements. I fear that if they were so forbidden couples might well waste much time answering advertisements only to be told that children would not be allowed. The basic problem is the provision of more houses and not more legislation.
Will the right hon. Gentleman notice that he is now getting from behind him evidence of one of the results of the Rent Act?
I am getting from behind me a sympathetic reference to a problem—a sympathy which I share.
Will my right hon. Friend note that I do not regard this as an outcome of the Rent Act?
Caledonian Market Site
29.
asked the Minister of Housing and Local Government and Minister for Welsh Affairs whether he will give his planning consent to the City of London Corporation to release for the immediate building of houses the City Corporation's site of some 20 acres at the disused Caledonian Market that has remained derelict since the war.
I want to see the whole of the Caledonian Market site put to good use as quickly as possible, though there is no outstanding application for planning permission. Proposals for zoning this land for residential and other social uses are before me as part of the London County Council's review of the development plan, and I hope to publish my provisional conclusions early next year. There is, however, nothing to preclude an application being made meanwhile in respect of any particular site. I am ready to consider any application that may be made on its merits.
I am glad to hear that reply, because I gather from it that the right hon. Gentleman realises that it has really been a scandal—[HON. MEMBERS: "Question."] I ask the Minister whether I am right in understanding him to agree that it really is a scandal that, despite the acute shortage of houses in London a site of 20 acres—[HON. MEMBERS: "Question."] Am I right in thinking that the right hon. Gentleman agrees that it really is a scandal that, despite the acute shortage of houses in London, this site of 20 acres should not be utilised for housing? May we take it that he will use his dynamic influence in this matter?
I join with the hon. Gentleman in hoping that this site will be developed as speedily as possible.
Is my right hon. Friend aware that the statement that 20 acres are disused is incorrect, and that the City Corporation has itself applied to develop 5 acres, which is the only part open to development at the moment?
The facts my hon. and learned Friend gives me do not entirely coincide with my own, but I will look into the matter.
Homeless Families
30.
asked the Minister of Housing and Local Government and Minister for Welsh Affairs whether he will introduce legislation as a matter of urgency to give local authorities extended powers to deal with the growing problem of homeless families.
Local authorities already possess adequate powers to deal with this problem, including the power to acquire empty premises by agreement or compulsorily. Accordingly, powers to requisition empty premises are unnecessary. Power to requisition occupied property would be pointless.
May we take it from that reply that the right hon. Gentleman will support any application by any local authority to acquire by requisition any empty property for housing the increasing number of homeless families in London?
I have made it abundantly plain to the London County Council that if compulsory purchase orders are made on empty property, with the purpose which the hon. Gentleman has in mind, I will expedite with all possible speed the consideration of those orders. I should add that over the past six months during which this problem has been causing considerable concern I have had no such applications.
Would not the right hon. Gentleman agree that, however much he expedites consideration of compulsory purchase orders, compulsory purchase is still a slow process—too slow in this emergency—and that it is from that fact that the need for requisitioning powers arises?
The post-war requisitioning powers took on average about six weeks, while compulsory purchase may be assumed to take 12 to 13 weeks. The difference in time between the two procedures is due to the fact that there is a proper right of appeal by the owner against what is proposed.
Questions to the Prime Minister.
On a point of order, Mr. Speaker. I have had Question No. 33 on the Order Paper for early answer for the past four weeks. As the Minister of Housing and Local Government now goes to the bottom of the list, how can I possibly get my Question answered?
I express sympathy with the hon. Gentleman but I cannot deal with it or with a point of order now.
Minister Of State For Welsh Affairs
Q1.
asked the Prime Minister if he will define the present functions of the Minister of State for Welsh Affairs.
The functions of the Minister of State for Welsh Affairs remain as defined in the 1957 Command Paper on Government Administration in Wales. He assists, and when necessary acts for, the Minister for Welsh Affairs in his responsibilities affecting Wales, which are to ensure that its special interests are represented and taken into account in all aspects of public business which may affect them.
Is it not a weakness of the office that the Minister of State has no specific Departmental responsibility and that this allows him time to travel a great deal around Wales, doing a good deal of Conservative Party propaganda? Is not this a very strong argument in favour of appointing a Secretary of State for Wales with responsibilities in certain fields?
I think that the system has worked well, and I understand that my noble Friend's work has been of great value in helping Wales.
Will my right hon. Friend take note that, whatever the constitutional arrangements for Wales, they have been vindicated by the fact that Wales has never been so prosperous?
Is the Prime Minister aware that Lord Brecon was appointed in special circumstances after a university rugger match? Does not the right hon. Gentleman think this an appropriate day to terminate the appointment?
Is the Prime Minister aware that the Welsh people regard this office as being merely a shop window, as a front without any real contribution to the life of the Principality? Will he give us an office in which we can feel that there is real Parliamentary responsibility on the Minister concerned?
Parliamentary responsibility lies with the Minister in this House. We are speaking now of the office of the Minister of State. I believe it to be generally recognised that Lord Brecon's work in helping towards a solution of the problems of Wales has been of great value.
Lord Privy Seal (Questions)
Q2.
asked the Prime Minister if he will arrange for the Lord Privy Seal to have first priority in answering Oral Questions on at least one day each week.
No, Sir. I am not aware of any widespread desire for this change.
Is the Prime Minister aware that the Lord Privy Seal has answered Oral Questions on only one occasion since this Session began, and then only half of the number put down because of the accumulated backlog? Is he further aware that the Lord Privy Seal will not answer orally again—unless we are lucky enough to get a few next Monday—until 29th January? In view of the enormous range of very often urgent matters now covered by foreign affairs, will the Prime Minister try to do something to give a reality to our pretended democratic control of foreign affairs?
The order of Questions is examined, I am told, in consultation with the Opposition at each holiday Adjournment. If there is a general feeling that Foreign Office Questions should have greater preference, no doubt that can be considered in the normal way. As far as the wider question is concerned, I am bound to observe that, among the Questions which I answer twice a week, a number of Questions about foreign affairs in their broadest aspects are put down.
Does not the right hon. Gentleman recall, from his own knowledge and experience, that before the last War the Foreign Secretary answered Questions at least once a week? As the Lord Privy Seal is understudy to the Foreign Secretary, will the Prime Minister consider arranging matters accordingly?
These arrangements are made by general consultation between Government and Opposition, and if somebody is given preference somebody else is put down. That is the problem, but I am perfectly prepared that it should be examined again in the usual way.
May we take it, then, that if this rearrangement were suggested, it would have the right hon. Gentleman's favourable support?
No, Sir. I prefer that it should be discussed in the normal way through the usual channels.
President Kennedy (Meeting)
Q3.
asked the Prime Minister whether, in his forthcoming talks with President Kennedy, he will emphasise the urgent need for initiating negotiations on the Berlin problem and European peace.
Q4.
asked the Prime Minister whether he will propose to President Kennedy at their meeting in Bermuda that the free elections under international supervision in both North and South Vietnam called for by the 1954 Geneva agreements should now be held.
Q5.
asked the Prime Minister whether at their meeting in Bermuda, he will propose to President Kennedy that negotiations for a settlement of the Berlin question and related questions should be initiated and not confined to preserving the status quo in West Berlin.
Q7.
asked the Prime Minister if he will take the opportunity in his forthcoming meetings with the President of the United States of America to discuss the President's proposals for more intimate trading links between the United States of America and Europe.
Q8.
asked the Prime Minister if he will take the opportunity in his forthcoming meetings with the President of the United States of America of discussing the respective United Kingdom and United States policies with regard to United Nations action in the Congo, so that each Government can better understand the position of the other.
Q10.
asked the Prime Minister if, in his forthcoming discussions with President Kennedy, he will seek to agree a joint Anglo-American policy regarding the actions of the United Nations in the Congo.
I would refer to the Answer which I gave on 7th December to Questions about my forthcoming meeting with President Kennedy.
May we have an assurance that, in his conversations with President Kennedy, the Prime Minister will pursue the importance of the proposed negotiations, and that he will not permit any delay because of the recalcitrant attitude of President de Gaulle or of anybody else?
I have made it clear many times that Her Majesty's Government need no convincing of the necessity for negotiations in one form or another on the subject of Berlin and perhaps upon wider topics. But I have also said that obviously it will not be helpful to set out in full our negotiating position before discussions begin.
In view of the dangers of the present deadlock, will the Prime Minister suggest to President Kennedy that negotiations be initiated with or without the agreement of France and Germany? Furthermore, since N.A.T.O. comes into operation only in the face of unprovoked aggression, will he make it clear that if France and Germany pursue policies we regard as being provocative we shall not be committed to war for such policies?
On the subject of Vietnam, is it not the case that President Kennedy, in his recent interview, stressed that American policy was that peoples should be free to choose their Governments by free election? Will the Prime Minister invite the President to apply this to Vietnam?The problem concerned in the hon. Member's first supplementary question is that of getting, if possible, an agreed Western position. That is obviously of great importance and is being discussed at this moment in Paris and will be discussed again tomorrow in N.A.T.O.
I am glad to see the hon. Member's conversion to the view that the question of the unity of a country can best be settled by free elections. The difficulty in Vietnam is that infiltration, subversion and other measures have created a situation in which the conditions for elections do not exist.Question No. 8 was put down before the Government's decision last Friday, and before that decision was countermanded in yesterday's statement by the Lord Privy Seat, on the basis, or pretext, of statements alleged to have been made by United Nations representatives. Will the Prime Minister, in preparation for his meeting with the President, when these questions will presumably be discussed, make it clear that the Government intend to decide this issue of the Congo in relation to what needs to be done in the situation—in other words, to govern and not be pushed around by a minority of back benchers?
The objective of the Government is to carry out the policy—which we believe the United States shares with us—that this is a matter which should be settled, not by the imposition of power, but by peaceful negotiations.
But is not the Prime Minister aware that, while we have all said that there must be peaceful negotiations, these are impossible until the mercenaries have been cleared out of the country? Will he ensure that the Government's long record of equivocation, which is darkening our name in the world, is ended so that our position becomes clear?
We are only too anxious to clear up any misunderstanding. It is perfectly true that in the various resolutions which have been passed, sometimes under threat of veto from one side or the other, there may be difficulties. But it has always been our view—and we have never wavered from it—that this matter should not be settled by an attempt of one part of the country to dominate the other, or by the United Nations being used to impose such a settlement.
The United Nations is there to maintain its position. It is right that it should do so and it should be supported in doing so. That is its right under our present mandate. What has worried us is the uncertainty as to whether the United Nations was really carrying out what we honestly believe to be its purpose in the Congo.On this issue will not the Prime Minister have the courage to admit that the United States approach may be more correct than ours, as it was at the time of Suez? Does he not understand that it is absolutely vital to the survival of United Nations that we should implement its decisions and help its officials to carry out these decisions even though we think the decisions may be wrong and the officials may be wrong—[HON. MEMBERS: "Oh."]—until such time as we can get those decisions altered, or the officials replaced? Is he not aware that it is not good enough to support the United Nations only when we think it is right and not when we think it is wrong?
It is not a question of supporting the United Nations when we think it is wrong. This is a question of interpretation and of whether it was doing what we believe to be its proper intentions and functions.
Did I understand the Prime Minister to say that he believed that the United States Government took the same view as the British Government about the Congo situation? If so, can he tell us whether the United States Government were in agreement with Her Majesty's Government when they decided to provide the United Nations with the bombs, and also in agreement with Her Majesty's Government when they decided to withhold authorisation?
No, Sir. I was talking of the large questions of policy. [Interruption.] I am quite ready to debate that when the time comes. The United States has felt broadly as we have done—that this matter should be settled not by the United Nations forces seizing and conquering a territory and handing it over to anybody else—[HON. MEMBERS: "Oh."]—not by treating them as rebels, but by continuing their presence and doing as they did in the first year—trying to create the conditions for negotiation. After 13th September, which we regard as an unhappy carrying-out of what the officials thought to be their instructions, we tried hard again to return to negotiation, and we shall continue our efforts for a cease-fire, for peace and for negotiation.
Will the right hon. Gentleman address himself to the question which I just put to him? Will he say whether the United States Government are in agreement with Her Majesty's Government in their latest decision, namely, to withhold the supply of bombs? Is it not the case that the United States Government have supplied the United Nations forces with aircraft? Does not that suggest an approach somewhat different from that of Her Majesty's Government?
No, Sir. The United States Government have not supplied them, rather specifically, with those particular forms of weapons or fighting aircraft.
When the Prime Minister meets President Kennedy, will he point out that the request for 24 1,000 lb. bombs to destroy aircraft on the ground does not make sense, and that the most effective and cheapest way of doing that, as can be confirmed by any member of the Air Council, is to use rockets or cannon shells? Are not the British Government perfectly justified in turning down a request for 1,000 lb. bombs, which can be used for destroying only buildings and children?
I am quite prepared to go into all the details of this matter when the debate comes. An appeal was made to us. In the first instance, we were unwilling to meet it, for the reasons well known—dropping 1,000 lb. bombs about the country is a pretty strong measure. We resisted it and asked for the specific reasons. An appeal was made to us saying that troops were in danger, perhaps, of an attack which might be very bad for them and might be fatal for them. After consideration, rightly or wrongly, subject to very specific conditions, we agreed to make delivery in what appeared to us to be an emergency. I am bound to say, and I can say it frankly, that I was slightly surprised that this emergency was such that we were not even asked to deliver for a period of eight days. There was no request to collect them. Secondly, when we saw what I regard as a confused situation about the real tactical and strategic purposes being pursued by the officers of the United Nations, we felt it right to raise the whole question again.
While all of us share the reluctance shown by the Government about the use of these very heavy bombs, without the strictest control to ensure that they were used purely for destroying hostile aircraft, may I ask whether the right hon. Gentleman is aware that the reasons given yesterday for countermanding the decision of Friday were the statements alleged to have been made by Mr. Linner and General McKeown? Is he now aware that it was made clear even before yesterday that those statements about Mr. Linner and General McKeown were false and that the House was misled so far as they were concerned? In view of that, without waiting for Thursday's debate, will the right hon. Gentleman take an early opportunity of explaining first how this came about and, secondly, what the Cabinet is now to do about last Friday's decision?
Reports of Mr. Linner's original interview, which took place in Leopoldville on 7th December, were published in a Swedish newspaper on 8th December. The report of these reached the Foreign Office the following day. They were immediately drawn to the attention of the Secretary-General, who no doubt had them in mind in making his statement on 10th December. This is the statement to which my right hon. Friend the Lord Privy Seal referred in the House yesterday.
A telegram was received from Her Majesty's Ambassador at Leopoldville yesterday afternoon which was not available to my right hon. Friend before he made his statement in the House. This reports that, on being shown the report which had appeared in the Swedish Press, Mr. Linner made a second statement which, as I understand it, was published in the Swedish Press on 10th December. This second statement does not in terms deny the accuracy of the reporting of the first statement, though it makes some comment on it, suggesting that it has been misinterpreted. The second statement expressed another view from that ascribed to Mr. Linner in the first interview, but it still maintains that Mr. Linner has carte blanche to conduct local action in the Congo within the framework of the Security Council resolutions. The crucial question is how these resolutions are interpreted, and it is on that that we are seeking urgent clarification.But will the right hon. Gentleman get out of this tangled web by now admitting that on Sunday there was clear and categorical repudiation of this report in a leading Swedish newspaper? I have the text, as no doubt the right hon. Gentleman has. As this was published on Sunday, it should have been known to the Lord Privy Seal when he spoke yesterday. Is the right hon. Gentleman further aware that his allegation that General McKeown had said that he was not prepared to consider the application from Mr. Tshombe for negotiation for a cease-fire is entirely wrong and that the full text of what General McKeown said—and again I have a copy—does not bear out that statement and that the House has been misled on both statements?
The Swedish newspaper, as I understand it, merely reported the second interview which Mr. Linner gave on 10th December, and quoted from it. I have a telegram summarising it. He does not actually accuse the journalist of misreporting him. He merely makes a new statement. We have all had experience of these affairs. I am bound to say that these things are published when interviews are given. When another account is given, that adds to the reasons why the matter should be cleared up.
Does not my right hon. Friend think that all this shows that the Opposition policy of supporting the United Nations, right or wrong, is disastrous? Having regard to the fact that what is now necessary is to stop the bloodshed and the destruction which is going on in Katanga, ought not Her Majesty's Government forthwith to say that unless it is stopped, we will immediately withdraw all financial support for the operation?
That is a point of view. I do not share these extreme views about the United Nations one way or the other. I do not say, "United Nations, right or wrong". Nor do I say that we should necessarily withdraw from it. With all the other nations of the world, we have a task of trying to make this organisation work. It has many difficulties. It does not have a proper chain of command. It does not operate in the ordinary way which countries would follow with forces in the field. There are all kinds of forces working in it and, alas, the great contest in the world is reflected in the Security Council and in the Assembly. It would be a very grave decision for us to abandon the task. Equally, it is our duty to try to steer it in what we think is the right way.
In view of the new statements made by Mr. Linner, will the Prime Minister say what precise assurances the Government now require from the United Nations before they will release these bombs? Secondly, in view of the immense importance of Anglo-American understanding in this matter, will he say whether any consultations took place with the United States before the Government's decision about the bombs was taken, and whether any further consultations will take place before a final decision is made later in the week?
By good fortune, the Foreign Secretary is in Paris and is discussiong this matter with Secretary of State Rusk. We are making representations—or will be when the day starts in New York—with the Secretary-General through our representative, Sir Patrick Dean who will try to clarify the situation in order that we may see what is the best course that we can pursue.
rose—
I do not think that we can discuss this day after day without a Question before the House. I will allow one more to the Leader of the Opposition, but I do not think that we should continue.
I merely wish to ask the Prime Minister if he will answer my question, which is not what interventions are being made by our representative at the United Nations, but whether the United States Government were consulted before Her Majesty's Government took their two decisions on the bombs and what precise assurances are now being requested from the United Nations before Her Majesty's Government will release the bombs.
I should require notice of the first question, but I do not think that it would be natural that we should consult the United States Government on this request which was made to us. However, if the right hon. Gentleman will put down a Question, I will make sure that I have it right. On his second question, we want to be sure about both the strategy and tactics—the strategy being pursued with all its ambivalence and whether we can support it, and whether the tactics are correct.