asked the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs if he will make a statement on the Tindemans Report.

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs when the Government intend to produce their preliminary response to the Report on European Union by Mr. Tindemans, the Prime Minister of Belgium, submitted recently to the European Council.

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs when he proposes to discuss with his EEC colleagues the report prepared by Mr. Tindemans on the future of the Community.

I welcome the realistic nature of Mr. Tindemans' broad approach of building on the Community as it now exists. The Report will be a useful stimulus to discussion about the development of the Community in the next few years.

As the Foreign Secretary has already told us that the final decision on direct elections to the European Parliament, which are mentioned in the Tindemans Report, will rest with this Parliament, can he answer the question which the Prime Minister evaded at Question Time yesterday and tell us precisely what powers that Parliament will have? We now have the cart before the horse. We must know what these powers will be before we can reasonably discuss whether it is right to have direct elections. Will the right hon. Gentleman make an announcement about this subject and define the powers in the Green Paper—and I hope that it will be green and not white—that is to be published?

I thought that the Prime Minister answered the question completely yesterday, but I shall do my best to restate the position. The basis of the direct elections will be the existing powers of the European Assembly, no more and no less. If these powers are to be changed, it will be only with the consent of the member States. I prefer not to include a summary of the powers in the green White Paper or white Green Paper, because I want it to focus on issues of mechanics and the decisions that will need to be taken in relation to the elections and not to be side-tracked on to these other matters.

The British people have never been consulted about direct elections. They were certainly not consulted during the referendum. Does my right hon. Friend therefore agree that another referendum must be held before we have direct elections?

I do not agree with my hon. Friend and I do not think that the British people would welcome another referendum on this limited aspect of the issue. There is no doubt that the matter was put to the British people in the referendum. I can only repeat what the Prime Minister said. If those who were against continued membership of the EEC did not raise this matter in the referendum campaign, they were neglecting their duty and hon. Members who neglected to do their duty at that time should not now complain to me.

What specific steps do the Government propose to take in the foreseeable future to avoid the terrifying prospect for this country, to which Mr. Tindemans alluded indirectly, that we shall be not only members of the lower tier of the Community in economic terms, but its poorest country on a per capita basis?

I do not accept the hon. Member's hypothesis. Whether there is to be a two-tier system will have to be discussed at the European Council and will require the consent of all member States before being introduced. I expressed my personal views in a speech in Hamburg last week and I think the debate should go on. I have to speak with some caution, because the Cabinet have not yet considered the matter, but I do not believe that a two-tier system would be to the benefit of the Community or of this country.

Does my right hon. Friend agree that the Tindemans Report covers a much wider range of topics than just direct elections? Will he consult the Leader of the House about having an early debate on the Report?

I agree with my hon. Friend that direct elections play a very small part in the Report, which covers a wide area. I shall convey my hon. Friend's request to the Lord President. The only undertaking I can give today—because I have already consulted my right hon. Friend on this subject—is that we shall have a debate on direct elections once the White Paper has been published and consultations are taking place.

Do not recent events in Portugal, Angola and Lebanon under- score one of Mr. Tindemans' main points—that we shall not be able to defend British and European interests effectively unless we have a much more closely concerted foreign policy? Could not Britain play a great part in bringing this about, and what will the Foreign Secretary do to help?

We are playing a vigorous part in this matter. This is one area in which I feel very much at ease in moving. British experience, history and background enable us to take a lead in such matters. We have done so and shall continue to do so. We tried to do so over Angola, though we did not meet with complete success. There will always be failures as well as successes.

Is my right hon. Friend aware that at this morning's meeting of the Labour Party National Executive Committee there was a unanimous decision that before the Government took a final decision on direct elections they should make sure that the Labour Party was fully consulted at a conference and had had an opportunity to consider the implications of such elections for this country?

It will be for the party to decide whether it wants to call a conference on the matter. As far as the Government are concerned, I have already begun consultations with the leaders of all parliamentary parties and have written to them on the subject. At a later stage, it will be for the Home Secretary to follow the normal course in these matters and to call together party organisations, such as Transport House and Conservative Central Office, to work out detailed proposals.

Can the right hon. Gentleman tell us whether we are to have a White or a Green Paper, or is there no longer any difference between the two? Can he say why so many hon. Members are anxious that the British people be consulted about everything to do with Europe except who represents them there?

I am a little in the dark about the colour of the proposed Paper myself. As I plan it at the moment, the first part will contain decisions which have to be reached at Community level, such as the total number of members of the Assembly and their distribution among member States. That part of the Paper would be white. But there would also be a number of questions which I hope to identify in the second part of the Paper dealing with the electoral arrangements here. This part would be raising questions, such as dual mandate, and not answering them. I am afraid that it will be a bit of a hybrid beast.

Will the Government give their support to Mr. Tindemans' recommendation that the Council should instruct the institutions to initiate action to evolve procedures for the protection of fundamental political, economic and social rights within the Community?

I note what the right hon. and learned Gentleman has said. This matter will certainly be considered before we go to the European Summit.

One of the conclusions of this Report, which my right hon. Friend admits is important yet which we are not to debate, is that member States should submit a greater part of their external relations and problems to a common policy. Does my right hon. Friend go as far as that and, if not, will he tell Mr. Tindemans so at their next meeting?

I did not say that we would not have a debate. I am not in a position to say whether a debate will take place, because I have not yet consulted my right hon. Friend the Lord President. My experience leaves me in no doubt that the more European countries can work together on a common foreign policy, the stronger will be our influence in the world. As I wish to see British influence strengthened, I shall do my best to ensure that the Community itself works in that way.

The Foreign Secretary referred to his initiatives in the EEC over Angola. Does he agree that to call for a coalition Government and for the withdrawal of all foreign forces is like trying to shut the stable door after the horse has bolted? Will he get in touch with our EEC partners and our NATO allies to see what steps we can take to prevent the Sovietisation of Angola and the disastrous consequences which would follow for southern and central Africa?

The right hon. Gentleman is talking of a policy enunciated when the balance of forces in Angola was different from what it is today, and he is seeking to apply that policy to the current situation. At the time the call made a lot of sense. It it had been accepted then, it would have been much to the benefit of the people of Angola. I said that I thought that a Government of national reconciliation was now required. In such a Government the MPLA would play a prominent, maybe a leading part. If we are looking for a solution to this problem and if there is to be peace in Angola, the other very substantial element of the people in that country must be involved. I do not believe that in the short run external influence will be extruded from Angola. However, knowing the African personality, I believe that in the long run it will be.

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs when he next expects to meet EEC Foreign Ministers.

I shall see the Federal German Foreign Minister on 7th February on the occasion of the visit to this country of the Federal German Chancellor. I expect to attend a meeting of the Council of Ministers in Brussels on 9th and 10th February.

When my right hon. Friend meets these various people in various missions, will he explain to them that even after the referendum he was not the most fervent supporter of the the idea of direct elections? Will he also say that if the Labour Party conference comes out against direct elections, by 1978 or whatever the date may be, unlike the last occasion with the referendum he will accept the decision of conference? If as Foreign Secretary he cannot accept decisions of the Government and of the National Executive Committee, why continue to serve both?

I know that my hon. Friend would like to take my place on the NEC. However, I think that he will have some competition before he achieves that. As for the attitude towards direct elections, I think that my colleagues in Europe know the position exactly. I do not know whether there are controversies between the Labour Party conference and the Government. We have not yet had a conference, have we?

Does the Foreign Secretary consider that this country is committed in principle to direct elections, whatever any Labour conference may say?

Yes, Sir.

Commissioner Lardinois said in answer to me in the European Parliament that there was to be no re-negotiation of the common fisheries policy. Nevertheless, we hear constantly in this House, and even in the far north of Scotland, from one of the Scottish Office Ministers that there is to be renegotiation. Which is correct?

That does not seem to arise out of the Question, but I can never resist the blandishments of the hon. Lady and I shall do my best to answer. The 200-mile limit which the United Nations Law of the Sea Conference might decide to introduce this year would clearly add a great deal of impetus to the need to re-negotiate the common fisheries policy for the EEC. These events are to some extent inter-dependent and an official decision cannot be taken on the second until we have seen the result of the United Nations conference.

In the re-negotiation of the common fisheries policy will my right hon. Friend go for a 100-mile exclusive economic zone around these islands in order to maintain the employment of our fishermen and of the many thousands of people in ancillary industries who are at present suffering great distress in their living standards and employment prospects?

Ask Commissioner Lardinois.

We seem to be getting even further from the Question, but the broad answer is that in any negotiation of the common fisheries policy the special position of Britain, with its long coastline, will have to be properly safeguarded.

Does the Foreign Secretary agree that Angola is a test case of the Community's ability to act together in matters of common concern in foreign relations? Since the right hon. Gentleman said earlier that he was desperately longing for diplomatic success, will he take the lead in persuading the Community at least to condemn all foreign aggression in Angola, and particularly the Russians for preaching détente at Helsinki but practising the opposite in Angola?

I have answered many questions on Angola. I do not think that I can add much this afternoon, except to say that the hon. Gentleman's reference to getting a concerted policy only goes to illustrate a point I have made so often. There are nine individual member States every one of which can prevent a statement of common policy. I have never been able to get that fact across to some of the anti-Marketeers, but it happens to be the case. On this issue I was unable to get the agreement of all nine to a public statement.

Is my right hon. Friend aware that there might be one issue on which he could get agreement among all the States? When he meets the Federal German Chancellor and the other Ministers, will he convey the great appreciation in this country for the efforts that they have been making on the problem of Cyprus? Will he ask that they should redouble their efforts for the coming months? Many of our hon. Friends believe that an initiative from the EEC could help. While he is about it, will he come and tell the Select Committee how he is getting on?

The answer to the first part of the question is "Yes". On the second part, I should not be agreeable to answering questions about my discussions with the former Turkish Prime Minister, which I understand to be the purpose of some of the questions it is intended to put to me.

No.

Yes. That is the message that was conveyed to me.

Is the Foreign Secretary aware that the Tindemans Report contains some interesting expressions of opinion about aid to the Third World and about the Community's approach to the Third World? This is an area in which a greater degree of concertation of policy could take place. Will the right hon. Gentleman give his view about British aid policy in the light of the Tindemans Report?

This is becoming a catch-all Question and I must ask the hon. Member to put down a specific Question on that point.

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs when he next proposes to meet the EEC Commissioner with responsibility for regional development.

My right hon. Friend meets Mr. George Thomson regularly in the course of Community business. He most recently did so during his visit to Brussels for the Council of Ministers on 20th January.

Will the right hon. Gentleman leave the EEC Regional Affairs Commissioner in absolutely no doubt that the Scottish Assembly with powers over trade and industry will retain control over and administration of industrial investment incentives in Scotland, free from EEC diktat? Will he also make clear that a self-governing Scotland will construct its own system of industrial aids and incentives free from EEC interference?

That is not so much a question as a statement of a number of prejudices most of which will not be fulfilled.

Has my right hon. Friend noticed that of the assistance to development areas which has already been allocated from the EEC 50 per cent. has been allocated to Scotland? Is this not another example of Scotland's advantageous position and is it not time that the people of Scotland were told very clearly of the advantage which exists through remaining a part of the United Kingdom?

I have no doubt as to the truth of the implication of that supplementary question, but my task is not so much to underline the wisdom of the Government's attitude on the relationship between the various parts of the United Kingdom as to emphasise the other implication of what my hon. Friend says, which is the very substantial benefits that all the United Kingdom gets from membership of the EEC.

Will the right hon. Gentleman continue to rebut robustly the parochial, petty and ignorant accusations made by the Scottish National Party? Will he remind the House that this very morning the United Kingdom received funds from the EEC over 20 per cent. of which went to Scotland although Scotland has under 10 per cent. of the population?

I can rebut the ignorant propositions of the Scottish National Party only when they concern foreign affairs.