asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland how many members of the IRA have died from hunger striking while in gaol.

No prisoner has died as a result of a hunger strike in a Northern Ireland prison.

Will the Secretary of State assure the House that the Home Secretary's eminently sensible policy of not force-feeding prisoners, in Britain, anyhow, will be continued?

The policy in Northern Ireland has always been the same as the policy for the rest of the United Kingdom, announced by my right hon. Friend last year. We fully support what my right hon. Friend does in the rest of the United Kingdom. We have always had that policy in Northern Ireland, I understand.

Has the right hon. Gentleman any comment to make on the statements appearing in today's newspapers that his officials, with his knowledge, have been in touch with the IRA in the immediate past?

There are two reports, one in a morning paper and the other in an evening paper in London. Both are false.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland when he expects to receive the report of the reconvened Constitutional Convention.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland if he is satisfied with the progress being made by the reconvened Convention; and if he will make a statement.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland whether he will make a statement about the resumed Constitutional Convention.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland if he will make a further statement about the political situation in Northern Ireland.

The reconvened Convention met on 3rd February and decided to continue its work through inter-party meetings chaired by Sir Robert Lowry, the Chairman of the Convention. I understand that a number of such meetings have taken place. As I told the House on 12th January—[Vol. 903, c. 61.]—I expect the reconvened Convention's business to be concluded within four weeks of its first sitting.

I welcome the fact that these meetings are continuing to take place. Does the Secretary of State agree that it would be a bad day for Northern Ireland if those who have the largest representation in the Convention denied to that Province the degree of self-government which many of us would like it to have because they are unwilling to find a basis for co-operation in government with the representatives of the whole of the community?

I have made the Government's views clear. I did so last in a White Paper which was the text of a letter that I sent to the Chairman. I stand by that. We need some means whereby a severely divided community can work together for the good of Northern Ireland. That is the only way we shall get a devolved Government there. If that does not happen, we have responsibility for Northern Ireland. Nothing that anybody can say or do can wash away that responsibility, because it is there. If people want devolved government, they must put their ideas constructively to us.

I agree with the right hon. Gentleman's statement about devolved government, but does he not agree with the leading article in The Times today, which says that the withdrawal of the Government's authority from Northern Ireland, which is advocated by a number of his hon. Friends in a letter to The Times, will encourage the IRA, be a starting flag for civil war in a part of the United Kingdom, and will not lead to the political solution that he wants?

I have not said anything but that. Many people treat Northern Ireland as if it is a colonial territory and as if there is a Government to take it over. It was this House that ended the Government of Northern Ireland in 1972. There is nothing to hand over to. There are occasions when people there act as though they govern Northern Ireland. They do not. All the reins of government are here. This is where they will remain, even if there is a devolved Government, because devolution does not mean independence.

To what extent is the Mafia-style of politics that is developing in Northern Ireland hindering the creation of a viable political solution there?

My hon. Friend may be referring to some of the happenings that take place there, particularly the happenings of yesterday and some of the happenings of last week end. From my postbag and from comments made elsewhere it seems that they are the sort of unparliamentary activities that take place. The sort of thing that took place at Stormont Castle yesterday afternoon does nothing for the good name of Northern Ireland.

Will my right hon. Friend make it abundantly clear to those who purport to value the British connection that if they deny the will of Parliament—to which they say they owe allegiance—by refusing any form of power sharing or coalition they will call into question not only their good name but the govern-ability of that Province, with a consequent reappraisal of the presence of our security forces there?

I understand what my hon. Friend says, because it is what many people in this country say. The plain fact is that any reassessment of the situation is still faced with two basic facts. Anyone who believes that if we were not present in Northern Ireland the minority community there would get the treatment they wanted would be wrong. If it were not for the presence of the British Army and the rôle that it plays in Northern Ireland there would be a civil war far worse than anything we have seen, which would spread this side of the water. There are no easy reappraisals, or solutions waiting to be pulled out of a drawer. It was only five years ago that we began to look again at the matter. I hope that we shall not make the mistake that is often made this side of the water in believing that there is a simple solution. Irish affairs are always too complicated for that.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland what plans he has to improve the returns of meat producers in the Province in view of the marked difference in prices between Ulster markets and those in Great Britain.

The arrangements which apply to Northern Ireland within the overall United Kingdom variable premium scheme ensure that in most weeks total producer returns for beef cattle are no more than £1 per live hundredweight below those in Great Britain. The arrangements do not, however, provide for payment of variable premium in Northern Ireland in those weeks when premia are not justified on a United Kingdom basis. In recent weeks the differential between Great Britain and Northern Ireland market prices has not been greater than about £1 per live hundredweight.

The Department of Agriculture is encouraging producers to become more involved in the marketing and processing of their fatstock. Prices paid by processors for pigs in Northern Ireland are broadly comparable with those paid in Great Britain, but sheep prices in Northern Ireland are a little below those in Great Britain.

I am grateful to the hon. Gentleman for that information. Will the Government give full backing to the new Ulster marketing scheme, which was introduced a couple of weeks ago? In particular, will the Government help it to achieve a better return for producers in the Province?

I have told the hon. Gentleman that the Government are responsible for bringing that scheme into operation. We certainly want it to succeed. As the hon. Gentleman probably knows, the basic problem is that of transport costs between Northern Ireland and Great Britain. That matter must be dealt with.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland whether he has any plans to increase co-operation between the North and the South across the border.

I refer the hon. Member to the statement that my right hon. Friend the Prime Minister made on 12th January 1976.—[Vol. 903, c. 29.] Progress made at my meeting with Mr. Cooney on 8th January is being urgently followed up by the Royal Ulster Constabulary and the Garda Siochana, and both Governments are making determined efforts to deal with terrorists and to increase the substantial co-operation which already exists.

Why does the Secretary of State not take a much firmer line with the Government in Dublin and press them, in public in particular, to have parallel military patrols on both sides of the border, a one-mile strip for hot pursuits on both sides, and improved over-flying rights?

We talk a great deal with the Government of the South. Indeed, since a year last September, when I had a constructive meeting with Mr. Cooney, co-operation has greatly improved, technically. It would ill-become the United Kingdom Government to insist to the Government of an idependent country that co-operation be improved when the co-operation that we get is good. It could be improved, and we are all the time working to see that there is improvement, to get more of the excellent results, concerning explosives, that we have had in recent weeks.

Was the Secretary of State consulted regarding the visit, this weekend, of the all-party deputation to the Republic led by the Parliamentary Private Secretary to the Secretary of State for Defence? As these deputations are normally taken on a tour of the border, which always seems to show up our security forces in a bad light—as was made clear by the hon. Member for Berwick-upon-Tweed (Mr. Beith)—is not that a singularly inappropriate thing to do?

I was not consulted about that visit. If I had thought that it was a bad thing, I could have said so. However, I regard it as excellent that right hon. and hon. Members from both sides of the House should go to the South. If they go to the border, no doubt they will come back with extra knowledge of the matter. Extra knowledge of Irish affairs is always welcome in this House.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland whether he intends to make further changes in the structure of administration in Northern Ireland.

I have considered fully the MacDermott, Lowry and Jones Reports and hope in due course to promote legislation to give effect to their principal recommendations in regard to the structure and systems of courts in Northern Ireland. I also intend, following appropriate consultation, to create a unified courts administration in Northern Ireland which will embrace responsibility for the separate services now deployed in the Supreme Court, county courts, magistrates' courts and the Enforcement of Judgements Office. I am arranging for the publication shortly of a consultative document as an appropriate step in this process. I do not have any other changes in mind, but I keep the situation under review.

I concede that these changes will do much to streamline the functioning of the judicial system in Northern Ireland, but does the Secretary of State agree that the time of the House would be saved if, in Bills relevant to Northern Ireland, we were to include application clauses? We should not then have to introduce them in the form of Orders in Council. Would not that make for closer co-operation between Departments at Stormont and Departments in Whitehall?

The law as it stands in Northern Ireland, which relates to the past 50-odd years, is based on a devolved administration there. According to the law, I operate a devolved administration. If we altered the procedure of the House—and that is not a matter for me—we should be saying that there is no prospect of a devolved administration in Northern Ireland.

I am sure that people in Northern Ireland welcome the fact that there is co-operation between the Department of Health and Social Security in Northern Ireland and that Department in this country, and over education, and so on. Co-operation, with the aid of the telephone and meetings, is one thing, but it would be another to suggest that Northern Ireland Departments should be incorporated in Departments in the rest of the United Kingdom.

The Secretary of State said that he adminsters devolved government in Northern Ireland. Was he referring to the Northern Ireland Constitution (Amendment) Act 1973?

No, I was referring to the legislation that went through this House after the Ulster workers' strike, which the hon. Gentleman will remember well because he played a major part in it. That legislation arises out of the 1973 Act, but it is a large amendment to it.

Does the right hon. Gentleman agree that although the methods of administration and legislation laid down in the 1974 Act are unique, his constitutional position in regard to Northern Ireland is identical with that of his colleague, the Secretary of State for Wales, in relation to Wales?

That is correct. The responsibility for the government of Northern Ireland rests in this House. It rests with me. Although I do not need to tell the right hon. Gentleman, I would point out for the benefit of others, that I am responsible to Members of Parliament. I am not responsible to those whom hon. Members may wish to bring with them. I feel strongly about this. Convention members are not elected to govern Northern Ireland; they are elected to put ideas to this House about the future government of Northern Ireland.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland what was the number of houses built by the Housing Executive in 1975.

A total of 4,885 new houses were completed and in addition 780 were brought back into use.

Will the Minister confirm that that is the lowest total of houses built in Northern Ireland for over 20 years and is a condemnation of the Housing Executive? In view of the fact that it has already been shown that three times that number of houses can be built in Northern Ireland, what, precisely, will the hon. Gentleman do to achieve that target?

In all the circumstances, the Executive is doing a good job. There is no intention of referring the control of housing in Northern Ireland to local government. No other housing authority in the United Kingdom has had to put up with murder, intimidation, having its headquarters bombed seven times and having its various regional offices bombed—the last one of which was in the hon. Gentleman's constituency. A total of 25,000 houses have been damaged by bombs, fire and vandalism; 60,000 people have had to move home because of violence and the threat of violence: there has been widespread squatting, and 10,000 houses have been abandoned; housing schemes have been delayed because of the para-militaries and intimidation of contractors. It is time that the hon. Gentleman backed the Housing Executive instead of trying to destroy it.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland what is the average waiting time for would-be recruits to UDR and RUCR for a decision as to their acceptance or otherwise.

The average time taken to reach a decision on a candidate's suitability for membership of the Ulster Defence Regiment is 10 weeks and for the Royal Ulster Constabulary (Reserve), six weeks.

Is the Minister aware that many would-be recruits, both ladies and gentlemen, have to wait for periods of up to four or six months before they even know whether they are to be accepted or rejected? Is he also aware that many other people who are suitable mentally, physically and in many other ways for service in these two services, are turned down for no reason whatsoever? Will he tell us what the reasons are and make a statement about the matter?

These matters are for the headquarters, Northern Ireland, and the Chief Constable of the RUC. Reasons for rejection are withheld in the interests of the individuals applying. If the hon. Gentleman has any specific cases of people waiting for a very long time before being accepted, if he writes to the Chief Constable or the headquarters in Northern Ireland I am sure that those cases will be examined.

Have the ceilings of the RUCR and the UDR been reached?

No. There are about 7,000 members in the UDR, which has an establishment of 11,000. The establishment of the RUCR has not been reached, but recruitment has been so good that the Chief Constable regards his ability to select as being improved as a result of the current situation.

Is my hon. Friend able to say to what extent the establishment of the regular RUC has been reduced as a result of yesterday's activities, and what progress has been made by the individual concerned following his injury?

The establishment has not been reduced, but there is one fewer effective member than there was yesterday.

And his condition?

He is coming on well.

The UDR members seem to spend half of their time on guard duty. Will an effort be made to ensure that they will be able to spend a greater part of their time on the roads, where their local knowledge would be of great benefit to the security forces?

The GOC Northern Ireland has general responsibility for the UDR, and all operations that it undertakes are as a result of his desires.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland whether he is satisfied with the security arrangements in Fermanagh.

I am satisfied that security arrangements in Fermanagh are appropriate to the level of violence prevailing there.

Does the Secretary of State agree that were it not for the rôle of the UDR in Fermanagh the security arrangements would not be so good? Will he publicly acknowledge the hard work of its members in this area, in relation to maintaining law and order?

The UDR is part of the Armed Forces of the Crown. Its members do an excellent job, and in the rural areas they are of extra value because of their knowledge of those areas. When I was out with them the other evening, I praised them, as I always do in Northern Ireland, because they need that. The Regular Army, under the brigade command, also deploys its forces in the right area. In terms of a document I received—it was brought to the Castle yesterday—which did not criticise me but criticised the incompetence of the British Army, I can only say that I resent that as much I resent any criticism of the UDR.

In the Government's view, does the cease-fire still exist in Fermanagh or anywhere else in Northern Ireland? Are there any special cease-fire inhibitions still limiting the rôle and tactics of the forces in Fermanagh or anywhere else in Northern Ireland?

The cease-fire was a matter for the IRA and not for us. The GOC is not inhibited in any way in dealing with the violence in Northern Ireland, from whatever direction it comes or might come.

Does the right hon. Gentleman agree that the areas in Belfast in which the UDR can operate are very limited?

The GOC has the right to deploy his forces where he wills, but it would be wrong to deploy the UDR in some Catholic areas, because of the sectarian break-down of the UDR. That is not criticism of the UDR; it is a fact that people of the minority community do not join the UDR. One of the benefits that would come from a political get-together in Northern Ireland would be that many more of the minority community would join the security forces.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland if he is satisfied with the efficiency and capability of the security forces in Londonderry.

Yes, Sir.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that out of the many thousands of people who have taken part in acts of disruption over the last two years, only 12 were ever charged with an offence? Is he also aware that while, apparently, there are sufficient numbers of soldiers and policemen actually on the ground, there was widespread destruction and rioting in Londonderry over the past weekend? If there is a sufficiency of men who are able and competent, and are actually on the ground, does not this point to incompetence on the part of their commanders? Will the right hon. Gentleman take steps to remedy that matter?

For the hon. Gentleman to accuse officers commanding the Army of being incompetent is a case of something-or-other calling the pot black. They know what they are doing. They are fully trained. I have been talking to them this week. They are getting very fed up with criticism from the so-called Loyalist side of the community, just because certain members of that community do not want them to carry out their duties in the way that they want to. Certain members of that community want them—to use a description that I have previously used—to go into certain areas like John Wayne and the American Marines. That is not the way in which the British Army wants to do its job. I have called for the figures. I have a list of the events of recent days. Four hundred youths rioted in the city centre. What does the hon. Gentleman want? Does he want the Army to open fire on them?

Arrest them.

The hon. Gentleman illustrates the difficulty that the Army has with problem children and youngsters who are out of control. The Army realises that it is not its rôle to deal with youngsters in that way, except to keep them apart from the Protestant areas in which they might do damage. This illustrates the real problem that the Army has in dealing with youngsters of this age.

Accepting, as the Secretary of State does, our satisfaction with the efficiency and capability of the security forces in Londonderry, what is it that prevents them from being able to restore law and order? Is it the numbers—that they do not have enough people—or is it, as the Secretary of State seemed to imply, that this situation is totally beyond the wit of man to command?

It is certainly not a matter of numbers. It is a fact—perhaps the hon. Gentleman would like to come and see—that in the Bogside and the Creggan there are areas which do not accept the responsibility of citizenship of the United Kingdom, for historical reasons. I put it to the hon. Gentleman bluntly: if we were to put in the whole of the BAOR and to call up the whole of the Territorial Army, first, it would be the wrong thing to do and, second, this sort of situation can be dealt with only when the leaders of the Catholic community are prepared to come in and support the security forces, and not just in the way that they do now, by reporting anything that they see that is wrong, but when the people in this area believe that they belong to Northern Ireland—and they do not believe this at the moment.

On a point of order, Mr. Speaker. In view of the unsatisfactory nature of the reply, I beg to give notice that I shall seek an early opportunity of raising the matter on the Adjournment.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland what advice he received from Mr. R. Darlington that he is unable to obtain from his Civil Service or security advisers.

My special adviser has worked with me since 1972 when I was Opposition Front Bench spokesman on Northern Ireland affairs. Mr. Darlington researched for me on Northern Ireland affairs and still does; he has my papers from Opposition days. He travelled with me in Northern Ireland and knows many people there, particularly in the trade union and Labour movement. His advice is a useful addition to that received from my permanent Civil Service and security advisers which they are so well qualified to give. Mr. Darlington also helps with my non-Departmental ministerial duties and assists with speech writing and correspondence.

Does the right hon. Gentleman realise that there is general dissatisfaction that amongst his advisers there should be an individual whose salary and terms of service are not disclosed to the public and whose duties and necessity for employment have not been satisfactorily explained by the right hon. Gentleman's reply?

This young man has worked with me for four years. He is extremely valuable in reminding me of views that I expressed when in opposition—which is always a good thing when in government. He also has one other advantage; he reminds me that I first went to Northern Ireland five years ago. There is always the danger that when an Englishman goes to Northern Ireland and remains there for a short time he will think that he knows all about it. This young man corrects that view for me.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland what contribution Northern Ireland taxpayers make to the current annual public expenditure of £1,300 million in the Province.

The total of taxation and other revenues to be raised in Northern Ireland in the financial year 1975–76 is estimated at £720 million.

Do not the figures confirm that the subsidy from other United Kingdom taxpayers to people in Northern Ireland amounts to about £17 per week per person? Does not that entitle British electors on this side of the Irish Sea to have some say in Northern Ireland affairs? Does the right hon. Gentleman appreciate that they will become exasperated if all sections of the community in Northern Ireland cannot get together to find a solution to the situation that now prevails?

The House is aware that final authority rests within the House. The subvention to Northern Ireland, which is a region of the United Kingdom, is in excess of subventions to other regions within the United Kingdom, but it is true that Scotland, Wales and other regions do receive subventions. I agree that while trying to use the money to the best advantage in reducing unemployment and creating employment, the people in Northern Ireland have a political responsibility. I think that they should take account of that responsibility.

Does the right hon. Gentleman agree that a tax contribution is made by Northern Ireland which is not reflected in the Northern Ireland returns, due to the fact that certain United Kingdom-based industries which have operations in Ulster make centralised returns to the mainland? Will he confirm that the total expenditure on security and compensation for bomb damage is included in the subvention to which he has referred?

There is an element of truth in the hon. Gentleman's point about United Kingdom-based industries and taxation. We estimate—these can be only round figures—that the subvention for the current financial year will be in excess of £400 million. That figure includes compensation.

Will the right hon. Gentleman confirm that the individual in Northern Ireland bears the same responsibility to the Crown, in that he has to pay the same rates of income tax, as any other citizen within the United Kingdom?

Although taxation might be on the same level, the return is not of the same proportion. The subvention exists and is real. The House cannot get away from that. The subvention must be taken into account. We are not attacking it we are explaining the situation to the House. There is a responsibility on those in Northern Ireland to recognise what the rest of the United Kingdom is attempting to do for them.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland how many persons are in prison in the Province for terrorist offences.

On 15th February 1976, there were 2,225 convicted prisoners in Northern Ireland. Of these, 1,494 were special category prisoners, all of whom had been sentenced for crimes connected with the civil disturbances. As it is not always possible to discover the motive for a crime, I am unable to give more precise figures.

Will the Minister say whether he is satisfied with the provision of prison accommodation in the Province in view of the increasing terrorism? Will he say when special category status is likely to be phased out?

This matter was explained only recently by my right hon. Friend. The debate now appears in Hansard, in the edition of Tuesday 17th February. I visited the new prisons and the new cell blocks only yesterday, and I am satisfied that they will be able to operate.

In addition to the figures for the prison population which the Minister has announced, will he publish the total annual convictions for terrorist offences as often as he can? It is very important that we should know the figures, and we do not yet have them.

To revert to the question of special category status and the possibility of further terrorism in Northern Ireland, will the hon. Gentleman remember the answer given by his right hon. Friend the Secretary of State to the right hon. Member for Down South (Mr. Powell) about the report into Today's Press alleging talks between his officials and the Provisional Sinn Fein? Does he know whether his right hon. Friend's categorical denial applies to the report in the Daily Telegraph that Foreign Office officials have been imported for this purpose?

I think that my hon. Friend denied that suggestion a few moments ago. The rest of the hon. Gentleman's question does not apply to the main Question.

My question was whether Foreign Office officials have been imported for this purpose as distinct from Northern Ireland officials.

I think that my right hon. Friend dealt with the matter when he said that the two Press reports were specifically untrue.

Will my hon. Friend confirm that the ending of detention without trial has been widely welcomed, and that the conviction of people for terrorist offences through the courts is the only proper course to take? Will he confirm that the potential for peace exists in a troubled area of the United Kingdom such as Northern Ireland only if justice is available to all?

I think I shall give my hon. Friend three "Yeses" as to that.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland if he will increase the Government allowance for mixed community children's holidays in Northern Ireland.

I have no proposals at the present time to increase the Government allowance for mixed community holidays in Northern Ireland. I am, however, reviewing existing policy on Government support for such holidays in Northern Ireland and elsewhere and I shall make a statement shortly about future policy.

Will the right hon. Gentleman say why travel grants of £12 per head are given for holidays in England whereas an allowance of only £1·75 per head is given for holidays in Northern Ireland? Does he agree that in Ireland children of different religions are mixed together on holiday, whereas children going to England are often sent to different individual families and do not get to know each other, which should be one of the objectives of the exercise?

The hon. Gentleman's second point is a matter that we shall be considering in the review on policy. There will always be a substantial differential between those going to Great Britain and those spending their time in Northern Ireland, but what is the exact differential is another matter.

Does the right hon. Gentleman have any reports about the mixed community of 200 children who came to Folkestone last summer at the expense of the residents of Folkestone? Did he hear what a success the visit was, and will he encourage more like it to take place?

I am grateful to the hon. Gentleman for saying that the visit was a success. I have not had a report, as these holidays are undertaken by voluntary bodies. Such bodies do not report to the Government in detail, although we give them grants to help them with their work.

Does the right hon. Gentleman accept that it is futile to spend substantial sums on a fortnight's operation when the Government assist education systems which cause divisions in the community and condition children in the minority community in Northern Ireland to feel that they are part of a different ethnic group as well as a different cultural group?

The arrangements for education as they affect Roman Catholics in Northern Ireland are substantially the same as those for the whole of England and Wales, and most of the United Kingdom. I do not think it possible to force people to change those arrangements.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland if he has studied the recent report on the situation in Northern Ireland presented to the Council of Europe, together with the subsequent debate and resolution of the Parliamentary Assembly; and if he will make a statement.

Yes, Sir. The resolution now goes forward to the Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe for consideration. I should like to pay tribute to the comprehensiveness and fairness of the report and to the constructive part played in the debate by Members from this country.

Does the Secretary of State agree that the debate in Strasbourg was restrained and constructive, that it set an example to certain other assemblies, and, indeed, marked recognition within Europe of the appalling burdens currently borne by the British Government and people? Did he note the generally helpful, and perhaps surprisingly conciliatory, statement made in that debate by the Southern Irish delegation to the Council of Europe? Does this not offer a glimmer of hope for the future?

I said in my original reply how valuable I found the report. I also noted the overall nature of the comments made by the delegates from the South of Ireland. Much as I welcome that attitude, it does not invalidate the fact that responsibility for Northern Ireland rests in this House. However, I am glad to receive any useful advice from elsewhere.

In commenting on that report, will the Secretary of State bear in mind what he told the House this afternoon, namely, that the circumstances in Northern Ireland are frequently more complicated than they appear to be to the outside world and are not always amenable to simple, however well-meant, suggestions?

I accept that there is no simple solution, but it is sometimes valuable to obtain reports of this nature from people who have visited Ireland and who have come up with the same ideas as those put forward in this House. All too often people go there for a day or two and come back with a simple answer. That is one reason why I thought the report was a good one.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland if he will introduce legislation in Northern Ireland which will enable him to assist servicing industries should they apply for Government loans or grants.

The Government are already empowered under the Industries Development Acts (N.I.) 1966 and 1971 to provide assistance, including loans and grants, to any undertaking providing employment, but it remains the Government's policy to concentrate discretionary financial assistance on the manufacturing sector.

Does the Minister accept that there is still a degree of ambiguity, because in recent discussions with the Department we were told that no legislation existed to facilitate him in assisting the service industries, yet we are told that this is now a matter for discretionary power. Will the Minister try to remove this ambiguity.

I have examined this proposal following a visit by the hon. Member for Antrim, North (Rev. Ian Paisley) who raised the matter with me. Powers exist to assist the service industries, but we feel that the main burden of creating permanent employment must be placed on the manufacturing sector. We have only a limited amount of money, and we are concentrating on that sector.

How many jobs does the Minister hope to generate in the manufacturing sector of Northern Ireland during 1976?

We are examining this matter. I was recently able to announce the establishment of 200 new jobs in the area of Newry. I am not in a position to give a forecast figure, but as soon as the figures are available I shall give them to the House.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland when he intends implementing the main proposals of the Porter Report on the Rent Restriction Act in Northern Ireland.

I explained in my reply of 4th December 1975 to a Question by the hon. Member for Belfast, South (Mr. Bradford)—[Vol. 901, c. 682.]—that the content and timing of legislation on those recommendations in the Report on which action had not already been announced were being considered by my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State in the light of the views expressed by interested parties. As I told the Northern Ireland Committee on 21st January, my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State hopes to publish proposals for discussion later this year.

Is the Minister aware that most of the 10,000 houses bricked up in Belfast are privately-owned? Does he agree that this causes extreme hardship to working-class people in Belfast, and will he give a guarantee that the Report will be implemented as soon as possible, so that these houses may become viable?

In regard to redevelopment, there are 18,000 privately-rented houses to be taken into public ownership in Belfast by 1980. As for rehabilitation, some privately-rented houses in the twilight areas of Belfast will be purchased. A total of 13 areas are being examined and action is being initiated in five areas this year.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland if he will estimate the damage resulting from bombing and rioting in Northern Ireland since the death by hunger-strike of the IRA man Frank Stagg.

No, Sir. It will be a considerable time before the full extent of this damage can be estimated.

I appreciate the Secretary of State's answer. Will he be able to help to speed the rebuilding of the factory in North Belfast which was burnt out and which resulted in loss of jobs for 130 workers? Can he do anything further to try to put these people back into useful employment?

I shall do all I can in that respect, with the help of my colleagues who administer the Department. No doubt the hon. Gentleman noted the advertisement that I placed in Irish newspapers today pointing to the damage done to Northern Ireland by the Provisional IRA. I should emphasise to the House that I thought up that advertisement and that it was not as a result of the efforts of any psychological warfare unit.

Does the Secretary of State recall that at a meeting in Londonderry on 1st February, Sinn Fein spokesmen openly proclaimed that if Mr. Stagg died there would be a campaign of unprecedented violence in this country? If those words were an illegal incitement to hatred and violence, why have no arrests been made? If they were not illegal, what changes in the law does the right hon. Gentleman propose to make?

What is done in that respect is not a matter for me. Following the end of detention, I am glad to say that the processes of law are in the hands of the Chief Constable. Whatever my views on the speeches mentioned by the hon. Gentleman, it is a matter for the Royal Ulster Constabulary.