House Of Commons
Tuesday 2nd November 1976
The House met at half-past Two o'clock
Prayers
[Mr. SPEAKER in the Chair]
Private Business
Tees Tunnel Bill
Lords amendments agreed to.
County Of South Glamorgan Bill Lords (By Order)
Order for consideration, as amended, read.
I remind the House that I have not selected the amendment in the name of the hon. Member for Cardiff, North-West (Mr. Roberts).
As amended, considered.
Amendments made to the Bill.
Bill to be read the Third time.
Anglian Water Authority Bill Lords (By Order)
Order for Second Reading read.
To be read a Second time upon Thursday.
Oral Answers To Questions
Education And Science
School Management (Taylor Committee)
1.
asked the Secretary of State for Education and Science when she expects the Taylor Committee to complete its deliberations.
I hope to receive the Committee's report by next Easter.
Does the Secretary of State agree that when the report is published, if effect is to be given to the Government's new-found enthusiasm for the maintenance of standards in education it will be important to reject any suggestion that the rôle of governors and managers in the supervision of the curriculum should be diminished in any way?
The Government have been concerned about standards throughout their period in office. It would be unwise to anticipate my decision on the Taylor Committee's recommendations.
Does the Secretary of State not share the hope that the outcome will be a bigger rôle for parents in school management and government? Could it not result in being something of an answer to the concern expressed by the Prime Minister that if parents were more involved in education there would be more effective pressure for basic standards than can be provided from the centre?
I am anxious to involve parents. That is why the Government have made clear that for the first time parents will be involved in consultations about proposals for the curriculum.
Is my right hon. Friend aware that in many schools the managers and governors are parents?
That is true, but my hon. Friend will know that there are differences between local authorities. Increased parental participation is something which the Government wish to encourage.
School Curricula
2.
asked the Secretary of State for Education and Science if, in the light of the Prime Minister's recent speech on education, she will now answer questions on curricular matters.
I do not have detailed responsibility for curricula in maintained schools; the 1944 Education Act places this on local education authorities and school governors and managers. As I made clear in a speech at Rotherham on 22nd October, however, I have a close concern for the school curriculum in general, and intend to embark upon a series of consultations about this issue.
Is the Secretary of State prepared to introduce a policy of minimum standards of literacy and numeracy to be determined at the ages of 7, 11 and 14?
If the hon. Gentleman had read my speech at Rotherham—I do not blame him if he has not—he will be aware that we propose that there should be consultations in advance of any proposals to be made at the turn of the year. We propose to involve teachers' organisations, local authorities, the two sides of industry and—so far as we can involve them—interested parents. It would be most foolish of me to say now, in advance, what the Government's proposals are, since I intend to consult freely and honestly with those groups and to put forward proposals in the light of discussions.
Is it not illogical that hon. Members may ask questions about the training of teachers but not about the shortage of teachers in particular subjects? Is it not high time that some change was made, so that hon. Members can probe the situation in the schools to ensure that criticisms are not made of comprehensive education in principle when the grounds for criticism lie elsewhere?
I have sympathy with my hon. Friend. I intend that Parliament should be included in the discussions.
I congratulate the right hon. Lady on her first appearance at the Dispatch Box in her important new post and on being the third Minister appointed to shadow me. I hope that she will have more success and be more moderate than her predecessors.
I appreciate that the right hon. Lady is naturally cautious about committing herself, but does she agree that it would be inappropriate for her Department to behave as though we have a set centrally -controlled curriculum? Does she not think it would be appropriate and desirable for her Department to lay down national standards of attainment?The hon. Gentleman will appreciate that shadowing a sun like himself is always very difficult. The sun moves round in 24-hour cycles, and here it has started up again.
I am glad that the hon. Gentleman has confirmed the Government's view that there is no question of State control of the curriculum. That would be a long step backwards. What we intend to do is to seek the achievement of basic school standards of the kind for which many parents have been pressing, but this must not involve any attempt at direct central control of the curriculum—something which none of us would want.Will my right hon. Friend remind my right hon. Friend the Prime Minister that there is a world of difference between education and training, and that he should not be lured into confusion by the advice of industrialists, who have tended to take a narrow view of education over the years?
There is much truth in what my hon. Friend says, but I think he would not disagree that over the last two years of schooling there is a need for links between the world of employment and the world of schooling. In my view this must be a two-way and not a one-way traffic.
School Transport
3.
asked the Secretary of State for Education and Science whether she has received any new evidence or comments on the rules relating to school transport from local education authorities in England since the beginning of the current academic year; and if she will make a statement.
18.
asked the Secretary of State for Education and Science if she has completed consultations with local authorities on the subject of school transport.
Consultations on the proposals outlined in the Department's consultative document are complete and no new evidence or comments have come to hand since the beginning of the current academic year. My right hon. Friend is looking at the question of school transport generally but is not yet in a position to make a statement.
Is the hon. Lady aware that parents are becoming very concerned about the three-mile limit, especially where an education authority such as Bedfordshire is going comprehensive and over the academic year the catchment area of schools is changed? Is there not a case for introducing a shorter distance with a flat-rate charge for parents, not least because of the annual changes in the catchment areas affecting so many people in a growing county such as mine?
The hon. Gentleman may not have fully realised that it is within the power of local authorities to make discretionary as well as mandatory payments. If in Bedfordshire the changing situation year by year gives rise to particular difficulty it is open to the hon. Gentleman's local authority to seek to make adjustments on either side.
Is my hon. Friend aware that in a county such as mine—Gloucestershire—in the county education office an inordinate amount of time is now spent dealing with problems related to school transport? Is she further aware that there is great concern in my constituency about the withdrawal of concessionary fares? Will she please introduce legislation rapidly to rationalise this chaotic situation?
I am only too well aware that the withdrawal of concessionary fares has exacerbated a situation already growing increasingly difficult year by year. The problems created for many parents are very grave. However, the fundamental difficulty that we face is not only that many parents are extremely disturbed about any proposed change but that local authorities are opposed to a change. We are trying to see a way through this difficult problem.
Does the hon. Lady realise that as bus fares increase parents who live just inside the statutory limit feel growing resentment against those who receive all the benefits and live outside the limit? In the light of the current economic situation and in order to be fairer to those people, would it not be more sensible now to introduce a standard fare for all?
This was part of the basis of the scheme put forward to local authorities and interested bodies some time ago. Revised versions of the proposals were circulated in an attempt to find something acceptable to all parties. I have a great deal of sympathy with what the hon. Gentleman says. We are trying to make progress, but we are not getting much co-operation.
Overseas Students
4.
asked the Secretary of State for Education and Science what estimate she has made of the probable reduction in numbers of home and overseas postgraduate students in the universities that will result from the increase in fees to £750 per annum.
In the academic year 1977–78 the reduction in projected numbers might be between 3,000 and 7,000 for home students and between 1,000 and 3,000 for overseas students. However, both the proposals and their statistical consequences are still under review.
Will my hon. Friend and the Government consider overcoming the serious shortage of postgraduate students by allowing unemployed graduates to register for suitable postgraduate courses without loss of their social security benefit and with payment of fees by the State?
That is basically a matter for my right hon. Friends the Secretary of State for Employment and the Secretary of State for Social Services. Under the present financial constraints I cannot see that it would be possible to put my hon. Friend's plan into operation.
Will the Minister confirm that raising an extra £48 million from fees by 1978–79 will involve a 50 per cent. increase on next year's levels of £650 and £750? Will he therefore explain the need for further restrictions on the flow of overseas students by the cumbersome and costly procedure that he and the Home Office are to announce in a circular?
The proposals and their statistical consequences are still under review. I should like to make it absolutely clear that the Press speculation to which the hon. Gentleman alluded in the last part of his question bears no relation to the level of fee. Consultation documents issued to various bodies are now being presented to the Press as Government policy, whereas no break with the existing policy is suggested in those documents.
Is my hon. Friend aware that the payment of fees by about 100 different public bodies to about 100 different academic institutions in respect of 300,000 students is a bureaucratic idiocy, as virtually all the money comes out of public funds anyway? The whole system is nonsensical.
It does not all come out of public funds. A considerable proportion for postgraduate students comes by way of grants from industry or from students who pay for themselves.
Well said.
Is the Minister aware that still up to one-third of the science postgraduates in many universities are foreign students? Does he agree that at a time of economic stringency charity should begin a little nearer home? In order to make up some of the shortfall that the increase in fees may cause in postgraduate numbers in scientific departments of universities, will the hon. Gentleman consider the introduction of differential grants to encourage, in engineering and science, a bigger uptake of domestic places by United Kingdom graduates?
I should welcome a bigger uptake by domestic students. Unfortunately, although the position is now slightly better, we do not have that uptake. I disagree with the hon. Gentleman when he says that it is so easy and cut- and-dried a question. Charity does begin at home by the education that we can give to foreign students. Britain benefits to a considerable extent from the spin-off resulting from their being educated here.
Truancy
5.
asked the Secretary of State for Education and Science what discussions have taken place with the local education authorities on truancy and related matters since June 1976.
No formal discussions have been held since the meeting in June with representatives of the local authority and teacher associations and other educational bodies concerned. The follow-up action has been planned and will be taken in association with local education authorities.
As truancy appears to be concentrated in the larger cities and in the age group between 15 and 16, has the hon. Lady any plans to reconsider her policy on the school leaving age? In particular, is she considering returning some discretion to the teacher on the question when a child is allowed to leave during the last year?
The school leaving age was raised some time ago, but it is a little soon to decide to make a change. Giving teachers discretion to say when a child should leave would require a change in legislation, and Opposition Members are always complaining about the pressures on our legislative time. In some areas the problem will be accentuated by the leaving age being raised to 16, but essentially it is much more a problem of individual cases, and these can be more easily dealt with by teachers and by individual authorities. There are not many recent figures, but figures from ILEA relating to surveys this year show a small but definite improvement in truancy rates. It is a welcome sign, and one for which we have been looking for a considerable time.
Does my hon. Friend agree that it ill becomes Members of Parliament to lecture parents and education authorities and others about truancy when hon. Members, day in and day out, play truant from this House? Does she not also agree that last night's vote was another vindication of this theory?
My hon. Friend's observations are interesting, but I do not think that I should comment on them.
Will the hon. Lady ask her Department to require local authorities to publish truancy figures? Is not there a link between truancy among 15- and 16-year-old children and the enormous increase in juvenile crime?
Given that we do not have adequate statistics in regard to absences from school, I believe that it would be dangerous to draw conclusions from statistics that do not exist in great numbers. Local authorities are already free to publish truancy data if they choose to do so. We as a Government have not decided to collect those figures and draw them together, because they are difficult to interpret and are not always collected on the same basis from one local authority to another. It is open to local authorities to publish their own figures, and of course it is equally open to hon. Members to press their local authorities to do so.
We welcome the figures showing an ostensible decline in truancy rates in ILEA, but should we not be sure that the figures on the registers are correct? Was it not the case at one time for inspectors as well as chairmen of governors to check school registers? Now that inspectors are to visit schools in connection with curricula, why cannot they check the registers too—bearing in mind that publications such as Where?, which is by no means a Right-wing publication, have thrown doubt on the validity of many school registers?
Although there are problems connected with truancy and ways in which teachers and local authorities can try to bring about a decline in the figures, at present there are many other matters to which our over-worked inspectorate could turn its mind. I am willing to inquire into this matter if the hon. Gentleman wishes me to do so, but he seems to be suggesting that because he does not accept the validity of such statistics, somebody else should produce some other results. A good deal of work would be involved in such an exercise and, as I have said, such efforts could perhaps be better directed.
Policy Formulation
6.
asked the Secretary of State for Education and Science whether she is satisfied that the process of policy formulation in her Department is sufficiently open to public participation.
In its Tenth Report this Session the Expenditure Committee made some recommendations about public participation in policy making in my Department, to which the Government will respond shortly in their reply to the report. The Prime Minister and I have already proposed a major public debate on the curriculum.
I thank my right hon. Friend for that heartening reply, but will she accept that public debate will scarcely get oil the ground unless great efforts are made to improve public participation in fundamental planning decisions by the Department? Does she accept that it is necessary to define the word "shortly", as used in her reply, in the hope that responses to reports of the Expenditure Committee will be made in a sharper manner than precedents in the last 18 months to two years have illustrated?
In reply to the last part of my hon. Friend's supplementary question, I hope to give a reply this month, which will be a period of only three months after the Committee reported.
I hope that my hon. Friend will recall that I have already published not only my answer to the Schools Council's proposals for an examination at 16-plus and for the CEE but also a full appendix and my reasons, and have laid the papers before Parliament. I intend to continue this style of open government. It is much better to do that than to have government by "leak", especially an irresponsible leak, such as that in The Guardian this morning, suggesting that the Government are planning something in terms of a document that Ministers have not yet seen.Does the right hon. Lady recognise that, ideally, consultations should go beyond professional bodies and embrace spokesmen for the great consuming public? Will she consider the Expenditure Committee's proposal that membership of the Schools Council should be opened up to include many more lay members?
The subject of the Schools Council composition was raised in the Expenditure Committee's Report, but I hope that the hon. Gentleman will await my considered reply. It would be unwise to give that reply in bits and pieces.
Is my right hon. Friend aware that many of us regard the consultation procedure in the Department of Education and Science as a little better than some of the procedures adopted in other great Departments of State? Is she further aware that, however much one may deplore the "leak", as she calls it, in The Guardian today, it raises profound issues about the function of our educational institutions? Is she aware that many Labour Members would gravely deplore our educational institutions being brought into a policing role in regard to immigrants?
I share some of the concern expressed by my hon. Friend but, as I have already made clear, Ministers in the Department have not finally approved the document; nor, indeed, have they seen it. Therefore, I believe that the material published in The Guardian this morning is very misleading and could create a great deal of worry and alarm among those concerned. It will not be of assistance to good international relations or to good race relations in this country.
Has the Secretary of State not revealed a grave situation in her Department if documents of this importance can be obtained by the Press before Ministers have even seen them? Will she instigate an inquiry within her Department to see how this situation came about? It is clear that not only the Home Office is concerned; her Department is, too.
The hon. Gentleman is barking slightly up the wrong tree. The document was first issued for consultation in 1973, and consultations have been taking place since that time. What has now appeared is an updated version of the 1973 draft circular—which, as I said, was never issued—without any fresh policy decisions contained within it. It will have to come before Ministers—as, indeed do all circulars—before it is finally issued. Before that happens, it is normally the case with updated documents that we engage in a round of consultations with those concerned. I wish to make it clear that the Government have made no decision, though no objective person who read The Guardian report would have come to that conclusion. I think that he or she would have come to the conclusion that a decision had been made by the Government on the circular. That is not so.
School Games Kit
7.
asked the Secretary of State for Education and Science whether she will alter the regulations to enable local authorities to help in cases of parental financial need for school games kit since evidence suggests truancy to avoid humiliation by children whose circumstances do not enable them to have the proper kit.
Local education authorities already have discretionary powers to help in such cases by providing kit free on loan, and if matters are handled sympathetically these powers are sufficiently wide to avoid this kind of problem.
Does my hon. Friend agree that there is an anomaly in the situation under which local authorities have discretionary powers in regard to school uniforms but appear to have no discretionary powers in regard to other equipment and in certain cases have to use subterfuges? Would it not be better if there were a directive to local authorities giving them a power of discretion?
There is a power of discretion, but it is only to provide kit to be given on loan to children. Local authorities do not have discretion to provide kit directly to children that will then become their property. I am afraid that it is not possible to change the situation, even though it is a difficult one, by issuing directives. The matter would involve amending legislation, and could be discussed only in the context of the subject of school uniforms, PE kit, and all the rest of it. It could not, therefore, be undertaken in a hurry.
Science Research Council
9.
asked the Secretary of State for Education and Science whether she has yet had discussions with the Chairman of the Science Research Council.
Yes Sir, on 1st November.
Is the right hon. Lady aware that I am grateful that that meeting has taken place? Is she not seriously concerned at the cut-backs forced upon the Science Research Council which may well prevent it from sustaining the necessary standard of education and research in universities? Can she give the House an assurance that after giving science a low priority for two and a half years the Government will provide new initiatives and encouragement?
It is true that the science budget has suffered from a limited reduction in the current year. However, the much more serious factor which has affected the budget has been the effect on international subscriptions of the fall in the value of the pound, since international subscriptions are expressed in currency units and not in national currencies. We are consulting about this matter. As a result of my discussions with the Chairman of the Science Research Council and also with the Chairman of the Advisory Board for the Research Councils I have concluded that a good deal of new and important work will, nevertheless, be able to go ahead.
Will the right hon. Lady say whether she has had discussions with the SRC about the progress of the teaching companies experiment which is being carried out in conjunction with the Department of Industry? Does she feel that this experiment is doing anything more than paying lip service to the need for a greater degree of technology transfer and for a better relationship between universities and industry? Will she consider extending the scheme to far more companies than the present limited number, which tend to be in the higher echelon of industrial performance and are consequently not open to a large number of postgraduate students?
The "teaching company" concept is an interesting one. We have to see how the experiment works out before extending it. It would be disastrous to extend it and then to discover that it was a failure. What we should do is to see whether the experiment works out and whether it can be extended not only to universities but to polytechnics, so that far more students of engineering technologies can gain direct and first-hand experience in industry while studying.
Gce And Cse Examinations
10.
asked the Secretary of State for Education and Science if she has now met the Schools Council to discuss its proposal to replace the GCE and the CSE with a single examination.
I met the Chairman of the Schools Council on Monday 25th October, and look forward to further discussions.
Is the right hon. Lady aware that she deserves our congratulations for her answer to Sir Alex Smith and his proposals? Can she ever envisage a common examination standard for all 16- to 19-year-olds which will not tend to impair examination standards and thus harm the employment chances of young people?
The hon. Gentleman may not have understood what was proposed by the Schools Council. It was not a common examination standard or even, for that matter, after the first stages, a common examination. What the Council recommended ultimately was a common examination system. I want to make it clear that, for obvious reasons, with small groupings of a specialised kind, there would be great advantages in a common examination system. I believe that we have first to satisfy ourselves on two points, the first being that a common examination system can be applied across what is now nearly 80 per cent. of the school population taking some formal examination at 16 and, secondly, that the administrative and financial complications, which are quite considerable, can be satisfactorily resolved. If these two criteria can be met I, for one, would welcome a common system of examination. I remain to be persuaded that they can be met.
Does my right hon. Friend agree that even if there were two or three separate examinations at 16-plus, many of the qualities which are required could not be examined? Does she also agree that having a universal system of examination would take some of the responsibility from future employers for making their assessment of these other qualities, which at the moment they are sometimes not anxious to do?
I see my hon. Friend's point. I do not think that examinations should be asked to do what they cannot do. Where we have, as at present, a fair amount of employer and industrial confidence in the CSE and GCE system, it is important to establish that there would be equal confidence in any successor system. I am talking just about examinations.
Does the right hon. Lady agree that if more parents and industrialists were members of the Schools Council, instead of just teachers, these ridiculous proposals of the Council would never have emerged?
The hon. Gentleman may have noticed my reply to one of his hon. Friend's earlier questions on the subject of the Select Committee's recommendations. I must ask the House to await my considered reply to its report.
Is the right hon. Lady aware that many of us are dubious about a common examination at the age of 16? We are worried that the attempt to have such an examination may throw doubt on the credibility of academic standards in examinations at the very time when education is in turmoil—
Order. May I say that both sides of the House today are altering Question Time and making speeches? It is not on one side; it is on both sides. It has been happening all afternoon.
The point was made by the Minister—[HON. MEMBERS: "Question."] Is the Minister aware that 40 per cent. of the least academic children currently take no examination? Would it not be practical to have a vocational examination for these people, so that they are not put into CSE classes, where most of them fail, to the disadvantage of themselves, the schools, and the country?
I have already said that there are great advantages in a common system of examination, because it would enable considerable teaching economies to be made. As to the second part of the hon. Gentleman's remarks, I would point out that whereas only three out of five children in our secondary schools passed some public examination of any kind in 1972, by 1974 the figure had risen to four out of five. Many of the criticisms that educational standards are falling are utterly beside the point.
Universities (Science And Technology Vacancies)
11.
asked the Secretary of State for Education and Science how many places in science and technological subjects, other than medicine or dentistry, but including mathematics, remained unfilled in October 1976 in the universities and polytechnics of the United Kingdom.
In terms of physical capacity in science and technology departments, there are something like 27,000 such places, which would allow for an increase in annual entry of about 9,000 in universities in Great Britain and polytechnics in England and Wales. These figures take no account of the availability of staff, and other resources, which also determine the number of students that may be accepted in particular disciplines.
Does my hon. Friend agree that the critical decision is made by boys and girls about their higher education not at 18 but at 16? Does he further agree that we shall be lumbered with this problem of a shortage of technologists and scientists until we do something about excessive specialisation in the sixth form? Will he address his mind to that?
I do address my mind to that. I disagree with my hon. Friend that a decision is necessarily taken as late as 16. Sometimes decisions to drop mathematics or science are taken at 12 or 13 as the Prime Minister made clear in his speech at Ruskin College.
Does the Minister of State accept that the shortages of scientists and technologists in industry are a result not only of the education that they receive but of the education received by managers in industry who often do not know how to use people of high qualification, which leads to people being frustrated and deters others from entering upon such a career?
It is true to say that industry needs to improve its image and that that image must conform to reality. It is a two-way process. That is why my right hon. Friend the Prime Minister has encouraged this national debate on education, so that the two sides can talk to each other.
Comprehensive Education (Reorganisation)
12.
asked the Secretary of State for Education and Science if she has yet received proposals from the Kent County Council concerning comprehensive reorganisation throughout that authority's area.
No, Sir.
Is the Minister aware of the recent decision of the Kent Education Committee to continue a "Tame-side" system throughout parts of the county? Is she further aware that that system merely replaces selection at 11 by selection at 13? Will she make it clear to the Kent County Council that when the Education Bill becomes law it is her intention to make sure that the system I have described is replaced by a fully comprehensive system?
When the Education Bill becomes law it is our intention to see a fully comprehensive system of education in Kent, as in every other part of the country.
Will the hon. Lady confirm that if she receives any proposals from the Kent County Council she will take into account any discussions that she has had with the Hertfordshire County Council, where over 22 children are not at school, due to the dissatisfaction of the parents with the process of secondary transfer that is taking place in that county council, directly resulting from the reorganisation of education within the county?
Every year in every local authority there are always a number of parents who are unhappy with the selection procedures for their children. Within the strict limits that we are allowed we do our best, as do local authorities, to ensure that these problems are solved as amicably as possible in the interests of the children.
Mathematics
13.
asked the Secretary of State for Education and Science if she will establish an inquiry into all aspects of the teaching of mathematics in schools.
The question of mathematics teaching is bound to arise in the forthcoming consultations about the curriculum and standards. I intend to await the results of that consultation before considering whether an inquiry on these lines would be the best way of proceeding.
Is the right hon. Lady aware that 11 months ago, in a speech at Sheffield, her predecessor called for a strong attack on mathematical illiteracy, and that my right hon. and hon. Friends entirely agreed? Is she aware that it has been our policy to have a Bullock-type inquiry into mathematics in all its aspects? Why has a year been wasted?
I am sure that the hon. Gentleman would like everything to happen yesterday, but it is not like that in education. In 1977 work is expected to be completed on an assessment of ways of monitoring standards for mathematics. In 1978 there will be a major national sample survey of mathematics. I am sure that the hon. Gentleman will recognise that to go ahead with ill-thought-out and ill-proven materials would be wholly self-defeating.
Is my right hon. Friend aware that many former mathematics teachers like myself would very much welcome an inquiry into the teaching of mathematics? Is she further aware that the so-called modern mathematics, while they may be the right media for producing mathematics graduates, are not necessarily the right type of teaching for the mass of children who leave school at 16? If my right hon. Friend sets up an inquiry of any kind, will she ensure that there are not too many university people on it, as they are largely responsible for the change that has taken place in the past 10 years?
The problem that arises from an inquiry, as my hon. Friend will know better than most people in the House, is that it usually takes a very long time to report—probably between two years and three years from being established. I do not believe that we have as long as that. Therefore, I am already proposing to take certain actions that are likely to give us a picture of what is happening in mathematics a good deal more quickly than would be the case with an inquiry. As I have already said, I remain agnostic about whether we should have an inquiry. That will have to await a later decision.
Teaching Methods
14.
asked the Secretary of State for Education and Science if she will now reconsider the decision not to commission an independent full-scale investigation of teaching methods in British schools.
I do not rule this out, but in general I am opposed to inquiries with terms of reference so widely drawn.
In view of the somewhat lofty manner in which my right hon. Friend's Department set aside as partial the evidence of Dr. Neville Bennett about teaching in primary schools, does my right hon. Friend accept that only her Department has the resources to institute a truly wide-ranging investigation into this subject, which worries parents almost as much as questions of curricula?
I must say straight away that it was Dr. Bennett who congratulated my hon. Friend the Under-Secretary of State upon the way in which she interpreted his evidence to the House and deplored the way in which certain other hon. Members interpreted his findings. As regards the second part of my hon. Friend's question, I refer him to the answer that I have just given. There is always endless pressure for further inquiries in the education world. Sometimes it seems that we should take a little action.
Does the right hon. Lady agree that there is a considerable amount of disquiet about teaching in primary schools, especially when this so often leads to the necessity for secondary schools to establish remedial classes to deal with children who cannot write or read properly? Will she reconsider her decision not to carry out an investigation into teaching methods, particularly in primary schools?
The hon. Gentleman will know that there has been an inquiry into precisely this matter—namely, the Bullock inquiry, which continued for nearly three years. It concerned itself precisely with reading standards in primary schools. With great respect, the hon. Gentleman's point makes my point for me.
Handicraft Courses
15.
asked the Secretary of State for Education and Science if she is concerned that poorer children are being deterred from undertaking handicraft courses because of the substantial increase in the cost of materials, including wood and metal, which some secondary schools cannot afford to purchase in sufficient quantity for their pupils and which pupils often cannot afford to purchase.
Although the provision of materials for courses in maintained schools is primarily a matter for local authorities and the schools themselves, I should certainly be concerned if I received evidence of arrangements which deterred poorer children in this way.
Does my hon. Friend agree that this is a situation in which schools seem unable to provide all the materials that are required, and in which a number of children are penalised because they cannot afford to purchase the required materials, and although they would like to enter such courses they cannot? Does she agree that in borderline cases the quality of materials used can determine whether an entrant passes or fails a handicraft examination?
My hon. Friend could well write to me about this matter. We have no knowledge of areas where this is a particularly significant problem. It may be that my hon. Friend is not making a distinction between the arrangements where materials are supplied free of charge and where there is a charge if the pupil wishes to keep the finished article. However, if he is talking—as he appears to be—about the supplying of materials, I should like to hear from him about the matter.
Prime Minister (Engagements)
Q1.
asked the Prime Minister if he will list his official engagements for 2nd November.
In addition to meetings with ministerial colleagues and others, this evening I hope to have an Audience of Her Majesty The Queen.
Will the Prime Minister make time today to reread the broadcast that he made to the nation on 5th April, when he said that there could be no lasting improvement in our living standards unless we stopped going deeper and deeper into debt? How does he reconcile that statement with the reality that during the past seven months the Chancellor of the Exchequer has added to the national debt by more than £6,000 million?
It shows that the recovery of a country that has declined over the past 20 years takes longer than six months, and that industrial regeneration, upon which the fortunes of this country are based and which has received the approval of the CBI, the TUC and the Government, is the best way in which we can make Britain fully competitive again. Until that time we shall have to continue slowly in the right direction.
Were any of the ministerial meetings to which the right hon. Gentleman referred related to the progress of the talks at Geneva on the Rhodesian settlement? Will he give the House an assurance that although Mr. Ivor Richard is clearly doing a splendid job as chairman, the right hon. Gentleman will not hesitate to send the Foreign Secretary if that should prove necessary to maintain the momentum of British initiative towards a settlement?
I am grateful for what the hon. Gentleman says about Mr. Ivor Richard, whose experience is well known and who is proving, as I think he has done at the United Nations, to be an excellent chairman in gaining the confidence of everyone at the talks. As for the attendance of my right hon. Friend, who is now on a visit to Yugoslavia, he has indicated that if necessary he would go to Geneva. However, it seems to us at present that in this period of delicate negotiations Mr. Richard is well able to conduct the talks. I hope that there will be some progress.
Is my right hon. Friend aware that I am very sorry that his programme for today will not allow him to make a visit to my constituency, especially to Skelmersdale? Is he aware of the black despair that has settled over the town following the announcement by Courtaulds that it is shortly to close? If we say in the Labour Party that Socialism is the language of priorities, when my right hon. Friend—[Interruption.] I am making a most serious point. If we say that Socialism is the language of priorities, will my right hon. Friend assure my people in Skelmersdale that they will be given the highest priority by the Labour Government, even if that means rescheduling some of the Government Departments that are to be transferred to places that are not in half as much need as is Skelmersdale?
My hon. Friend and I visited Skelmersdale together only two months ago. I am bound to say that I formed a much better impression both of the attributes of the town and of the labour force than I gained from the Press and by reading. I was under the strong impression then that Courtaulds intended to continue with the factory. I understand that today my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for Industry has been meeting Sir Arthur Knight, the Chairman of Courtaulds, and I think that a statement is expected shortly. Certainly it is important that every step should be taken to restore employment in Skelmersdale—a town that has a considerable future if those who are there can bring themselves, as I am sure they can, to work productively and competitively.
May I refer back to the Prime Minister's answer to my hon. Friend the Member for Eastbourne (Mr. Gow)? As the right hon. Gentleman said in that original broadcast that we cannot go on borrowing indefinitely, and as he will not reduce Government expenditure, is he expecting to increase taxation in order to get the IMF loan?
The right hon. Lady really must wait upon the discussions that are taking place at this moment—[Interruption.]—but I can assure her that if there are any announcements to be made they will be made in this House in due course, and at the time that the Government choose and not as a result of shouting from hon. Members on the Opposition Benches.
Does the Prime Minister recollect that in his broadcast on "Panorama" he gave two broad hints which he refused to give the House? He said that there was scope for increased taxation and that there was a margin for increased taxation. Do I understand that he has now ruled out increased taxation?
The right hon. Lady can draw any deduction she likes. In that broadcast on "Panorama" I was giving to a semi-philosophical question a wholly philosophical reply—that is to say, I was comparing the general levels of taxation in response to the question that had been asked. The right hon. Lady should not draw any more deductions from it than the weight of the answer will bear.
Will the Prime Minister take time off his official engagements today and reflect on the very serious unemployment and investment situation in Scotland? Does he agree that the only way in which unemployment and inflation can be brought down and investment increased in Scotland is by the establishment of a strong Scots pound and the lower rates of interest that will follow from the marriage between self-government and Scotland's inherently stable balance of payments situation?
I have read the concoction that is apparently intended to prescribe financial and economic policy for Scotland. If I were an elector there, I would not be very attracted by it.
Education
Q2.
asked the Prime Minister if he will place in the Library a copy of his public speech on education, delivered at Ruskin College. Oxford, on Monday 18th October.
Q3.
asked the Prime Minister if he will place in the Library a copy of his public speech on education in Oxford on 18th October.
Q10.
asked the Prime Minister whether he will place in the Library a copy of his public speech on education on 18th October at Oxford.
I did so the same day.
Has the Prime Minister considered that the general reluctance of young people to enter industry as opposed to the public service may be due to the comparative uncertainty of employment in industry and of the comparatively poor rewards that there appear to be for middle management?
I think that there is something in the first part of the hon. Gentleman's question. When there are high levels of unemployment, certainty and security in employment are a very great attraction, and that must have an impact. But I think that it goes deeper than that. I doubt whether most of the 550,000 youngsters who left school in June and July—all of whom, I am glad to say, are now off the register, except for 78,000—were really concerned at that stage about rewards to middle management. What we need is a closer relationship between schools and industry at all levels, and I hope that that will be encouraged.
I congratulate my right hon. Friend on his excellent speech on education. Has he considered the possibility of an inquiry into the supply, training, and qualifications of people in the professional engineering occupations, so that, in order to achieve the reinvigoration of British industry, we have this professional interest?
All these matters must come under review. My right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for Education and Science has indicated that we are going to focus attention on this whole range of issues, and I hope that she will be able to produce either a Green Paper or something in another form which will enable us to bring these matters into full discussion so that conclusions can be reached on them. I am in no doubt, as a result of the correspondence that has reached me since I directed attention to this matter—although I know that others have been doing it for some time—that there is genuine concern in industry and a strong desire on the part of the schools to try to meet the need. We must bring them both together.
In the Prime Minister's welcome but belated concern about standards in education, will he now take the obvious step of dropping the Education Bill at once?
It is that approach to education which distinguishes the two sides, and shows that the hon. Gentleman is concerned only with making party points and with trying to attack a particular system of education. What my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State and I are concerned about is the quality of the education in the schools today.
Since my right hon. Friend wants a full public debate on education, will he take it upon himself to instruct the Department of Education and Science that when a Select Committee of this House seeks access to documents pertaining to the deciding of priorities within the Department those documents must be made available to the Committee, and not refused?
I will inquire into that. I am not aware of the circumstance to which my hon. Friend is drawing my attention. I am quite certain that what has been said and the attention which has been focused on this matter represent the views of hundreds of thousands, if not millions, of parents, and that it is something to which the whole House must turn its attention.
Will the Prime Minister accept our congratulations on the fact that he is at last beginning to understand the concern that has been expressed from the Opposition side of the House about these matters for so long? Will he, as Prime Minister, consider intervening in what would appear to be an interdepartmental wrangle and taking away from the Department of Education and Science the responsibility for the Careers Advisory Service? Will he put it into the hands of people who have had genuine contact with industry, instead of leaving it in the hands of the somewhat remote people who run it at present?
I have been impressed by the fact that the quality of the careers officers in a number of schools does vary. In some schools it is much better than in others. Whether a change in structure would effect an improvement, however, I am not sure, but I shall be happy to discuss the matter with my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State and to write to the hon. Gentleman in due course.
Is my right hon. Friend aware that, notwithstanding the economic difficulties afflicting most of Western society, his speech on education was warmly welcomed by ordinary people? Will he make another speech and make it clear that he will in no wav undertake to submit to the clamour of the Conservative Party to inflict savage cuts on education, which would be the equivalent of eating the seed corn?
I am glad to say that I have now been invited to make a speech at Woodberry Down School on 9th November, where I have no doubt that I shall have something further to say about this matter. This is an area in which I naturally want to see the high level of public expenditure that is devoted to education—about £6 billion a year—used in proper priority, if necessary reordering the existing priorities, so that we can get real value for money.
Whilst welcoming the Prime Minister's support of our ideas on standards in education, and understanding the difficulties that there may be in dropping the Education Bill, may I ask whether, as an earnest of his sincerity, he can now give an undertaking that no local education authority will be forced into going comprehensive without being given adequate financial resources to make a good job of it and avoid botched-up schemes?
The Opposition's pathological dislike of comprehensive schools is exceeded only by the reaction of Pavlov's dogs when the bell rings. If the hon. Gentleman would concern himself more with the content and less with the structure of education, we might do very much better.
Grunwick Processing Laboratories Ltd (Dispute)
(by Private Notice) asked the Secretary of State for Employment if he will make a statement about the industrial dispute affecting Grunwick Processing Laboratories Ltd., which could be forced into liquidation by the end of this week with the loss of 300 jobs if the illegal withholding of mail by the Union of Post Office Workers continues.
I understand that some 140 employees of this company have been on strike since 23rd August, initially in support of 10 other employees who, it is claimed, were dismissed unfairly. The strikers themselves were subsequently dismissed by the company.
The strike has been made official by the Association of Professional, Executive, Clerical and Computer Staff, which is claiming recognition. At the request of the Association, the Advisory, Conciliation and Arbitration Service has several times sought to persuade the company to accept its assistance in seeking an end to the dispute but the company has so far refused to meet the union. On 15th October the union referred the recognition issue to ACAS under the statutory procedure provided in the Employment Protection Act. An inquiry by ACAS is, I understand, proceeding. Members of other unions are taking sympathetic industrial action, including action by members of the Union of Post Office Workers which is affecting postal services to the company. Given the history and circumstances of this dispute, I would hope that the company will even now agree to participate in meetings with the union under the auspices of ACAS in a search for the earliest possible settlement of the issues in dispute.I thank the Minister for his reply. It is possible that there may well be a dispute about some of the facts, as seen by the management. The managing director is a constituent of mine. I put to the Minister that the action by the Union of Post Office Workers is in direct contradiction to the provisions of Section 58 of the Post Office Act 1953, which states that any officer of the Post Office who wilfully fails to handle mail is guilty of a misdemeanour.
Will the Minister say whether this provision has been brought to the attention of the General Secretary of the Union of Post Office Workers? If so, will he, in the light of that, be withdrawing this industrial action? If industrial action is not withdrawn, will proceedings under the Act be taken against those who are involved?I think that what is beyond dispute is that there is interference with the mail—although this started only yesterday, I understand. I am sure that the General Secretary of the Union of Post Office Workers is quite familiar with the law in this respect. It is not for me to judge the legality or illegality of such action. I understand, however, that if the company would respond to the proposals of ACAS for conciliation and the use of the Section 11 procedure under the Employment Protection Act, the union would immediately call off its action.
Is the Minister aware that this firm employs Asians who work in disgraceful conditions and that immediately they join APEX they are sacked? Will the Minister, therefore, explain to the firm that the first step in avoiding liquidation is to negotiate with APEX in order to get a settlement?
I have heard some very disturbing stories about the behaviour of the company, but we all recognise that what is necessary now is that steps should be taken to bring the dispute to a speedy end. I hope that the company will take advantage of the willingness of ACAS to conciliate and to use the Section 11 procedure to which I have referred.
Without entering into the merits of the dispute one way or the other, may I ask the Minister whether he will now advise Post Office workers that it is no part of their job to discriminate in the delivery of mail in response to industrial disputes, political likes and dislikes, or any other factor whatsoever? The Minister should make the position clear now. Is he aware that, if he does not do so, it will be assumed that he is at least conniving in—if not giving complete approval to—the use of the mails as a weapon of industrial warfare?
No, I think it is perhaps a symptom of the character of this dispute that reasonable and moderate men feel sufficiently outraged to take the action they have taken. I have no doubt that the General Secretary of the Union of Post Office Workers—the action taken has now been made official—is fully aware of the law. The whole House will recognise him as a reasonable and moderate man who would not take such action unless provoked into it.
Is the Minister aware that most of the workers in this factory are in my constituency, and that the factory itself is in the constituency of my right hon. Friend the Member for Brent, East (Mr. Freeson)? We have had no notification from the hon. Member for Hendon, North (Mr. Gorst) in the usual courteous manner.
Is the Minister also aware that the history of this dispute goes back over many years, and that the company is intransigent and sends rude letters to me and to my right hon. Friend? We get no proper response to our letters. It is the only firm in the whole of my constituency which treats its workers in this deplorable fashion. [Interruption.]I am bound to say that I am surprised at the reaction of Conservative Members to what my hon. Friend the Member for Brent, South (Mr. Pavitt) has just said. He and my right hon. Friend the Member for Brent, East (Mr. Freeson) have played a thoroughly useful and constructive role throughout this long dispute, urging the company to take advantage of the conciliation machinery provided by the Government—machinery which has secured the approval and support of all parties in this House.
Following what my hon. Friend the Member for Chingford (Mr. Tebbit) has said about the attitude of the Post Office workers, will the Minister join me in hoping that reasonable and moderate men in the Union of Post Office Workers will be very careful not to break the law in this case, although they may feel aggrieved at the treatment being meted out to other workers?
In view of the fact that an inquiry is proceeding into a recognition dispute under Section 11 of the Employment Protection Act, and that ACAS has the necessary power now to decide on a recognition issue, would it not be better in those circumstances if advice were given to the people concerned to return to work pending the ACAS report? We may otherwise have an increase in the number of unemployed people, and I am sure that we wish to avoid that.I am sure that we all want people in disputes anywhere to observe the law. We are all as anxious as the right hon. Gentleman that any possible loss of jobs arising from this sorry dispute should be avoided. I regret that the right hon. Gentleman did not see fit to encourage the company to use the conciliation machinery which has his blessing. The right way in which to bring a speedy end to the dispute is to get the parties to sit down together—as they will have to do eventually—under the auspices of the Advisory, Conciliation and Arbitration Service.
Is it not a fact that this firm has been exploiting coloured immigrants by paying them as little as £23 a week? As the firm's business is conducted mainly by mail order, is it not obvious that a sympathetic union such as the Union of Post Office Workers will take action to prevent this sort of exploitation, and that if the firm refuses to negotiate with ACAS the best thing it can do is to go into liquidation?
I said earlier that I had heard disturbing reports about the company's conduct. What we all want now is to seek to bring the dispute to a speedy end and to avoid at this stage the use of any words which might impede that process. However, there may well be some wider issues deserving of more careful consideration once the dispute has been resolved.
rose—
Order. We cannot debate it now.
On a point of order, Mr. Speaker. We all appreciate that when applications are made for Private Notice Questions affecting matters of national importance, there is some sort of general convention that they are raised by Opposition Front Bench spokesmen. As you are aware, Mr. Speaker, other applications are made which involve direct constituency interests, and on some of those occasions, although not all, a Private Notice Question will be accepted in the first place by you and then answered.
Having listened to these proceedings for the last 10 minutes, I feel bound to wonder—as, indeed, do some of my hon. Friends—how the hon. Member for Hendon, North (Mr. Gorst), who was responsible for putting down the Private Notice Question, managed somehow or other, in very unusual circumstances, to get it through the tight control exercised by you before allowing a Private Notice Question.Further to that point of order, Mr. Speaker. I do not question your ruling. I know the procedure very well. But will you also bear in mind that it is not the practice of Mr. Speaker's Department to inform hon. Members if their constituencies are affected by a Private Notice Question? For future reference, would you look into whether that decision should be altered?
It is quite impossible for me—as I must take responsibility—to have a map in order to see where particular factories are and in whose constituency they are. I deal with the issue. The House has vested me with this discretion, which I exercise very carefully, as the House has discovered. I realise that I am very cautious in my attitude. If I think that a Question should go to the Order Paper and not jump the queue, I am not slow in indicating so.
I can only say to the hon. Member for Bolsover (Mr. Skinner) that I went into this matter with great care before the Question was allowed. I felt that there was some urgency and that a statement was required. That was my judgment.rose— —
rose— —
Order. I will not allow a debate on what I have said.
On a point of order, Mr. Speaker. I am trying to be helpful in my point of order. May I put it to you that an hon. Member applying for a PNQ should state definitely whether it is a constituency matter?
On a point or order, Mr. Speaker. I wonder whether I might make three points on this. First, the matter was brought to my attention by a constituent of mine who is the managing director of the firm concerned. Secondly, the Member of Parliament for the constituency in which this dispute has arisen is in fact a Minister and, therefore, would be unable to raise the matter on the Floor of the House in the way that I could. Thirdly, the issue is much more important than the jobs of 300 people, important as they may be. It has national connotations in that the action of the Post Office workers is a threat to the nation as a whole.
I find it a very difficult task to deal with Private Notice Questions because I have to have the interests of the House as a whole at heart as well as those of the hon. Member who asks the Question.
With regard to the helpful point of order raised by the hon. Member for St. Helens (Mr. Spriggs), I am afraid that I cannot decide Private Notice Questions on the basis that a Private Notice Question is only a constituency matter. It may well be a matter of national concern. But I shall bear in mind what the hon. Gentleman said.I have followed your ruling, Mr. Speaker, in the course of which I think you have answered the point that I wished to make, that in the future, it would be seen as a convention of the House that, where it is a constituency matter, that should be said, and, where it is not, that also should be said in the application.
Many hon. Members, myself included, feel that it is quite intolerable for the hon. Member for Bolsover (Mr. Skinner) to have questioned your decision, Mr. Speaker, to call this Private Notice Question. Your job would become quite intolerable if you had to answer and defend every decision to call or not to call a Private Notice Question. May we, therefore, assure you that from the Opposition Benches there will be no support for the bullying line of questioning on bogus points of order adopted by Government supporters?
I try to deal courteously with everyone in the House who raises any question, and I assume that an hon. Member who does intends to be courteous.
Further to that point of order, Mr. Speaker. I hope that we can all agree that it would be most unfortunate if, every time a Private Notice Question were allowed, there were to be an inquest into the way in which you had exercised your discretion or an attempt to rewrite Standing Orders. There are other ways of doing that. I hope very much that, simply because of the rather spiteful disappointment of one hon. Member that something with which he does not happen to agree has been allowed, there will be no suggestion that applications for Private Notice Questions should be in any way limited to constituency interests.
I think that I made that clear earlier. I am very much obliged to the right hon. Member for Yeovil (Mr. Peyton) for what he said in his opening remarks. I think that the House must accept the ruling of its Speaker on these matters.
Further to that point of order— —
This must be the last point of order that I shall take on this matter.
I trust that it will be. In view of the conduct of the disgraceful Member for Hendon, North (Mr. Gorst) in not informing the Members more immediately concerned, would it not be advisable that you Mr. Speaker, or his own conscience, should prick him to apologise to the Members more immediately concerned?
Relationships between hon. Members are not my concern. But I hope that they are always of top quality.
Selection Of Amendments (Mr Speaker's Ruling)
Yesterday, the hon. Member for Tiverton (Mr. Maxwell-Hyslop) asked me whether I would he willing to have lists of my provisional selection of amendments placed in the "No" Lobby, as is done in the case of the selection of amendments to Bills. I shall be very glad to do this if we have a similar occasion to yesterday's debate when there were a number of amendments to different lines of the motion. I doubt, however, whether it would serve any useful purpose if, for example, selection lists were placed in the Lobby announcing that I proposed to select a Government amendment to an Opposition motion in Supply. If the House is willing to leave these matters to my discretion, I will do my best to see that lion. Members are informed in advance by selection lists whenever this seems to be indicated.
Fisheries Policy
I will, with permission, make a statement about the outcome of a discussion of fisheries questions at a meeting of EEC Foreign Ministers in the Hague on 30th October.
I am glad to report that Foreign Ministers reached agreement on the matters which they had been unable to resolve in the Council on 18th and 19th October. It was agreed that member States of the Community should extend their fishing limits to 200 miles as from 1st January. Agreement was also reached on the outline mandates which will enable the Commission to open negotiations with third countries on framework agreements which will govern future Community fishing in the waters of those countries, and third country fishing in the waters of member States. The House is aware of the particular urgency in the negotiations with Iceland, and I am glad to say that the Commission will start negotiations with the Icelandic Government very shortly. On the internal aspects of the Community's fishery policy, the details will have to be dealt with at a later stage. The Council did, however, agree that, in applying the common fisheries policy, account should be taken of the vital needs of the fishing communities in regions particularly dependent on fishing including inter alia the northern parts of the United Kingdom. My right hon. Friend the Foreign and Commonwealth Secretary again made clear that the Government had in no way modified their view on the width and scope of the coastal arrangements which we are seeking.Is the Minister aware that we welcome the agreement to move the limits and are pleased that that has been achieved? Does he accept that more than a framework agreement with Iceland will be required to deal with the situation which arises in the United Kingdom only on 1st December? On the crucial importance of the internal arrangements, I think that the House is agreed about objectives. Will the right hon. Gentleman confirm that the Foreign Secretary will be accompanied in his negotiations by the Secretary of State for Scotland and the Minister of Agriculture? Can he confirm that fisheries will be on the agenda and discussed at the Heads of Government meeting at the end of the month?
How is the 200-mile limit to be policed and enforced? Where are the vessels to undertake the task and how is it to be organised? The right hon. Gentleman referred to the details needing to be dealt with later. Is he aware of the urgency and the need to reach agreement by 1st January 1977 so that the partners in the Community will know where they are? Why does the Minister single out the northern parts of the United Kingdom apparently as being particularly dependent upon fishing whereas in reality other parts of the United Kingdom are affected as well?
I am grateful to the right hon. Gentleman for his welcome. I readily confirm that there is considerable urgency in relation to Iceland and a need to make an arrangement there by 1st December. That, of course, has considerable impact on the deep-sea fishing. The Commission is well aware of that, particularly the Commissioner who is dealing with this matter at present.
As for the internal arrangements, it would be of advantage if all these matters could be agreed by 1st January. It would undoubtedly be better, but we must take a realistic view of the negotiations. There is still a formidable gap between the countries of the Nine about the internal régime and it would be optimistic to believe that we would get total agreement by 1st January—although I should be happy to see it. As for the Heads of Government meeting, of course any Head of Government can put an item on the agenda for discussion. The right hon. Gentleman asked whether this matter would be discussed at the end of the month. I have no doubt that if we reached a situation in which there was no possibility of agreement with Iceland, the Prime Minister would wish to discuss the matter with his fellow Heads of Government, but if we can reach some agreement—negotiations are proceeding smoothly—it may be better for that to be discussed later. Enforcement and policing are crucial parts of any internal regime. It is well known that the Commission has put forward proposals dealing with quotas. There is great scepticism about quotas, largely because of the enforcement procedures. This is therefore a central issue to be discussed as part of the internal regime, and it will be discussed.Is the Minister aware of the dismay felt in all parts of the House following the massive compromise made by the members of our delegation in the European Parliament on this matter and the fact that we were unfortunately scuppered by the Irish delegation? I hope that he will convey to the Foreign Secretary, who is also a Humberside Member, the strong feeling that we have now achieved a massive breakthrough and can now attempt negotiations with the Icelanders, the Norwegians and others, such as the Canadians. We wish him and his team success in this difficult matter of achieving a system of banded zones of 12, 35 or 50 miles within the 50-mile exclusive economic zone which all parties in the House desire.
I am grateful for my hon. Friend's kind words about the Foreign Secretary. My right hon. Friend has throughout upheld both the interests of the deep-water fishermen, of whom he has considerable knowledge because of his constituency, and the need for an arrangement on the internal regime to protect the coastal fishermen. A substantial change has been made. The fact that we have been able to get the Council to endorse what the Commission said in its document about the northern region—the first time that that has been stipulated—means that it is now a Council agreement. That is a substantial advance and the wording makes it clear that there are other regions, notably the southwest, all around the coast of England, Scotland and Northern Ireland which we also wish to protect.
rose—
Order. I hope to call every hon. Member with a direct constituency interest in this matter, but I can do so only if hon. Members will make their questions as succinct as possible.
As the extension to 200 miles is a decision jointly taken and as, under the Treaty of Accession, the waters between 12 and 200 miles are now in effect Community waters, is there any mutual acceptance of responsibility for the policing of those waters?
This is still to be discussed. There are two different views on the question. Some fishermen in the United Kingdom would wish enforcement to be still a United Kingdom responsibility and are sceptical about the advantages of the Community. There are other smaller Community countries without the resources to do an effective policing job over a large area of sea. That was the matter raised by the Irish.
In drawing particular attention to the northern parts of the United Kingdom, are the Government making clear their recognition of the needs of the fishing communities in Northumberland, something which their predecessors did not do?
I do not wish to be involved in drawing a map at this stage, but I am well aware of the problems to which the hon. Gentleman refers. That is why the wording is cast in a fairly broad sense and talks about northern regions of the United Kingdom.
May I add my congratulations to the team who have begun on what may still be a very long haul before we get satisfaction? Can the Minister confirm that the Scottish Office will be represented when it comes to discussing the internal arrangements for the fishing régime?
Yes. My right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for Scotland took part actively in the discussions on 18th and 19th October and has been closely associated with this matter. I discussed this issue with him on Saturday over the telephone.
May I congratulate the Government on their decision to extend the limits to 200 miles? Does the Minister recognise that urgency still exists until we get a 50-mile exclusive zone for Scottish fishermen? So long as our partners in the EEC—namely, the Danes and the Belgians—are allowed to rape our waters by industrial fishing, our entire fishing stocks will be in extreme danger?
Her Majesty's Government will look after the interests of British fishermen from wherever in the United Kingdom they come.
Is the Minister aware that Irish Ministers achieved a better deal for Irish fishermen than British Ministers did for British fishermen? Is he aware that there are many people in Scotland who will seriously question the benefits of British representation at the EEC? Is he aware of the seriousness of this matter and the grave responsibility which rests with him for the unity of the United Kingdom? If he fails to satisfy the legitimate needs of Scottish fishermen, he will fan the flames of separatism much more fiercely than all the nationalists and other extremists put together.
I am only too well aware of that. If we had been prepared to acquiesce in an arrangement which did not recognise the special problems of the United Kingdom, we should have had agreement much earlier. It was because my right hon. Friend fought for a recognition of the special interests of the United Kingdom that the negotiations took such a long time.
I, too, welcome my right hon. Friend's statement about the extension to 200 miles. However, would he fasten his attention on the real problem? That is the internal fishing policy and the fact that we may be playing off one area against another when what we should do is to consider an alternative policy of coastal control for conservation and quotas agreed with the Community, which would be an alternative to the exclusive zone argument.
I agree with my hon. Friend to this extent, that what we are discussing is fish. That is the central issue on which the livelihood of fishermen depends. Therefore, it is right to look seriously at conservation, enforcement and the viability of any system of quotas. However, at the moment the British view remains that we do not believe that we can sufficiently safeguard the interests of the British fishermen without some form of coastal zones.
Would the Minister confirm, so that there can be no vestige of doubt, that his right hon. Friend has agreed in the Council of Ministers with the other Foreign Ministers on a 200-mile fisheries zone and not an exclusive economic zone, which has overtones going well beyond the cause of fisheries?
I can confirm that interpretation, which is an important one.
Are we then moving to a situation in which Iceland, Norway and other countries obtain a 200-mile exclusive fishing zone while we have to share most of ours with eight other countries?
We are moving towards a readjustment of the common fisheries policy, which it was accepted at the time of our accession had many unsatisfactory features. It is difficult to renegotiate that, but we are taking the opportunity of the extension to 200 miles to try to arrange a common fisheries policy which takes into account the interests of British fishermen rather more than hitherto.
Will the Minister explain why all the reports indicate that Ireland received better assurances for a 50-mile limit than were given to Britain? Is he aware that the real battle will be over the 50-mile limit? Is he aware of the explosive anger that will be demonstrated by the whole fishing industry if we fail to obtain a 50-mile exclusive limit?
That is a little rich coming from the hon. Gentleman who supported a system which gave no safeguards for fishermen. I do not wish to turn this into a political issue between the two sides of the House, but it does not lie in the mouths of the Conservatives to criticise us in our difficult task of recovering lost ground. We shall do so as far as is humanly possible.
Will the right hon. Gentleman concede that the inshore fishermen on the South Coast are facing a particularly difficult problem? Will he ensure that when the final area is agreed for exclusive use that will also mean the cancellation of all historic rights?
That is an issue that may need to be discussed. The hon. Gentleman will be aware of the Commission's proposals for keeping to the 12-mile limit and allowing historic rights. Once one embarks on the subject of historic rights and seeks to revert to that situation, one is asking for substantial changes not envisaged at the time of the common fisheries policy.
All hon. Members will have to recognise that we are trying to regain a situation that was given away. It will not be easy to do that, and it would be most unwise for anyone to adopt an attitude which did not reflect that the issue has to be negotiated with nine other countries. These nine countries have shown a degree of understanding of the peculiar and special interests of the United Kingdom and Ireland. However, there is much further to go. I do not disagree with my hon. Friends who have said that we are only just starting the negotiations. I advise the House to look at the position realistically and to make a realistic assessment of the British position.
Is the Minister aware that I believe that what he says is entirely reasonable? We cannot expect to get a 50-mile limit or any other limit by 1st January because of all the complications involved. Will he nevertheless confirm that as from 1st January the fishing fleets of non-Community countries, notably of Japan, the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, will be unable to fish within the 200-mile area without some agreement with Community members?
That is the essence of the negotiations that are before the Community now. There are problems attached to it. However, we take the view that there should be a reduction of fishing catches from 1st January mutually agreed between third parties and the Community.
Is my right hon. Friend aware that we agree with the decision about the 200-mile limit, and that I endorse his rejection of the hypocrisy of the Conservatives? May we, however, deal with the question of historic rights? Is it not the case that the vast amount of water that we are dealing with within the 200-mile limit is basically British water? In that context, is he aware that in considering belts and broad bands all rights up to 50 miles—and I would prefer the 50-mile limit—must also be thrown into the melting-pot and discussed before we reach a final decision on the bands up to and including 50 miles?
Yes, I totally agree. I think that the whole Common Market fishing policy, which takes in the common fisheries policy, will have to be discussed, and that should embrace the question of historic rights.
Is the Minister aware that one reason we must insist on a 50-mile exclusive zone in the internal regime is that we have seen the French and the Belgians over-fish their waters in recent years? If they proceed to do precisely the same in our waters off the Sussex coast and elsewhere, we shall have nothing left to fish.
I agree with much of what the hon. Gentleman has said, but there is an acceptable contrary view which believes that fish can be conserved by proper surveillance and protection and a system of quotas. We have to look into this matter. It is one of the points which will have to be discussed, but we believe that it is easier to do that if there are exclusive rights or a coastal zone.
In Fleetwood we welcome the resumption of negotiations with Iceland. Will British advisers and representatives of the British Government be present when the Commissioner holds the talks?
No, these will be negotiations for the Commission to undertake. The Commission has been given a mandate by the Community, and it will negotiate for the Nine as a whole.
Will the right hon. Gentleman answer the question posed by my hon. Friend the Member for Haltemprice (Mr. Wall)? Were any specific undertakings given to Ireland as a result of the last meeting which were not given to the British? Why was the northern region specifically mentioned and the other regions of the United Kingdom merely mentioned inter alia? Is there some special feature of the northern region which was thought to deserve particular recognition?
The main reason was that this was an area which had already been picked up by the Commission. The Commission mentioned three areas—the northern region of the United Kingdom, Greenland and some regions off Southern Ireland. That was felt to be the most that could be achieved if we could secure the Council's endorsement of the Commission's proposals.
The inter alia reference was inserted when other countries recognised that there were other regions similarly affected—we mentioned the south-west and other parts and there was mention of regions off Germany. We argued the case for the southwest. Irish interests are for the Irish Government to take up. The Irish made a great deal of play of the fact that they have a small fishing industry, as they have in relation to the rest of the Nine, and that they have a development programme in operation. To that extent they had an unusual reference, but their industry is not comparable with the industries of the other member States. I do not claim that they secured any special treatment. I think that the special treatment involved the three specific areas, leaving open the opportunity of arguing for all the other areas.I welcome the statement and I acknowledge the words which point to the special needs of the northern parts of the United Kingdom. However, is the Minister aware that my constituents were very disturbed to see in the Press that those words were interpreted as meaning Scotland? Does he accept and confirm that they include the North-East Coast?
They mean what they say, and they do not mean just Scotland.
rose——
Order. I indicated earlier that I would call those hon. Members with a direct constituency interest, but I meant those I had seen standing. However, I call Mr. Albert Costain.
I stood up the moment the statement finished, Mr. Speaker, and I have a direct constituency interest.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that his statement today gave the impression that he had not realised the special problems which exist for the South-East Coast and the narrow waters of the Channel? Is he aware that the fishermen in my constituency—we have three fishing fleets—are extremely worried about conservation? Will he make certain that the talks cover such matters as the types of nets to be used, and that the importance of conserving the fish supply will be stressed? My constituents are apprehensive about what has already happened off the French, Belgian and Dutch coasts.I am aware of the problems of the South-East Coast. I have some personal knowledge of it. These negotiations, however, were held in the Council of Foreign Ministers primarily to deal with external arrangements. The detail of the internal arrangements has yet to be negotiated. Those talks will be difficult, and it will take some time before we reach agreement in view of the difference of views which exists at the moment.
Order. I do not want the hon. Member for Folkestone and Hythe (Mr. Costain) to be under a misapprehension. I was not referring to him when I made my observation. The hon. Gentleman about whom I was speaking knows to whom I was referring.
I have a constituency interest which is closer to the Danes and the Belgians than most. Therefore, may I wish the right hon. Gentleman well in the negotiations? There is no doubt that on the East Coast there is considerable fear of over-fishing by the Belgians and the Danes.
I am grateful to the hon. Gentleman for his remarks. Conservation is central to the whole negotiations.
On enforcement the Minister commended on the admitted complications that will arise with any new internal arrangement. But what will happen about enforcement in the rest of the waters in the 200 miles? Will that be organised from 1st January?
May I take up the Minister's reply to my hon. Friend the Member for Haltemprice (Mr. Wall)? In 1971 and 1972 there was no thought of a 200-mile limit, but in 1975 it was being discussed all round the world. Was that not an item that the Government should have put on the list of matters to be renegotiated?I shall try not to make this a partisan issue. The right hon. Gentleman knows perfectly well that I did not start it, and if he looks in Hansard tomorrow he will see that I did not.
Internal and external regimes and enforcement to some extent run together and it is difficult to separate them. I agree that the 200-mile limit poses a much wider area of sea, and therefore there are greater problems of enforcement. A lot depends on the system operating in the internal regime and the ease with which any form of enforcement can be reached. Negotiations will have to take place in the Community about the resources for policing which the nine member nations can produce. But no final decision has been reached and this is a matter for discussion.Mail Services
I beg to ask leave to move the Adjournment of the House, under Standing Order No. 9, for the purpose of discussing a specific, urgent and important matter which should have precedence over other business; namely
I apologise for not giving you notice earlier in the day, Mr. Speaker, but I could not do so because the matter was not public knowledge until the Private Notice Question raised by my hon. Friend the Member for Hendon, North (Mr. Gorst). I submit that this is a very specific matter because it refers to the circumstances surrounding the holding up of mail in pursuit of an industrial dispute. That is how my hon. Friend described the circumstances, and this was confirmed as accurate by the Minister of State for Employment. It is an important matter because the carriage of mail is a State monopoly, and it is a service which is vital to the continuance of the social, industrial, and commercial life of this country. It is urgent because this is a great abuse and the longer it is allowed to continue without the House debating it and reaching a conclusion about what should be done, the more difficult it will be to uproot and destroy such abuses."the interference with the delivery of Her Majesty's mails".
The hon. Member asks leave to move the Adjournment of the House for the purpose of discussing a specific and important matter which he thinks should have urgent consideration, namely
As he knows, under Standing Order No. 9 I am directed to take into account the several factors set out in the Order but to give no reasons for my decision. I do not have to rule on the importance of the question or whether it should be debated, but only whether it should have precedence over all other business. I have given careful consideration to the representations by the hon. Member, but I have to rule that his submission does not fall within the provisions of the Standing Order, and therefore I cannot submit his application to the House."the interference with the delivery of Her Majesty's mails".
Business Of The House
Ordered,
That, at this day's Sitting, Standing Order No. 4 shall not apply to the Motions relating to Poultry Meat (Hygiene) Regulations 1976 (S.I., 1976, No. 1209) and Poultry Meat (Hygiene) (Scotland) Regulations 1976 (S.I., 1976, No. 1221), but that the said Motions may be proceeded with, though opposed, until half-past Eleven o'clock or for one and a half hours after they have been entered upon, whichever is the later, and if such Motions are then under consideration Mr. Speaker shall forthwith put any Question which may he requisite to bring to a decision any Question already proposed from the Chair.—[Mr. Coleman.]
Marriage (Amendment)
4.18 p.m.
I beg to move,
Last July an extraordinary case was reported in the Press of a woman who married at least 50 times to 50 different bridegrooms. She was not a film star, she was not a latter-day Women's Lib Casanova, and she was not a raving beauty. She was merely earning her living in what was, I must admit, a novel way, even if a thoroughly dishonest one. She met her bridegrooms for the first time at the register office door and left them for ever immediately after the ceremony. She was, and probably still is, part of a criminal ring whose objective is to get would-be immigrants into Britain. According to Scotland Yard, foreigners temporarily in Britain were, and still are, approached by front men who ask them whether they would like to stay here longer and give them certain advice about how this might be achieved. One method is to enrol as a student in an English language school, and the would-be immigrant will almost certainly be given permission to stay an extra six months at least. Apparently after that the marriage brokers move in and offer to arrange a marriage. This is certainly not cheap; the fee is reported by the police as £350, £100 of which goes to the bride. This is a fairly lucrative business because the police estimate that 30 illegal marriages take place in London alone every week. I raised this matter last summer and was warned off by a threatening telephone call from the man who arranges these things, and who obviously makes a good deal out of them. It is perfectly legal for a woman to marry a foreigner and then to claim the right for him to live and work here. There is nothing whatever to show that the men are aware of the fraudulent nature of what is going on. Certainly they pay a large sum of money, and I think that these bridegrooms deserve the sympathy of the House because they are being conned. The police were alerted to this busy bride after someone noticed a great similarity of handwriting in letters of application for these bridegrooms to remain here. This was looked into and handwriting experts found that the writing was, in fact, identical. The case was then proved but it was far too late. The woman in question has never been found.That leave be given to bring in a Bill to amend the Marriage Act 1949; and for related purposes.
I am sorry to interrupt the hon. Lady but she must not make an Adjournment sort of speech but indicate why the Bill must be introduced.
I was attempting to indicate the case for action in this area, because there is no actual bar in law to what this woman was doing, provided that she and people like her are willing to lie. If people are willing to lie and sign a statement which is a lie, there is nothing to stop them from getting married at Marylebone and Chelsea in the morning and Brompton and Kensington in the afternoon.
We have many laws covering many aspects of weddings, but at present there is no instrument in law which hinders the "rent-a-bride" racket, and there should be. Clause 16 of the original Marriage Act 1949 states that a common marriage licence as distinct from a special licence shall not be granted unless one of the persons to be married swears before the person granting the licence that there is no impediment. Clause 28, which refers specifically to register office weddings, says that notice of marriage must be accompanied by a solemn declaration in writing that there is no impediment to the marriage. If a woman or a man cares to lie, there is no impediment to stop the marriage from taking place. Since the woman in question is known to have married Turks and Cypriots in North-East London, Indians in Southall and Hillingdon, and Egyptions in Kensington, one must recognise that there is a case for this Bill. At present, all the information that is needed is already in the possession of the authorities. It is put on record when a person is born, when a person marries and if a person is divorced. However, all these records are held in different places. All that my Bill seeks is that all the information should be correlated and computerised and that a system should be introduced which will not only put all this information together but put a duty on the registrar to ensure that the record is scrutinised to see that a person is free to marry, before the registrar is prepared to go through the ceremony. This would apply also to church weddings. It would cover not only cases of the kind I have outlined, on which all the information came from Scotland Yard and was all perfectly accurate. Again, I am extremely sorry for the people who are conned in this way. Not only would those people be covered, but the Bill would cover bigamists in general. I am sure that no one in the House would support bigamy, bearing in mind the misery that it causes to many innocent people. I hope therefore that the House will give me leave to bring in the Bill.4.21 p.m.
The hon. Member for Birmingham, Edgbaston (Mrs. Knight) is very concerned about what I might call multiple marriages. I think I am the only Member of the House who can claim to have married hundreds of women—though I hasten to add that I have married them to hundreds of husbands, not to myself.
The title of the Bill that the hon. Lady seeks leave to introduce is quite attractive—the Marriage (Amendment) Bill. I can think of many ways in which marriage ought to be amended, and in which marriage law ought to be amended. However, the question is, what lies behind this apparently attractive, even innocuous, title? The fact is that the whole thrust of the hon. Lady's argument is concerned with immigration. That is the main thrust of her argument. Indeed, the hon. Lady's statements about the Bill, which are on record in The House Magazine, which is sent to every Member, say that she welcomed the 1975 ruling about wives and fiancées. I was very pleased to hear that. However, the main thrust of her argument is that a racket is going on to use this particular change in the immigration rules so that immigrants can enter and stay in this country in an illegal fashion. I presume that the hon. Lady is using the word "immigrant" merely as a euphemism, in the main, for coloured immigrants. Indeed, she is on record as saying that the bogus husband is anxious to claim permanent residence for himself and his dependants. I am not sure what dependants the hon. Lady is thinking of—children or other dependants. However, she should know perfectly well that it is extremely difficult to get other dependants into this country. Those hon. Members who have intervened in cases in which, for example, there is a desire to bring aged relatives into the country know how difficult it is to do that. I can only conclude that, whatever the apparent merits of the hon. Lady's proposals, she is using this opportunity as a peg on which to hang certain anti-immigrant feelings. [Interruption.]Order. The hon. Gentleman must be allowed to develop his argument but in temperate language and without interruption from either side.
It is a very good argument, too.
Thank you, Mr. Deputy Speaker.
Even if we leave aside the hon. Lady's motive for bringing in this proposal, we must ask ourselves whether her proposal would work. She talks about people lying. If people are prepared to lie, it seems to me that lies can be compounded, and however elaborate is the system of checks that is instituted, those checks can be avoided. I would have more sympathy with the hon. Lady's proposals if they addressed themselves to some serious causes of difficulty. Perhaps I may briefly mention two cases concerning two of my constituents. The first is that of a woman who, in good faith, married a man at a register office, only to discover subsequently that he had spent well over 20 years in Broadmoor and was a convicted murderer. Indeed, only the intervention of a social worker prevented a probable second tragedy happening. The second case is that of a constituent of mine from Pakistan who is a British citizen and who wanted his wife to be registered as a British citizen, only to be told by the Home Office that it is was not satisfied that the woman was his wife. He was advised to go to the register office and get married. He went to the register office to marry his wife—of all things—only to be told by the registrar that the registrar could not marry them because the man was married already. In short, I find these proposals, at the least, very partial. They do not meet the real problems that a serious reform of marriage law would have to face. Most important, I believe that they are not put forward as a serious attempt to reform marriage law, which needs reforming, but as an opportunity to fuel prejudice against immigrants.
Division No. 363.]
| AYES
| [4.28 p.m.
|
Atkins, Rt Hon H. (Spelthorne) | Hawkins, Paul | Pym, Rt Hon Francis |
Bain, Mrs Margaret | Holland, Philip | Rathbone, Tim |
Baker, Kenneth | Hooson, Emlyn | Rhys Williams, Sir Brandon |
Banks, Robert | Howell, Ralph (North Norfolk) | Ridsdale, Julian |
Beith, A. J. | Hunt, John (Bromley) | Rippon, Rt Hon Geoffrey |
Bell, Ronald | Hurd, Douglas | Roberts, Michael (Cardiff NW) |
Bennett, Sir Frederic (Torbay) | Hutchison, Michael Clark | Rodgers Sir John (Sevenoaks) |
Benyon, W. | James, David | Ross, Stephen (Isle of Wight) |
Berry, Hon Anthony | Jenkin, Rt Hon P. (Wanst'd&W'df'd) | Ross, William (Londonderry) |
Biggs-Davison, John | Jessel, Toby | Rossi, Hugh (Hornsey) |
Body, Richard | Johnston, Russell (Inverness) | Scott-Hopkins, James |
Boscawen, Hon Robert | Jones, Arthur (Daventry) | Shaw, Giles (Pudsey) |
Bowden, A. (Brighton, Kemptown) | Kellett-Bowman, Mrs Elaine | Shelton, William (Streatham) |
Boyson, Dr Rhodes (Brent) | Lamont, Norman | Shepherd, Colin |
Bradley, Tom | Langford-Holt, Sir John | Shersby, Michael |
Brotherton, Michael | Latham, Michael (Melton) | Silvester, Fred |
Budgen, Nick | Lawrence, Ivan | Sims, Roger |
Burden, F. A. | Le Marchant, Spencer | Skeet, T.H.H. |
Butler, Adam (Bosworth) | Lester, Jim (Beeston) | Speed, Keith |
Carlisle, Mark | Lewis, Kenneth (Rutland) | Spence, John |
Chalker, Mrs Lynda | McCrindle, Robert | Spicer, Jim (W Dorset) |
Clark, William (Croydon S) | Macfarlane, Neil | Spicer, Michael (S Worcester) |
Clegg, Waller | MacGregor, John | Sproat, lain |
Cooke, Robert (Bristol W) | McNair-Wilson, M. (Newbury) | Stanley, John |
Corrie, John | Mates, Michael | Steel, David (Roxburgh) |
Costain, A. P. | Mawby, Ray | Stradling Thomas, J. |
Crawford, Douglas | Mitchell, David (Basingstoke) | Taylor, Teddy (Cathcart) |
Crouch, David | Moate, Roger | Tebbit, Norman |
Dodsworth, Geoffrey | Molyneaux, James | Thatcher, Rt Hon Margaret |
Douglas-Hamilton, Lord James | Montgomery, Fergus | Thorpe, Rt Hon Jeremy (N Devon) |
Drayson, Burnaby | Morgan, Geraint | Townsend, Cyril D. |
Farr, John | Morris, Michael (Northampton S) | Vaughan, Dr Gerald |
Fell, Anthony | Morrison, Hon Peter (Chester) | Viggers, Peter |
Finsberg, Geoffrey | Neave, Airey | Wainwright, Richard (Colne V) |
Fletcher, Alex (Edinburgh N) | Nelson, Anthony | Wakeham, John |
Fookes, Miss Janet | Neubert, Michael | Walker, Rt Hon P. (Worcester) |
Freud, Clement | Nott, John | Walker-Smith, Rt Hon Sir Derek |
Gilmour, Rt Hon Ian (Chesham) | Onslow, Cranley | Wall, Patrick |
Glyn, Dr Alan | Oppenheim, Mrs Sally | Weatherill, Bernard |
Goodhew, Victor | Osborn, John | Wiggin, Jerry |
Gorst, John | Page, John (Harrow West) | Wigley, Dafydd |
Gow, Ian (Eastbourne) | Page, Rt Hon R. Graham (Crosby) | Winterton, Nicholas |
Gower, Sir Raymond (Barry) | Paisley, Rev Ian | Wood, Rt Hon Richard |
Grant, Anthony (Harrow C) | Pardoe, John | Young, Sir G. (Ealing, Acton) |
Grimond, Rt Hon J. | Parkinson, Cecil | |
Hall, Sir John | Pattie, Geoffrey | TELLERS FOR THE AYES:
|
Hamilton, Michael (Salisbury) | Penhaligon, David | Mrs. Jill Knight and |
Hannam, John | Peyton, Rt Hon John | Mr. Peter Rost. |
Harrison, Col Sir Harwood (Eye) |
NOES
| ||
Ashton, Joe | Cartwright, John | Davies, Ifor (Gower) |
Bagier, Gordon A. T. | Clemitson, Ivor | Dean, Joseph (Leeds West) |
Barnett, Guy (Greenwich) | Cocks, Rt Hon Michael (Bristol S) | Dempsey, James |
Bates, Alf | Cohen, Stanley | Douglas-Mann, Bruce |
Bean, R. E. | Coleman, Donald | Eadie, Alex |
Blenkinsop, Arthur | Concannon, J. D. | Edwards, Robert (Wolv SE) |
Booth, Rt Hon Albert | Conlan, Bernard | Ellis, John (Brigg & Scun) |
Bottomley, Rt Hon Arthur | Cook, Robin F. (Edin C) | Ellis, Tom (Wrexham) |
Brown, Hugh D. (Provan) | Corbett, Robin | English, Michael |
Buchan, Norman | Cox, Thomas (Tooting) | Ennals, David |
Canavan, Dennis | Craigen, J. M. (Maryhill) | Evans, Ioan (Aberdare) |
Cant, R. B. | Crowther, Stan (Rotherham) | Evans, John (Newton) |
Carmichael, Neil |