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Commons Chamber

Volume 918: debated on Thursday 4 November 1976

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House Of Commons

Thursday 4th November 1976

The House met at half-past Two o'clock

Prayers

[Mr. SPEAKER in the Chair]

Private Business

Anglian Water Authority Bill Lords (By Order)

Order for Second Reading read.

To be read a Second time upon Tuesday next.

Cromarty Petroleum Order Confirmation Bill (By Order)

Order for further consideration read.

To be further considered upon Thursday next.

Oral Answers To Questions

Agriculture, Fisheries And Food

Potato Supplies

2.

asked the Minister of Agriculture, Fisheries and Food if he is planning for the probability of another potato shortage in 1977; and if he will make a statement.

The Minister of State, Ministry of Agriculture, Fisheries and Food
(Mr. E. S. Bishop)

In line with our usual practice, we have determined the target area for 1977 on the assumption of normal weather conditions, and thus a normal yield.

Can the hon. Gentleman assure us that the acreage for planting next year will not be lower than the acreage this year? Does he realise that the lower consumption of potatoes by the public this year was due solely to scarcity and high prices?

I can give no assurances. There is a target area agreed in con- junction with the Potato Marketing Board, but the area actually planted is a matter for the industry itself. Last season, the area planted was 204,000 hectares and this season it was 223,000 hectares. The target area for 1977 is 210,000 hectares, but the take-up depends on the industry.

Is the hon. Gentleman aware that the acreage this year was only marginally higher than that of last year because the Minister increased the guaranteed price only marginally? Is he aware that this price did not deliver the goods, and that if we had had a better guaranteed price for potatoes last season—as we suggested—there would have been a better crop, and prices would not have been so high? Will the Minister see that there is a guaranteed price next year which will ensure an adequate acreage and therefore reasonable prices?

I can assure the hon. Gentleman that the Government will take into account all factors when the annual review takes place. We always estimate, under normal conditions, an increased yield and this is reflected in the target area. The hon. Gentleman will also recognise that there are a number of factors which contribute to whether we have enough potatoes. One of the most important is weather. From memory, I believe that the guaranteed price was increased last year from £28 a ton to £40 a ton.

As we may have a shortage of potatoes next year and in later years, will my hon. Friend explore with the Indian Government the possibility of making adequate arrangements for the importation of Indian potatoes, which are of a very high quality and which could be of advantage to British housewives? Is he aware that only 2,000 tons of Indian potatoes were imported this season?

My hon. Friend is right to suggest that there may be a shortage, but he would be equally right if he said that there might be a surplus. It depends on the weather, which no one can predict at this time. It is important not to overreact. We shall take any steps necessary at the appropriate time.

Glasshouse Industry (Fuel Costs)

3.

asked the Minister of Agriculture, Fisheries and Food if he is satisfied that the British glasshouse industry is not currently paying more for fuel than any of its competitors in the EEC; and if he will make a statement.

The Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Agriculture, Fisheries and Food
(Mr. Gavin Strang)

The price of oil and other inputs reflect a variety of factors, which may vary from one EEC country to another. The Commission has produced guidelines on fuel aids aimed at preventing distortion of competition. Under these guidelines all national fuel aids had to end before 1st July 1976.

Is my hon. Friend aware that the average price paid for the standard fuel oil used by the Lea Valley growers is now, after the latest rise, 24p a gallon, and that for the same amount of energy Dutch growers pay the equivalent of 14p? Does this not represent a tremendous distortion of competition, and is it not high time that we either told our European partners that they must do something or took action ourselves to defend our highly efficient industry?

I am aware of my hon. Friend's deep interest in the horticulture industry. He is referring specifically to Dutch natural gas and this is the one energy input that is not equalised, although the Dutch Government's policy is to equalise the price of gas with oil.

The hon. Gentleman has said that fuel aids must end by a certain date, but does he not agree that the specific problem of the Dutch Government and natural gas must be re-examined? Will he consider at the earliest moment, in the Council of Ministers, or elsewhere, tackling the problem of the special position of the Dutch, which is extremely unfair to British growers?

The hon. Gentleman might recognise that there is a distinction between the more obvious examples of unfair competition as a result of subsidisation and the price at which natural gas should be sold. I take the hon. Gen- tleman's point, but it is for the Commission to ensure that fairness operates throughout the industry.

Is the Minister aware that most of our glasshouse growers became dependent on oil some years ago before the tremendous increases in the price of oil, and that because of the places in which they are situated they cannot convert to natural gas? Will he bear these factors in mind?

I must make it clear that the Government are anxious to encourage the horticulture industry and that they have taken steps to do so. The most important thing that we can do is to advise the industry on ways in which to minimise energy usage.

Fishing Industry

4.

asked the Minister of Agriculture, Fisheries and Food what recent meetings he has had in the EEC regarding Great Britain's fishing industry.

My right hon. Friend participated in meetings of the EEC Council of Agriculture Ministers which considered the development required in the internal operation of the common fisheries policy, most recently at the meeting held in Luxembourg on 25th and 26th October. The extension of fisheries limits and relations with third countries have been examined by EEC Ministers of Foreign Affairs, whose most recent meetings were reported by my right hon. Friends on 20th October and 2nd November.

Did my hon. Friend take notice of the Foreign Secretary's remarks about proposing to stand firm on the 200-mile limit, which affects not only this country but the Common Market? Does he agree that our real requirement is not so much the 200-mile limit as a 50-mile limit for the British fishermen, because otherwise we shall have fishermen on the dole as a result of our entry into the Common Market, just as we have hundreds of thousands of industrial workers on the dole as a result of our entry?

My hon. Friend will know, if he heard the statement a few days ago, that at the meeting at The Hague last week it was agreed that member States of the Community should extend their fishing limits to 200 miles as a first step— —

That is the fact, and I believe it is encouraging news. Further, my hon. Friend will know that the matter of limits, to which he referred, concerns the requirement of our industry to catch the quantity it needs to maintain its viability in future.

Will the Minister confirm that his right hon. Friend the Minister of Agriculture, Fisheries and Food will accompany his right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs to the negotiations on the internal regime, so that the expertise and knowledge of his Department will be immediately at hand and available during the vital negotiations to secure a 50-mile exclusive limit?

I am sure that my right hon. Friend will note the right hon. Gentleman's comments. We shall ensure that the fishing content of the matter is well taken care of at the negotiations.

Is the hon. Gentleman aware that although the weakest possible hand was dealt to the Secretary of State by the terms of the Treaty of Accession, the House will support him in insisting upon this country's requirement of a 50-mile exclusive limit, whatever may be the indirect consequences of so insisting?

I am sure that the House finds a great deal of sympathy with the first comment made by the right hon. Gentleman, about the negotiations on the Treaty, on which we have to build substantially to look after the interests of the industry.

Does my hon. Friend agree that the further stages of the negotiations dealing with the internal regime within 200 miles would really be much more appropriately carried out in the Council of Agriculture Ministers than in the Council of Foreign Ministers?

My hon. Friend will recognise that there are a number of highly complex issues involved in his question. I can assure him and the House that there is close collaboration between all the Ministers concerned in the negotiations that are now taking place.

If, by 1982, there is no agreement on what I call the federal fishing area by 1982, will the present derogation continue after that year, or will it then be a free-for-all?

My understanding is that we have to make changes in the present fishing policy, which was negotiated on accession, to bring about the necessary improvements. Apart from that, I think that the hon. Gentleman's question is hypothetical.

Livestock Industry (Drought Damage)

5.

asked the Minister of Agriculture, Fisheries and Food what his intentions are with regard to the provision of assistance to other sectors of the livestock industry than dairy which have been damaged as a result of the drought.

I have already announced an increase of 3p per pound in the guaranteed price for fat sheep for the first three months of 1977, and I am proposing a change in the operation of the beef cow subsidy.

We are pleased at the help that the Minister is giving to the dairy sector of the industry, but is he aware that the problems of the drought affected the whole of the farming industry? What more is he considering doing to protect the consumer, other than the measures he has just announced? Is he considering a reseeding grant? Is he, further, considering devaluing the green pound?

I cannot help thinking that the hon. Gentleman is trying to get in a quick fast ball on the green pound. I have noticed that there is a Question or two on that subject later on the Order Paper. The use of the green pound as a drought measure would be the wrong approach, as the green pound is an un-selective weapon, whereas the drought was extremely selective. The hon. Gentleman might not have noticed this, but agriculture was the only sector in our economy to receive direct Government assistance following the drought.

Pig Production

6.

asked the Minister of Agriculture, Fisheries and Food what is the United Kingdom producer percentage share of the home market in the pig industry at today's date and in relation to 1975 and the previous five years.

The United Kingdom has been virtually self-sufficient in pork over the past seven years. As for home cured bacon, United Kingdom producers' share of the market increased steadily from 42 to 45 per cent. between 1970 and 1974, and then fell to about 42 per cent. in 1975, but has since recovered, and currently accounts for 46 per cent. of total supply.

Is the hon. Gentleman aware that the share will be much smaller than 46 per cent. next year, even taking account of the recent adjustments to the monetary compensatory amounts, unless the Minister takes further action? Is he aware that the present outlook for pig production is gloomy and makes a mockery of the Government White Paper?

The hon. Gentleman will recognise that the share is higher than the lower levels of this time last year. The trend is expected to continue into 1977. As for encouragement for the industry, the hon. Gentleman will be aware of the steps that have been taken and what has been achieved by my right hon. Friend at the recent negotiations in Luxembourg. He will also be aware that further steps are being considered.

Will the hon. Gentleman tell us, in terms of pence per pound, the difference that the new system of MCA calculation for pigmeat will make to the bacon curers, who are all operating at a loss?

The answer is that the negotiations have so far resulted in a devaluation of 8 per cent. That is a measure that will benefit the industry. I do not have the exact figures with me, but that is some achievement. My right hon. Friend hopes that he can make further progress in this direction at future meetings.

The Minister's reply to this question could not possibly be more complacent. Has no one told him that the bacon curing industry, as my hon. Friend the Member for Howden (Sir P. Bryan) has said, is going through one of the greatest crises that it has ever faced? Does he understand that the 8 per cent. devaluation is absolutely trivial in face of the difficulties that the industry is facing?

The hon. Gentleman's invective is unjustified, in view of the facts. The 8 per cent. change already achieved helps the producer, the processer and the consumer. My right hon. Friend is not satisfied with that progress, and is going to take further steps at future meetings of the Council.

Common Agricultural Policy

7.

asked the Minister of Agriculture, Fisheries and Food what discussions he is having with his EEC colleagues concerning a review of the Common Agricultural Policy.

I regard the improvement of the CAP as of vital importance and am having continuing discussions with my EEC colleagues. The Council of Ministers will be discussing the proposed programme of action to reduce surpluses in the milk sector at its next meeting on 22nd-23rd November and more general discussions will take place early next year when the Council considers agricultural prices for 1977–78.

Will the right hon. Gentleman now answer a question about the green pound, although he did not reply to the question posed by my hon. Friend the Member for Burton (Mr. Lawrence)?

I remind the hon. Gentleman that there are eight Questions on the green pound linked together later on the Order Paper.

Perhaps I can get one in now, Mr. Speaker, with your permission. Does the hon. Gentleman agree that the short-term advantage to the consumer through the revaluation of the green pound is likely to lead to long-term disadvantages through the British farming industry not growing as much as it should? Does he accept that uncertainty about the future course of the CAP is leading to great doubt in the fanning industry?

I think that was a googly. As you, Mr. Speaker, pointed out, there are eight Questions on the green pound later on the Order Paper. Perhaps the hon. Gentleman will contain his soul in patience for that part of his question.

On the second part of the hon. Gentleman's question, it is clear—I should have thought that it was clear throughout the House—that a number of parts of the common agricultural policy must be changed, and changed soon. For example, I regard our prime purpose as being to contain prices in sectors where there are expensive and wasteful surpluses. That seems an absolutely vital consideration. As we were discussing meat a few moments ago, I should say that another vital consideration is the more liberal importation of meat from third countries.

Regarding the negotiations that are to take place in Brussels on EEC policy, is the Minister able to give an assurance to our dairy and sheep producers that they will be able to hold on to their marketing boards, such as the Milk Marketing Board and the British Wool Marketing Board?

The hon. Gentleman will recall that when we last—I was going to say "crossed swords", but one is not allowed to do that in this House—met to discuss agriculture, we discussed the marketing boards, and I thought that I gave a fairly forthright answer. I believe that the marketing boards are an extremely important and valuable adjunct to British agriculture.

Has my right hon. Friend seen the document produced by the Socialist Group of the European Parliament on this very matter? Will he consider taking that up as a basis for renegotiation of the common agricultural policy, as it lays stress on the importance of the consumer as against the producer, which is the emphasis in the CAP that is anathema to Labour Members?

It is interesting that Article 39.1(e) of the Treaty of Rome—I think that I have got it right—mentions safeguarding the rights of consumers. It seems to me that my job, as I am both the Minister of Agriculture and of Food, is to safeguard both and to ensure a proper balance between the two.

I agree about the need for a continuing improvement of the CAP, but will the Minister tell us what the position of United Kingdom producers will be at the end of transition vis-á-vis their European partners? How does he reconcile his present negotiating position in Europe, as we understand it, with his declared intention of growing more food at home?

The two are highly reconcilable. I think that the prospects are extremely good for the industry, with the exception of the pigmeat sector, which was mentioned by the hon. Member for Devizes (Mr. Morrison). That is causing considerable worry. Frankly, we must balance the whole position of this country in the context of the Nine and, as I said, hold the balance fairly between the producer and the consumer.

Will the Minister answer my question about the position of United Kingdom producers at the end of transition, vis-á-vis their European competitors.

The basis has been set out in "Food from our own Resources", from which I do not in any way resile.

Fish (Production And Processing)

8.

asked the Minister of Agriculture, Fisheries and Food, whether he considers his policy for expanding food production to be still relevant so far as fish is concerned; and, if so, what aid he is going to provide for both the production and processing side of the industry.

A policy of full economic use of our food production resources continues the right policy. The Government already provide considerable direct and indirect help to the industry. Expenditure in 1975–76 on support for the industry is estimated at over £27 million.

In the event of the Icelandic discussions failing to reach agreement or in the event of a greatly reduced fishing effort, what plans are being made to help the Fleetwood and Humber ports if deep-sea trawlers have to be laid up?

The hon. Gentleman will be aware that talks are taking place with both management and workers about the future of the industry. I think that he will have been heartened by my right hon. Friend's statement a few days ago about the negotiations now proceeding forthwith regarding Iceland. We anticipate that, with good will on both sides, progress can be made. However, if the reverse is the case, I think that we are in touch with the industry sufficiently to know about its future needs and what action may be taken.

Will my hon. Friend bear in mind that if we allow our fish stocks to be exhausted or fished out within the 50-mile limit we shall have less food in future? Therefore, is not enforcement important? Will he tell us what steps the Ministry is taking in liaison with the Navy and the Ministry of Defence to expand our fishery protection patrol?

My hon. Friend, whose concern about this matter is well known, is right to suggest that the industry is concerned about conservation. This is important, because it concerns the future of the industry just as much as other aspects of the negotiations. My hon. Friend will know, from what we have said about that enforcement, that we are concerned not only about Community enforcement of quotas and other restrictions but about national enforcement. My hon. Friend will be aware of the steps that have been taken, in conjunction with the Ministry of Defence, for an increased number of vessels which may be considered necessary. This matter will have to be kept under constant review in the context of the development of a common fisheries policy.

Does the Minister agree that, since the publication of "Food from our own Resources", the economic situation demands that we produce from our own resources not only more fish, but more from all sectors of agriculture? Have more resources been ploughed into the agriculture sector since publication of the White Paper? What proposals have the Government for increasing them?

The Question relates to the importance of food rather than agriculture. We regard both as very important. The agricultural content of the White Paper is a matter for continuing review, including the coming annual price review and the CAP negotiations.

The estimate of Government expenditure on the fishing industry this year is £27·8 million. That will be of substantial help to the industry in terms of vessel grants, aids to the processing sector, and all the other back-ups that the industry needs now and in future.

Does the Minister agree that fish farming can play its part in the expansion of food production in this country? What plans are there, and what details can he give the House about those plans, for expanding fish farming within the United Kingdom and Northern Ireland?

I am sure that the hon. Gentleman will recall the recent debate that we had on this matter, when I was pleased to see the House wake up from its apparent slumbers and ask what we were doing. In my reply I said, first, that we were spending over £1 million a year on fish farming, which is a high percentage of the total budget, and, secondly, that we were in close contact with the industry, which was considering a memorandum that we put out. These matters are still under consideration. I am sure that the House will recognise that, while the Government are keen on fish farming, they must be realistic about the contribution that it can make to our food resources.

Bread

9.

asked the Minister of Agriculture, Fisheries and Food whether he will seek to introduce a policy of helping the bread making industry to change its processes to take account of the fact that the majority of existing types of bread produced in the United Kingdom require hard wheat, not usually grown in the United Kingdom in any great quantity.

There is as yet no technical process, suitable for use on a commercial scale, by which bread acceptable to the United Kingdom consumer can be made entirely from home or Continental wheat.

I thank the Parliamentary Secretary for that reply. I should like to inform him that it is incorrect—

Order. The hon. Gentleman must not impart information. He must ask a question.

Is the hon. Gentleman aware that there is a process, known as the microwave process, by which an entirely home-grown loaf can be produced and that, moreover, millers are unable to capitalise on the research into such a development because the price of the loaf is now controlled? What will he do about it? Will he take steps to encourage the research that has successfully taken place?

I am aware of that important research. I should point out that even when the research and development effort is completed it will be enormously costly to change our industry from its present system of production to one incorporating the microwave process.

Is my hon. Friend aware that the present viability of the bread industry is not very good? As he has just said, this greater expense would make its task more difficult. Does he agree that it is wrong that the British people should have inflicted upon them at the order of the Common Market, a different type of bread from that which they have been used to for so many years?

I certainly agree that of all the nonsenses that could be imposed on us, it would be most wrong for us to fail to supply our consumers with the bread that they desire.

Will the hon. Gentleman look into the rather disturbing reports that not all wholemeal bread is genuinely wholemeal?

I agree that it is quite wrong that any consumer should be sold bread described as wholemeal which is not wholemeal.

Green Pound

11.

asked the Minister of Agriculture, Fisheries and Food what action he now proposes to take in the EEC Agricultural Council to adjust the green pound for the recent depreciation of the pound sterling.

13.

asked the Minister of Agriculture, Fisheries and Food if he will alter the value of the green pound bringing it into parity with the £ sterling.

15.

asked the Minister of Agriculture, Fisheries and Food whether he will now devalue the green pound.

19.

asked the Minister of Agriculture, Fisheries and Food whether he will now devalue the green pound.

23.

asked the Minister of Agriculture, Fisheries and Food if he will make a statement about the value of the green pound.

26.

asked the Minister of Agriculture, Fisheries and Food whether he will devalue the green pound.

As I made clear in the debate on 22nd October, I shall continue to keep the green pound under review but I do not consider now to be an appropriate time to make a change.

Will the right hon. Gentleman seize this opportunity to be bold, straightforward and dramatic, and concede that the green pound will have to be fully adjusted downwards by the time that the United Kingdom gives up the presidency of the Council of Ministers in the first half of next year?

The hon. Gentleman is looking eight months ahead. I have to deal with the position at this moment, and that position is absolutely clear. At the moment I do not have the slightest intention of devaluing the green pound.

Will my right hon. Friend please say that he will continue to do what he has done up to now and protect the interests of the British housewife, because that is what matters and will stop prices rising? Prices have been rising ever since we have been connected with the EEC. I admire the stand that my right hon. Friend is taking and I hope that he will continue to take it.

I am grateful to my hon. Friend. The rate of devaluation proposed by the ommission—4·5 per cent.—would have made a difference of about 1p in the pound on food at this moment. That was something to which I was not prepared to agree.

I am sure that the Minister is well aware that the cost of importing food and feeding stuffs has increased 400 per cent. over the last 15 years. I am sure, also— —

Is the Minister aware—[HON. MEMBERS: "Hear, hear."]—that he will not devalue the green pound? What incentives will he give farmers to increase production from the land?

I am afraid that, in the cheers which greeted the hon. Member, I missed the last part of his question.

What incentives does the right hon. Gentleman intend to give to producers to improve or increase production from the land?

Clearly, one must look always at what the question is in regard to the agriculture industry. This is made much more clear when one realises how long it took the hon. Member to frame his question. Of course I will keep this totally under review. At present, I do not believe that there is any danger to British agriculture at all from the stand I am making. So far as the British consumer is concerned, there would be a considerable amount of danger if I did not make a stand.

Does my right hon. Friend agree that if we had never entered the Common Market the Tory Party would not now need to worry about the green pound, since we should still have our own system of price support and the annual review to help farmers?

I absolutely agree with my hon. Friend that if we had not entered the Common Market we should today be discussing many different questions.

Is the Minister aware that he has shown today his lack of knowledge of agriculture and food production by saying that he is thinking only of the near future? Agriculture is a long-term business. Although it may be in the interests of the consumer in the short term to say "No" to the green pound, in the long term it will be fatal.

I have great respect for the hon. Member, who occupied a distinguished post in the Ministry in which I now hold one also, but I should like him to go back to do his sums on the 4·5 per cent. devaluation of the green pound suggested by the Commission, weighing what actual benefit the farmers would have got from it, and the loss to the consumer.

I congratulate my right hon. Friend on his appointment and on his stand on the green pound. Rather than trying to make a silk purse out of a sow's ear, should we not be trying to end the common agricultural policy and revert to the policy that we had from the end of the war, which was good for British farming and for the British housewife?

My hon. Friend has bowled a kind of posthumous googly, because we dealt with the CAP earlier. I said then that there were many changes that could be made in it and that I was anxious to get them under way as soon as possible.

Surely the Minister realises that it is not the hard cash value of altering the green pound by a small amount which matters to the industry; it is the raising of confidence in the industry that we are moving in the right direction. He must make a small movement soon.

If the confidence of the agriculture industry depends upon the token devaluation of the green pound, which would hurt the consumer but would not help the industry, I can only say that the industry has been very badly advised over the past short while.

Is the Minister aware that since he last spoke in the House about the green pound the decline in sterling has caused as big an increase in the retail price index as a modest devaluation of the green pound would have done, without any benefits to increased food production and therefore to the housewife in the long run? Will he also comment on the Agricultural Development Committee's view that there are substantial benefits to be gained by the balance of payments in the long run from narrowing that gap?

When the hon. Gentleman thinks about the first part of his question, I think that he will see that what he says applies equally to the green pound and its relation to what the consumer pays for food. Were one to devalue, it would inevitably increase food prices, about which the hon. Gentleman was rightly disturbed a moment ago. On the question of a general, for ever, policy about the green pound, one way or another, I think that I made it clear in the debate on 22nd October that this is a question not of philosophy but of what is best for Britain at any particular moment. That is what I intend to work by.

Does my right hon. Friend agree that while the old system of farm support worked very well and while the CAP is in need of urgent revision, if we returned to the old system it would cost this country about £1,000 million a year?

I have, and have always had, a great respect for my right hon. Friend, but the Question on the Order Paper was whether I intended to devalue the green pound. I think that we would both agree that if I did so now it would be disastrous. When people talk about a 40 per cent. gap, I wonder whether they realise what the effect on agriculture would be if we closed that gap. It would destroy it as surely as it would destroy the consumer.

Does the right hon. Gentleman acknowledge that this misalignment of the green pound is one unhappy consequence of the failure of the Government's national economic policy, resulting in the fall in the value of sterling? Will the Minister acknowledge that, whereas the immediate result of what he is doing is that the consumers benefit to the tune of more than £½ million a day at our partners' expense, he is running the risk of shortages in a year or two's time so that in the long run the consumer will be disadvantaged? Has the right hon. Gentleman given sufficient consideration to that aspect?

The right hon. Gentleman has asked three supplementary questions in one. The answer to the second part of his supplementary question is "No, Sir". We are concerned with the immediate position, but we are also watching and guarding the whole future of the agriculture industry and will continue to do so. Secondly, it is impossible to have a common agricultural policy unless we have something like a common prices policy. Therefore, it was necessary to invent the unit of account. That requires differing monetary compensatory amounts and has nothing to do with the economic position of any country. It goes back to 1969. The only alternative would be economic and monetary union, which is what the Germans would have liked at that time but which is, as far as I can see, the wish of nobody in the House.

Cold Stores (Food Surpluses)

12.

asked the Minister of Agriculture, Fisheries and Food if he will pay an official visit to a cold store where food mountains are stored.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the beef mountain has been growing at over 1,000 tons a week for the past two years and is now over 300,000 tons? If the right hon. Gentleman will not visit a beef mountain, will he visit butchers' shops in Glasgow, where beef consumption is falling because the people cannot afford to buy it?

The beef mountain in the hon. Gentleman's cold store will be declining in size and becoming merely a hillock by the end of the year. I made clear in answer to an earlier question that there are certain aspects of the common agricultural policy which we seek to improve. Among those—I put it first—is the structural surplus that the hon. Gentleman calls a mountain.

Does my right hon. Friend regard food mountains and the state of the common agricultural policy generally as one of the benefits that this country has derived from Common Market membership?

My right hon. Friend must have missed what I thought was a fairly clear answer to an earlier Question. No, Sir, I do not so regard it.

Agricultural Production

14.

asked the Minister of Agriculture, Fisheries and Food what he expects (he loses will be in agricultural production this year as a result of the drought compared with last year's figures and those of the average of the last five years.

We shall be looking at the precise figures in the annual review, which will be starting shortly. But I have no doubt that there is a serious impact, though I do not believe it will turn out to be as bad as some estimates I have seen.

Is it true that the glasshouse industry recovered from the drought better than any of us could ever have hoped? If that is not true, has any thought been given to possible assistance towards reseeding?

We have not felt it necessary to help the agriculture and horticulture industries overall to recover from the drought. During the annual review within the next few months, we shall have regard to any factors that affected the industry adversely.

Scotch Whisky

17.

asked the Minister of Agriculture, Fisheries and Food whether he is satisfied with the policies of his Department as they affect the Scotch whisky trade.

Yes. My Department fully recognises the importance of the Scotch whisky industry to the national economy and seeks every opportunity to further its interests at home and abroad.

Is my hon. Friend aware of the growing trend towards exporting whisky in bulk, to such an extent that bulk exports now account for about 35 per cent. of total whisky exports? Does he agree that this trend to export in bulk rather than in bottles presents a threat to the jobs of workers in the whisky and ancillary industries, including workers in United Glass at Bridge of Allan? Will my hon. Friend take the necessary action to stop this practice by the distillers, who are simply trying to make a fast buck instead of looking at the longer-term needs of the industry and the workers involved?

I have a great deal of sympathy with what my hon. Friend says, but a considerable number of our workers are employed in the bottling of imported spirits. Therefore, it may be that the action that my hon. Friend should take is in persuading the industry rather than the Government on this matter.

Is the Minister aware of the adverse effect upon the cash flow of the whisky industry of having to pay Customs and Excise duty long before it can be recovered in sales? What representations is the hon. Gentleman making to his right hon. Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer about that?

This matter is being constantly raised with us by the Scotch whisky industry. The hon. Gentleman will know that 85 per cent. of the industry's output is for export. In September, there was a sharp increase in whisky exports of 37 per cent. in value and 19 per cent. in volume—a very creditable performance.

Bulk shipment has nothing to do with the distillers. The American Government wish to import whisky in that way. What is much more relevant is the voice of the prophet of doom that duty is to be increased in the mini-Budget that has been mentioned. Would it not be more helpful to the Scotch whisky industry if the Minister made representations to the Chancellor of the Exchequer not to increase the duty?

The hon. Gentleman must remember that 85 per cent. of the output is exported. The United States Government do not insist that their imports arrive in bulk; the wine gallonage system of taxation discriminates against bottled whisky. The Government are trying to obtain a modification of that policy.

European Heads Of Government

Q1.

asked the Prime Minister when he next intends to meet his opposite numbers in Europe.

I shall be visiting President Giscard d'Estaing on 11th and 12th November, and shall meet the Heads of Government of all the EEC countries at the European Council meeting in the Hague on 29th and 30th November.

When the Prime Minister meets his colleagues, what will he be able to tell them about the likely trend in Anglo-American relations following the election of Mr. Carter? Will he discuss with the French President the danger to Europe of the Americans following his Government's line and cutting defence expenditure as Mr. Carter has promised?

Anglo-American relations, which have been good with the Republican Administration, will, I am certain, be equally good with the Democrat Administration, because our relations with that country transcend individual parties. Therefore, I shall expect to say to my colleagues that, whilst we shall certainly work to continue the relationship that exists between our two countries, we shall also hope that Europe as a whole will continue to maintain good, or even improved, relations with the United States, if that is possible. I believe that all countries must regulate their defence expenditure both according to the external threat that they see and also in a way that will maintain the strength of their internal economy.

When the Prime Minister meets his opposite numbers, will he discuss with them the problem of youth employment, the serious threats that seem to be emerging, and how best the Community can tackle the immediate and longer-term problems involved?

I began a discussion on this matter when I was Foreign and Commonwealth Secretary. I take the view that there are structural changes in the levels of employment in some of the industrialised countries that will make it very difficult to reduce unemployment in all our countries to the levels to which we have been accustomed during the past 20 years. I know, for example, that Chancellor Schmidt is concerned about this matter. He told me that he intends to make a detailed breakdown of statistics and groups. Because of the interdependence of our economies, this prob- lem affects us all and perhaps can be met only by our all working together.

If Chancellor Schmidt, Dr. Emminger and Old Uncle Fritz Cobbleigh and all are as full of admiration for the current management of British economic policy as the Chancellor likes to make out, why was it necessary for the Prime Minister to appear on television last week and threaten our allies in the most foolishly irresponsible fashion?

I dealt with that matter a week ago at Question Time. The hon. Gentleman is rather behindhand. If he would care to see the reaction to the broadcast, I shall be happy to send him the comments that Chancellor Schmidt made after the broadcast when he said that he fully understood both the basis on which I was approaching this matter and the way in which I had said it.

Will the Prime Minister use these occasions to begin discussions on the steps the Community might take effectively to relieve us from our situation as a holder of a reserve currency?

I prefer not to go into detail on these matters at this time. I am aware that a number of statements have been made by Mr. Tindemans and others, which were intended to be helpful, but I do not wish to add to them this afternoon.

Prime Minister (Engagements)

Q2.

asked the Prime Minister if he will list his official engagements for 4th November.

Q9.

asked the Prime Minister if he will list his official engagements for 4th November.

Q10.

asked the Prime Minister if he will list his official engagements for 4th November.

I presided at a meeting of the Cabinet this morning. In addition, I shall be having meetings with ministerial colleagues and others.

When the Prime Minister meets other Ministers this evening, will he draw their attention to today's news that British Leyland's sales in the United States are running at a figure of over £215 million a year? Are not these the first fruits of the Government's industrial strategy and do they not demonstrate the foolishness of the Conservatives, who would have let British Leyland go to the wall?

I am sorry that it is left to my hon. Friend to point to the success of British Leyland with its record sales in the United States. However, I cannot forbear to remind the House that if the Conservatives had had their way and had abolished the NEB, as they still threaten to do and continue to oppose it, the Midlands would now be a wasteland—and I hope that the electors of Walsall will remember that.

In advance of any election results from the three by-elections, will the Prime Minister agree that they should be treated as a verdict on the Government's policies? If they show a massive repudiation of those policies from both Labour and Conservative voters, will he undertake to withdraw his divisive policies, and in particular the obnoxious legislation which is now going through the other place?

I have no doubt that the necessary process we are going through at present, of regenerating British industry and controlling public expenditure after the profligate extravagance of the Conservative Party—[Interruption] I know that the Government cannot expect to secure 100 per cent. support from the Opposition. We intend to carry on governing the nation, and we shall carry it through to success.

Will the Prime Minister please ensure that hon. Members are enabled to ask Questions about a private company that receives loans and grants from the Government, particularly a firm such as Courtaulds which received £40 million between 1970 and 1973? I am sure that he will agree that the public have a right to know who is dipping into the public purse. Should not all future loans and grants be channelled through the NEB so that there is complete public accountability?

There is a strong case for increasing the amount of re- sources available to the NEB so that that body may assist with reconstruction or help some of our industries that find themselves in temporary difficulties. On the question of accountability, it is my strong desire, as is known to the leaders of the CBI, that the Government should work in conjunction with them on this policy agreed by all three parties—namely, the CBI, the TUC and the Government—in order to secure success. I understand that the CBI reciprocates those views and wishes to make a success of the policy.

As one of the Prime Minister's official duties on Thursday is to answer Questions and as he was so evasive to me on Thursday when carrying out that official duty, will he confirm the Chancellor's warning on Tuesday night that the Government will have to take action in the next few weeks to cut borrowing requirements?

I fully agree that because of some of the measures which have been left to us to undertake as a result of what happened in the Administration of which the right hon. Lady was a distinguished ornament—I refer to the introduction of matters such as VAT and the bureaucracy that was introduced into the National Health Service and local government reorganisation—there are many reforms which the Government will need a full five years to undertake. As for any statements which have been attributed to my right hon. Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer in connection with Press commentaries on what he is supposed to have said, I wish to assure the right hon. Lady that he said no more and no less than he said at Question Time.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that we have come to regard official Press leaks as containing some truth—for example, in regard to the guillotine, which was leaked before the House of Commons knew anything about it? If there is no truth in the alleged statement by the Chancellor of the Exchequer, it would be well if the Prime Minister were to deny it now; otherwise we shall assume that he will confirm it later.

As I am sure the right hon. Lady will discover one day, it is a well-established precedent in this House that it is not a ministerial responsibility to comment on Press leaks.

Is the Prime Minister aware that many of us have cause to be grateful to the Government for, if I may paraphrase my hon. Friend the Member for Woolwich, East (Mr. Cartwright), picking a winner in British Leyland and thus preventing the West Midlands from becoming a desert? Will he assure me and my constituents in Skelmersdale that the Government will also help to pick winners there, and thus prevent Skelmersdale from becoming a desert?

My hon. Friend is right to pursue this point because I know the assiduity with which he represents his constituents' interests. He and I have had an opportunity of seeing the work that is undertaken in that town. My right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for Industry met Sir Arthur Knight of Courtaulds and we shall continue to review the matter. I shall be discussing the subject with my right hon. Friend, but I prefer not to give an undertaking until I have examined the situation.

Food Prices

Q3.

asked the Prime Minister if he is satisfied with the coordination of policy between the Ministry of Agriculture, Fisheries and Food, and the Department of Prices and Consumer Protection on food prices.

In view of what the Minister of Agriculture has been doing, will the Prime Minister agree that the Department of Prices and Consumer Protection has proved to be a costly and bureaucratic washout? If the abolition of the Department and its Ministers were announced among cuts in public expenditure, in what way would the consumer be any worse off?

The answer to the first part of the supplementary question is "No". As for the second part, I think that there is a great deal of value in having a Department concerned with consumer affairs and whose job it is to ensure that the consumer gets a fair deal. The hon. Gentleman may take it that it is not my intention to get rid of that Department for the time being.

Will the Prime Minister say whether it is Government policy to reduce Britain's dependence on foreign food? If that is the case, does he think that this is more likely to be done by having high or low food prices? In particular, will he turn his attention to EEC subsidies on food? Does he consider that those subsidies on imported food into the United Kingdom are likely to strengthen or weaken Britain's ability to produce its own food?

What is important is that until CAP is revised and reformed, as we think it should be, there is every case for Britain to expand its agricultural system. Indeed, even when it is reformed, the case probably still exists for having these resources available.

The second part of the supplementary question, which is a much more technical matter, I must leave to my right hon. Friend the Minister of Agriculture to answer.

Will my right hon. Friend take time off from answering the constant carping criticisms of Opposition Members to congratulate Mr. Carter on behalf of all of us on his election and to assure him that the criticisms which undermine the achievements of our economic recovery do not represent the true situation in this country?

Yes, Sir. I have already sent a message to the Presidentelect, as, indeed, the Leader of the Opposition has. My hon. and learned Friend refers to the undermining of our position in the United States. I very much regret that that has been done, and done by members of the Conservative Party.

Is the Prime Minister aware that food prices in Scotland are amongst the highest in the United Kingdom and that the Department of Prices and Consumer Protection has so far failed to do anything to aid the Scottish housewife? Will he issue a directive to the Department to get moving and to conduct an inquiry into the marketing and distribution of food in Scotland to see what can be done?

I will look into that matter, but it is totally untrue to say that margins of food prices have not been restrained by the action of the Department of Prices and Consumer Protection. A very great deal has been done, and the Scottish housewife, like every other housewife in the country, has benefited from it.

Standing Order No 9 Debate (Mr Speaker's Ruling)

Before I call the Leader of the Opposition to ask the Business Question, I want to make a brief statement.

I was given to understand this morning that there might be some question of civil proceedings being instituted in relation to the subject of the debate under Standing Order No. 9 today. I had careful inquiries made this morning and at lunchtime was assured that no proceedings for an injunction had been instituted in either the Queen's Bench Division or the Chancery Division. It may be that proceedings might be instituted this afternoon, but, although this House has always had careful regard to the administration of justice, I do not think that we can conduct our business on the basis of some last-minute application which it is difficult to confirm at short notice and may be based on hearsay.

I propose, therefore, so to exercise my discretion in regard to the sub judice rule as to allow the Standing Order No. 9 debate to proceed. The sub judice rule will therefore not apply even if it is later submitted that proceedings might have started.

Business Of The House

May I ask the Leader of the House to state the business for next week, please?

The Lord President of the Council and Leader of the House of Commons
(Mr. Michael Foot)

Yes, Sir. The business for next week will be as follows:

MONDAY 8TH NOVEMBER—There will be motions supplementing the Orders of the House of 20th July relating to timetable motions.

Debate on the Paper on a proposed new Highway Code.

TUESDAY 9TH NOVEMBER—Consideration of Lords amendments to the Education Bill.

WEDNESDAY 10TH NOVEMBER and THURSDAY 11TH NOVEMBER—Consideration of Lords amendments to Bills.

FRIDAY 12TH NOVEMBER—Remaining stages of the Supplementary Benefit Bill ( Lords), which is a consolidation measure.

Motions on EEC Documents on lawyers, R/2133/75 and R/646/76 and on road worthiness tests, when R/1795/ 72 and R/1614/74 may be relevant.

Motion on an amendment to Standing Order No. 73A relating to Standing Committee on Statutory Instruments &c.

MONDAY 15TH NOVEMBER—Motion on the Endowments and Glebe Church Measure.

We are glad to see the right hon. Gentleman back, but he has come back to announce one of the most oppressive programmes ever announced for one week by any Leader of the House. Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that this is the worst use of the guillotine and the most dictatorial denial of free speech in modern times? He may well be able to adduce the odd example when we have had one day for Lords amendments, but is he aware that, when we had a highly controversial Bill under the Conservative Government to which the Opposition took great exception, we gave five days for the discussion of Lords amendments—the longest time ever given in this House for Lords amendments? Why does he not follow that precedent for this very controversial Bill?

Secondly, can he say what other Bills he hopes to have on Wednesday and Thursday?

Thirdly, when will the Autumn Budget be presented?

I thank the right hon. Lady for the kind remarks that she made at the beginning of her questions.

On the latter point—the question of any announcement by my right hon. Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer—I have nothing to add to any reply given to the right hon. Lady on that matter.

The right hon. Lady asked what other Bills may be taken. The reason that we have not named them in my announcement is that the Lords themselves still have to reach further conclusions on these matters, but we expect two Bills, the Dock Work Regulation Bill and the Aircraft and Shipbuilding Industries Bill, to be taken on the Wednesday and the Thursday.

On the general question raised by the right hon. Lady, I think that the language she uses is extremely exaggerated. She used similar language prior to the introduction of the earlier timetable motion, but when we came to debate these things all those accusations were dissipated and the House generally accepted that what we were proposing was reasonable in the circumstances.

On personal grounds, I welcome the right hon. Gentleman back, but it must be unusual for a Leader of the House to announce a guillotine of Lords amendments to Bills which were themselves guillotined in this House—in the case of some of them before the Lords have even made any amendments. While I share his views on the supremacy of this elected House, I would have no hesitation in advising by noble Friends in another place, if parts of the Bill went undebated in this House, that they would be right to maintain their amendments.

I do not know how much the hon. Gentleman will be able to proceed with his proposals for inciting the other House to act against this House, but I do not think it an advisable course for him to follow. I think that he should take into account that a Labour Government have very different circumstances to deal with from those with which other Governments have to deal. We have to deal with a situation in which there is a permanent Conservative majority in the other place, and in which some may wish to use that situation to injure the timetables we have in this House. I hope that the hon. Gentleman will take that into account before he tenders any advice to those in another place as to how they should proceed, because—and I would have thought that hon. Members in all parts of the House would agree—one of the principles we have to sustain and establish is the supremacy of this elected House of Commons.

My right hon. Friend will, I know, accept that the majority of right hon. and hon. Members are delighted that he is back and that he is much fitter than he has been for some time.

It is inevitable that the Opposition will be upset by the guillotine motion, but the simple principle at stake is that the Government must be allowed to govern, and on that principle my right hon. Friend is right to bring in a guillotine to ensure that Government business is obtained.

Order. The right hon. Gentleman has not asked a question, and this is Business Question time.

If I am not asking a question, I do not know what that lot over on the other side of the House have been doing. Is my right hon. Friend aware that we on this side of the House will support the principle of the guillotine next week because that is the only way in which the Government can get their business? Is that all right, Mr. Speaker?

It is all right with me. We are proposing that there should be discussion in the House of amendments received from the other place. As I was pointing out, Labour Governments are faced and confronted by difficulties in parliamentary business which are never faced and confronted by Conservative Governments.

Will the right hon. Gentleman withdraw his threat to muzzle the House of Commons in this undemocratic way until he has a clearer idea of the amendments passed hi another place? In deciding upon that, will he bear in mind that if all the so-called Labour peers had turned up in another place and supported the Government, there might have been fewer Lords amendments?

I repudiate any suggestions that on these important Bills we have been seeking to muzzle either this House or the other place. The Aircraft and Shipbuilding Industries Bill had 46 hours and 13 minutes Floor time and 141 hours Committee time. That is not muzzling the House of Commons. The Dock Work Regulation Bill had 19 hours 38 minutes Floor time and 87 hours Committee time. That is not muzzling the House of Commons. The Education Bill had 41 hours Floor time and 86 hours Committee time. That is not muzzling the House of Commons. The Health Services Bill had 24 hours Floor time and 74 hours Committee time. That is not muzzling the House of Commons. The same applies to the Rent (Agriculture) Bill.

It is a complete misuse of language to say that we have been pushing some of these Bills without proper time for discussion.

On a point of order, Mr. Speaker. Is it in order for the Leader of the House irrelevantly to waste the time of the House by relating what has happened during the progress of Bills in the House of Commons when the question put to him concerned Lords amendments?

I am quite sure that we shall hear much more about that—but not this afternoon.

Will my right hon. Friend take the necessary steps to muzzle the unrepresentative voice of the other place?

I am not muzzling anyone. What I have anounced is the considerable time that will be afforded next week, quite properly, to discuss the amendments that come from the other place. I hope that we shall deal with them properly in the time allocated.

Does the right hon. Gentleman accept that in following this course he is pretending to pay attention to the supremacy of this House but what he is saying to the country at large is that this involves the passage, totally unaltered, of the Government's programme, regardless of the support for it here and in the country?

That, again, is a complete misrepresentation of the situation, because, in fact, as was shown in the discussions that we had on another Bill that came from another place a week or so ago, the Race Relations Bill, the Government have accepted some of the amendments that came from the other place. It may be that that will apply in the case of the other Bills, too, so it is complete misrepresentation to say that the Government have taken no notice of the representations made in another place about amendments. However, what we are not prepared to have happen is that the Bills themselves should be so mangled and mutilated that they are not proper Bills at all.

Does my right hon. Friend agree that the timetable that he has allowed is infinitely more generous and far more proper than the way in which a Tory Government treated the House of Commons when imposing a vicious and cruel timetable on the massive issue of entry into the Common Market? Does he not agree that his timetables on these issues are something that do credit to the Government and to the sensibility of the House of Commons, and that they are not derived from the vicious manner adopted by a Tory Government on the great issue of entry into the Common Market?

I agree with my hon. Friend. As to the conduct of the other place on the European Communities Bill—when it had gone through this House unamended and that House did not take any steps whatsoever to invite us to consider that matter afresh—when the House of Lords took that step I think that their Lordships injured their claims of objectivity in these matters.

As a guillotine motion is being proposed in respect of Bills that the House of Lords has not even finished considering, would it not be far more honest for the Government to say that they do not believe in a revising Chamber at all rather than to perpetuate a disgusting sham?

As I have already said, we have recently had evidence in the House how amendments that have come from the other place on other Bills have been considered by the Government and how some of them have been accepted by this House. That is a complete repudiation of the hon. and learned Gentleman's suggestion.

Has my right hon. Friend's attention been drawn to the two agreed Lords amendments on the Industrial Common Ownership Bill? When will the House come to a decision on those agreed amendments to what is largely, I think, an agreed Bill?

I shall certainly be ready to consult my hon. Friend about the matter to see whether we can provide time for it. We should like very much to get it through, and as it has been agreed in another place, we should certainly like to do so if we can. I cannot give an absolute promise, but I recognise the significance of my hon. Friend's remarks.

How does the right hon. Gentleman reconcile his ostensible belief in parliamentary democracy with his total determination to refuse proper consideration of Lords amendments to these vital pieces of legislation? Does he believe, in all honesty, that the country is behind him in what he is saying?

I repudiate any suggestion that we are interfering with proper debate in the House of Commons. When large numbers of controversial matters are going through the House, that limits the amount of time which can be made available for each Bill. However, we have secured the support of the House of Commons for all these measures. I believe that that should be taken into account in another place as well.

Does my right hon. Friend not recognise that the current situation is likely to be repeated at the end of each Session as long as we have that horrible place along the Corridor? Does he not accept, therefore, that the use of the instrument of the guillotine is directed at the wrong target? The target should be the place along the Corridor and not the Bills.

We must deal with one thing at a time. We have to deal with the immediate situation. In order to carry out the will of the House of Commons on these Bills, we must proceed with the Bills. What deductions may be drawn for the future depend partly, I suppose, on what another place may do about these matters.

Will the right hon. Gentleman recall the example of the Industrial Relations Bill? The Lords amendments were given no fewer than five days by the Conservative Government for consideration in the House of Commons. [HON. MEMBERS: "A rotten Bill".] This is a rotten lot that we are dealing with.

I want to ask the right hon. Gentleman two questions, to which I should be grateful for answers. First, has he formed any estimate at all of the number of Lords amendments to these five Bills to which the Government will, in the event, be proposing disagreement? Secondly, how many of these amendments does he think will go undiscussed altogether in the House of Commons, or has he not yet formed any estimate? If he has not yet formed any estimate, in my view he is being grossly irresponsible.

There is a different situation on each Bill, both about the number of amendments which have been put through in another place and about the number of those amendments concerning which the Government might be able to meet what has been proposed. Therefore, I certainly could not give, off the cuff, an answer to the questions that the right hon. Gentleman is asking. However, that is precisely the reason why motions are moved in the House to deal with these matters, and all such questions would be in order when we debate the motions on Monday. That is the normal way in which the House of Commons deals with such questions, on supplemental motions.

The Industrial Relations Act is a very apposite case, because in that matter the House of Lords did not exert its authority in order to bring forward any critical amendments against the Government of that time. Most of the amendments that came from the House of Lords on that occasion were due to the appalling character of the Bill in the first place, and even so, that was not improved sufficiently. But if the House of Lords had been performing on that occasion the function that it claims to be performing now, we should have had several hundred more amendments coming back on that occasion, and perhaps that Bill would never have reached the statute book. That would certainly have been the House of Lords intervening to help the country, but it never did so.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that, shamefully, all that he is doing now is to put up a screen of verbiage— —

The hon. Gentleman is a specialist in ersatz. All that the right hon. Gentleman is doing is to put up a screen of verbiage to conceal the fact that the Government have only an appetite to get this legislation through and have given not the slightest thought to the points made in the House of Lords.

All that I was concerned about was that the country at large should not be misled by what the right hon. Gentleman said. What we propose in order to deal with the Lords amendments is the normal process—that is, that we should have a supplemental motion for enforcing a timetable. That is what we are doing, and it is what our predecessors did in other circumstances.

The question of the effect on particular Bills is primarily one for discussion when the issue is debated. There is nothing wrong in that. There is no abuse of the normal procedures of this House. It is the only proper way in which to proceed.

Does my right hon. Friend agree that we are in danger of talking about the bath water and forgetting that there is a baby in it? Will he ask the agreement of the Opposition for the House to discuss next week the British economy, with particular reference to the statements which have just been made in the United States by the person who is in all probability the most powerful economist on the face of the earth, the principal economic adviser to the President-elect of the United States? That is a matter which in my view is slightly more important than a procedural motion in the House of Commons. It would be desirable if this legislature of a small State could express its opinions upon the options he has posed before a decision is made upon them.

No doubt there will be full opportunities for discussing these economic questions in the House. What we propose for Monday is the proper procedure to enable us to carry through the legislation.

Does the right hon. Gentleman think that pursuing these nationalisation proposals in the House next week will make the pound go up or down?

What we propose is to enable the House to carry forward the measures it has already supported. Such arguments have gone back and forth during the whole of the debates on this matter. I know that the Opposition do not like the Bills. That has been evident. But we say that the majority will of this House must be carried out, and I believe that that is good for the pound and good for democracy.

Because of the heavy pressure of business next week and, we assume, in the weeks after that, will my right hon. Friend see to it that there is an inquiry, as distinct from a debate, into the buying practices of the National Coal Board, especially in view of the recent allegations and condemnation of the accountants, Thomson McLintock, who were involved in the Hilton Transport Services investigation and were in the main responsible for making the decisions about the Board's arguments on its buying practices? In view of this new development and the sacking of Alan Grimshaw, will my right hon. Friend see that there is an investigation?

Will hon. Members please try to relate their question to the business for next week?

I cannot promise an investigation. My hon. Friend and some of my other hon. Friends have already approached me saying that they wished to make representations to me on that subject. I shall be interested to hear what they have to say.

In view of the strong views expressed, will the right hon. Gentleman have another think about the five-bladed guillotine he is proposing to bring down on Monday? Will he consult not only the Patronage Secretary but also the right hon. Member for Bermondsey (Mr. Mellish)? Is he aware that if he consults the latter right hon. Gentleman he will find that, although an Opposition always want more time than they are allowed, the time we allowed as a Conservative Government for the measures guillotined then was a great deal more generous than anything timetabled by himself? In the interests of the House of Commons as a whole and of fair trading between the two sides of the House, that is a reasonable request to meet. Will the right hon. Gentleman have that discussion and think again?

We have put down on the Order Paper the motions for Monday, which we think are reasonable. We propose that the House should debate them, and if the Opposition put down amendments to them we shall consider those amendments. That is what the debate will be for. But our belief is that what we propose is a proper way in which to proceed.

Will my right hon. Friend ignore much of the synthetic indignation from the Opposition Benches over the question of the guillotine? Will he apply his mind to the question I put to my right hon. Friend the Home Secretary last week, when I asked for a discussion in the Standing Committee on Regional Affairs on the whole question of unemployment on Merseyside and in the North-West? It is a vital matter, particularly in view of the Courtaulds Ltd. developments, which could affect the North-West and Merseyside in particular.

I accept the importance of the subject to which my hon. Friend refers, and I confirm what my right hon. Friend said about the matter last week. I am prepared to refer the matter upstairs for debate. That does not preclude the possibilities of further debate in the House as well later.

Are not the Government, in order to stifle proper debate on important legislation, using the excuse of the rule that Bills die with a Prorogation? Why does not the Leader of the House put down on the Order Paper, instead of the guillotine motion, a motion to extend the life of Bills beyond Prorogation?

I am sure that the right hon. Gentleman is fully aware that this matter has frequently been discussed. Although it sometimes appears to be a solution to some of the pressing prob- lems of parliamentary time, it is often found on examination to be not as good a solution as people have suggested. It may eat up the time in the next Session. Therefore, I do not think that we can solve the problem in that way, although it is obviously a matter that can be discussed by the main Procedure Committee, which is looking at the whole question of the affairs of the House and the way in which it conducts its business. In my view it should look at that subject along with others.

Rather than finding time for Lords amendments, will my right hon. Friend find time to discuss the future of the Lords? If it is not possible to do it in this Session, will he ensure that in the Queen's Speech there is a reference to the matter, because there is great resentment in the country over the fact that the House of Lords comes to life only when the Conservatives are in Opposition?

We are operating under the rules of Parliament which exist now. If we are to secure our measures, if they are to be placed on the statute book, according to the present provisions we must get these measures through this House and another place. The future position of another place is a much larger question, and I do not think that we should complicate next week's business by trying to settle it then.

Will the right hon. Gentleman accept that the resentment in the country is over the way in which the Government are playing it? There may very well be a case for abolishing the Lords, but there is no case for the Government's going along with them when they are rubber-stamping Government legislation and then taking offence when they put down amendments, or for using the Lords as a dumping ground for unwanted passengers.

It is not a question of taking offence—nothing of the sort. It is a question of ensuring, while giving time to consider amendments from another place, that the Government's legislation, which has been supported by this House, shall reach the statute book. That is what we are concerned about, and why we say that we have the right to ask the backing of all hon. Members who wish to see the democratic will prevail. I hope that the hon. Gentleman will assist us on many of these Bills. I am sure that the vast majority of the people of Scotland want to see them on the statute book.

I propose to take a total of four more questions, because there is a Standing Order No. 9 application to be made before we come to the first debate.

Will my right hon. Friend not agree that the whole furore worked up by the Opposition about this particular matter of the guillotine is utterly spurious, not merely because the basis of the House of Lords itself is completely undemocratic but because the Conservative Opposition in this House have no desire whatsoever to consider amendments seriously? Their only aim is to thwart the opinion of the majority of this House.

I hope that my hon. Friend will not tempt me to go too far in using too many adjectives. I do not say that the opposition to the measures is spurious. Of course, the Opposition have a right to criticise what we propose, to put down amendments and to discuss them. What I am contesting is the suggestion that we have not the right to ensure that proper time shall be made available so that these measures shall reach the Statute Book.

If some of the Lords amendments are not properly debated here because of the guillotine, and this fact is then reported back to their Lordships, will not the Leader of the House have been inciting them to put those amendments back to this House once again? At the end of the day will not this take rather longer than if the Leader of the House had given a more generous allocation of time?

I am not doing any inciting, and I hope that the hon. Gentleman is not inciting others to alter again the Bills which we may send them from this House. There have, of course, been occasions on which matters have been reconsidered in another place and returned to this House. We have to take that into account as well. I believe that the Bills as they leave this House will be in a satisfactory form, and I hope that the other place will accept that.

Will the Leader of the House tell us how this House or its representatives will agree on the grounds we shall give to the House of Lords for rejecting its amendments if this House has not been able to discuss the amendments?

Secondly, will the Leader of the House tell me whether it was on his authorisation that somebody briefed the Press on Tuesday night about the precise details of next Monday's business, or whether it was done—[Interruption.] The Press was briefed on Tuesday night and the publication was on Wednesday. Will the Leader of the House say whether it was on his authority that a member probably of his staff briefed the Press on Tuesday night with the precise details of Monday's guillotine motion?

As to the hon. Gentleman's first question, I believe that the debates we have in this House next week on these Bills will give opportunity for the House to express its views on the amendments which come from another place from both the Government and the Opposition.

Concerning the second question, it was certainly not on my authorisation, or authorisation from any member of my office or staff, that any leakage came to the Press upon that subject. Certainly we did not authorise it in any way. It may be that, on the contrary, some leakage came not from the Government but from another place. It may be that there was some anticipation in some quarters as to what it was thought might happen. But certainly there was no leakage to the Press and no Press conference given by me or by any member of my staff.

What makes the Lord President think that on Monday, after the thrashing that his party will get in today's by-elections, he will have a majority in this House for the guillotine?

We must wait and see what happens. When the House looks at these matters next week, and looks at all the circumstances, I believe that it will come to the same kind of conclusion as it reached when we had the general debate on the guillotine motions. At that time, the House upheld the view taken by the Government. We not only won the vote but overwhelmingly won the argument as well.

On a point of order, Mr. Speaker. Surely there must come a time in this House when you, Mr. Speaker, must assert your authority over a Government who are deliberately seeking [Interruption.]—to stifle debate on crucial issues. Can you advise when, if ever, that time will come? [Interruption.]

Order. The House vests a great deal of authority in the Speaker. Most of it is undefined. But it has not yet given me authority to tell either the Opposition or the Government what they shall do, and the Order Paper of the House is not in my control.

Cable & Wireless Ltd

I beg to ask leave to move the Adjournment of the House, under Standing Order No. 9, for the purpose of discussing a specific and important mater that should have urgent consideration; namely,

"the situation of Cable and Wireless Ltd., a State-owned corporation."
This company has had to adjourn its annual general meeting indefinitely because it faces a management crisis. All five executive directors have declined to stand for re-election. They are senior men who have devoted most of their lives to the company, and their action cannot be treated lightly. Were the matter to involve only the company it would be serious, but the issue raises certain crucial matters of national significance.

First, the dispute apparently arises from the fact that some employees of the company are paid more than the directors because of the implementation of pay restraint. The control of senior salaries is common to all nationalised industries, and its resolution is a matter of urgent national significance.

Second, the action of the executive directors has put a question mark over the control of the company, and particularly the manner in which the Secretary of State for Industry exercises his powers of appointment to nationalised boards. The appointment of Mr. Edward Short as a part-time chairman of the company at a salary of £9,080 a year, compared with the £10,330 for the executive directors of the company—[HON. MEMBERS: "Disgraceful."]—may he relevant in this context.

There can be no dispute, Mr. Speaker, that a major State-controlled corporation faces a serious management crisis which I believe to be unprecedented. The fact that this crisis is currently delaying the annual general meeting makes the problem an urgent one.

Resolution of the problems raised must of its very nature involve very wide and fundamental issues affecting the Government's pay policy and the relationship between Government and nationalised industries.

I therefore respectfully ask you to rule, Mr. Speaker, that the House should now adjourn to discuss these issues.

The hon. Member seeks to move the Adjournment of the House for the purpose of discussing a specific and important matter that he thinks should have urgent consideration; namely,

"the situation of Cable and Wireless Ltd., a State-owned corporation."
As the House knows, under Standing Order No. 9 I am directed to take into account the several factors set out in the Order but to give no reasons for my decision.

I have given careful consideration to the representations made by the hon. Gentleman—I am grateful to him for giving me notice this morning—but I have to rule that his submission does not fall within the provisions of the Standing Order. I cannot, therefore, submit his application to the House.

Post Office Act 1953 (Industrial Dispute)

Motion made, and Question proposed, That this House do now adjourn.—[ Mr. Gorst.]

Leave having been given on Wednesday 3rd November under Standing Order No. 9 to discuss:

The action of Post Office workers in failing to deliver mail to Grunwick Processing Laboratories in contravention of the Post Office Act 1953.

On a point of order, Mr. Speaker. In the coming debate there will be very serious legal issues before the House. Would it not be preferable, therefore, to have a Law Officer present during the debate?

The hon. Gentleman will know that I do not decide who sits on the Front Bench, but his words will have been noted.

Further to the point of order, Mr. Speaker. Is it not a fact that the subject for this emergency debate is stated on the Order Paper? Would it not therefore be right and courteous to the House for the Minister responsible for the Post Office, a Law Officer, or, indeed, the Home Secretary, since he is responsible for law and order, to be present and to speak in the debate, rather than a Minister who has no responsibility in this matter at all?

I have no responsibility for who sits on the Front Bench and who speaks for the Government.

4.9 p.m.

What we are discussing this afternoon is specifically the illegal action of the Post Office workers in preventing Grunwick Processing Laboratories Ltd. from receiving its mail. We are not discussing and we are not concerned with the rights and wrongs of a protracted industrial dispute. We are not discussing the rights and wrongs of the dispute which preceded the action by the Union of Post Office Workers last Monday. Nor am I involved in trying to promote the case on one side or the other.

My interest in this matter arises because a member of the company that I have named came to see me as his constituency Member of Parliament to seek the protection of the law against an illegal act. Of course the implications of what has been done go much further and wider than my constituent's interests and could well go to the heart of much industrial activity in the whole country.

Before I deal with a number of important matters of principle, it may be helpful if I describe the normal postal procedure in this firm. The usual practice is for the firm to send a company van to the WCI sorting office. On arrival, the driver, with the help of Post Office workers, carries sacks of packets addressed to the firm from the first floor of the building to his vehicle. I understand that the Post Office does not deliver these items because the co