House Of Commons
Tuesday 14th December 1976
The House met at half-past Two o'clock
Prayers
[Mr. SPEAKER in the Chair]
Message From The Queen
Double Taxation Relief
The VICE-CHAMBERLAIN OF THE HOUSEHOLD reported Her Majesty's Answer to the Addresses as follows:
I have received your Addresses praying that the Double Taxation Relief (Taxes on Incomes) (Republic of Ireland) Order 1976, the Double Taxation Relief (Taxes on Incomes) (Republic of Ireland) No. 2 Order 1976 and the Double Taxation Relief (Taxes on Incomes) (Philippines) Order 1976 be made in the form of the drafts laid before your House in the last Session of Parliament. I will comply with your request.
Oral Answers To Questions
Defence
Tornado Aircraft
1.
asked the Secretary of State for Defence what proportion of the design brief can be performed by Tornados (MRCA) which have so far flown; when he expects the Tornados to reach 50 per cent. of their design brief; and what proportion of their original design brief will not be achieved by the production models of the plane.
Performance data of combat aircraft is classified information. The evidence available from flight tests was a major factor contributing to the decision in July to authorise full production of the MRCA, and I am satisfied that the aircraft will meet the RAF's performance requirements.
While thanking my hon. Friend for that reply, may I ask whether the Government will be able to cancel their orders for the Tornado if it does not achieve the speeds set out in the design brief?
If it were to come to a question of considering cancellation my hon. Friend would wish to know that our provisional estimate of the expenditure already incurred and the further rundown and redundancy compensation payments arising from any unilateral withdrawal from the MRCA would be about £1,500 million.
Will the hon. Gentleman do his best to "kill" these people who knock this magnificent aircraft? Will he do his best to get into full production, so that when the RAF is equipped with this plane we shall be in a position to offer it to our NATO Allies, who may wish to buy it after seeing its first-rate performance?
I do not have quite such a bloodthirsty attitude as the hon. Gentleman. I certainly echo his views about the excellence of this aircraft.
Multi-Rôle Combat Aircraft (Research And Development)
2.
asked the Secretary of State for Defence how much per plane must be added for research and development to the estimated cost of £6·3 million for each common version MRCA and £7·7 million for each ADV version.
For reasons of security and commercial confidentiality it has never been the practice to give information of the sort requested by my hon. Friend at this stage in the development of any project.
Has the Minister seen the estimate by Mark Hewish, of Flight, writing in the New Scientist, to the effect that £1·5 million per plane must be added for research and development? Since this would bring the total bill for the British taxpayer to £3·2 billion for the 385 planes, may I ask my hon. Friend whether he can justify expenditure on such a fantastic scale at this time?
My hon. Friend is seeking to tempt me, as did my hon. Friend the Member for Stockport, North (Mr. Bennett), into giving costs which, as he knows, are classified information. The £1,500 million that would be involved in sunk expenditure and cancellation charges does not even take account of the cost in terms of lost jobs and work opportunities, let alone the nugatory expenditure in respect of support and running costs.
Will the hon. Gentleman confirm that there can be no question of cancelling this aircraft because of any suggestion that it does not do what it was supposed to do? Does he agree that it does all that it is supposed to do? Will he further confirm that the price of this aircraft has not increased by as much proportionately as the price of a loaf of bread or a pint of beer?
Those are rather exotic statistics. It depends what period of time the hon. Gentleman is taking. As I have said, this aircraft meets the operational requirements of the RAF and the air forces of Italy and the Federal Republic of Germany—our partners in this project.
Does my hon. Friend accept that the point could be reached at which further expenditure on this aircraft could not possibly be justified? Does he agree that, especially when we are suggesting that cuts should be made in education, and health and welfare services, we must see whether it is possible to reduce this outrageously lavish expenditure?
As a general proposition, what my hon. Friend says is right—that if the costs of any project rise out of proportion to the benefits expected from it, it should be looked at again. However, I think that the cost control of this project is now well in hand.
Will the Minister confirm that the MRCA is the linchpin of the RAF's defensive capability for the 1980s?
It is not intended just for a defensive rôle, as the hon. Gentleman will know. But if a decision were taken not to proceed with the MRCA—[Interruption.] I said "if" a decision were taken—careful thought would have to be given to some other form to replace the ageing Phantoms, Buccaneers and Canberras.
Fishery Protection
3.
asked the Secretary of State for Defence if he is satisfied with the forces available for surveillance and deterrence following the extension of the fisheries limits on 1st January 1977.
I have no reason to doubt the effectiveness of the arrangements being made for fishery protection within extended limits, but naturally such matters have to be kept under constant review.
I accept that helpful answer 100 per cent. Does my hon. Friend accept that in the light of the EEC talks at which the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs laid down the law on behalf of the 50-mile exclusive limit for our fishermen, he should consider the use of redundant trawlers on Humberside for the purpose of enforcement? Could not a contribution be made by ships of the Bird class, which I believe are vital to our efficiency in terms of looking after our people in this area?
As I said, we are keeping the entire situation under constant review, but at the moment we do not consider that the adaptation and use of laid-up trawlers would be as cost-effective as new ships, in terms of remaining hull life and continuing support. On the second point, two Bird class patrol ships—"Kingfisher" and "Cygnet"—are currently in service with the Fishery Protection Squadron. They are designed for work in coastal waters only and are weather-limited. A contract for four was placed on 10th November 1972 with Richard Dunstan's (Hessle) Ltd., of North Humberside, but delays in delivery dates have been experienced due to labour and technical difficulties. No new orders have been placed. The two remaining vessels under construction will be allocated to the RNR.
Is the hon. Gentleman aware of the serious situation which has developed between Scottish boats and a fleet of large French trawlers outside the 12-mile limit but within 50 miles south-east of Shetland? Is he aware that the fishermen appreciate the prompt action of the Secretary of State for Scotland in ordering the protection cruiser "Westra" to the scene in response to my appeal to him yesterday? Has he been informed of two further instances this morning, when a Scottish boat's nets were cut by a French trawler and, I understand, "Westra" had to board the vessel in question? Will he keep in close touch with the Scottish Office on these incidents, and can he reinforce the Scottish fishery protection fleet if necessary? Can he assure the House that the strongest representations will be made to the French Government?
On the penultimate point, there is close co-operation and co-ordination between the Ministry of Defence and the fisheries Departments, including the Department of Agriculture and Fisheries in Scotland, on all aspects of fishery protection. The fisheries Departments are now closely engaged in exploring the implications of the new regime. What the hon. Gentleman said on his first point reminds us how closely we need to keep that emerging situation under review and how important it is that we know as soon as possible exactly what it will entail.
Does the hon. Gentleman agree that our Fishery Protection Squadron is already hard-pressed, and that in view of proposed alterations in fishery limits it will need to be strengthened? Does he not further agree that it would be disastrous if, tomorrow, there were any suggestion of a cut-back in what is already proposed for the building of further fishery protection vessels?
Far from considering any cut-back, we have undertaken an expansion of the fishery protection task. We have new orders for a purpose-built patrol boat of the Island class, which I have mentioned before. There will be five accepted this time next year and there will be four Nimrod aircraft in service from 1st January. Whatever need may arise will be met, within the total resources of the Fleet.
4.
asked the Secretary of State for Defence what measures he intends to take to co-ordinate the work of fishery protection.
Adequate arrangements have existed for many years for the co-ordination of fishery protection among the Departments concerned. These arrangements have been extended to provide for the effective integration of the additional ships and aircraft which are being provided.
Is the Minister really satisfied that if the Minister of Agriculture manages to negotiate a 50-mile exclusive limit there will be enough vessels to enforce it? Does he not agree that, from a Scottish point of view, the best solution would be for air and sea surveillance, along with fishery protection, to become a civilian responsibility of the Scottish Assembly?
I hope that the hon. Member will not think that I am evading her two questions, but I think that on reflection she will see that neither really relates to the Ministry of Defence. The first clearly relates to the Ministry of Agriculture, if not the Department of Agriculture and Fisheries in Scotland. I am not clear yet in what direction the second question should go, except that it is not in our direction.
Is the Minister aware that several Ministries are involved in maritime affairs? Will he consider setting up a maritime Ministry or expanding the Coastguard so that they can take over not only fishery protection but other functions, such as oil spillage and air-sea rescue?
As I said earlier, there is close co-ordination on all these matters among Government Departments—not merely on fishery protection but on inshore matters, especially the ones to which the hon. Gentleman has referred. I have already paid a visit to the Forties field to look at security. I can assure the hon. Gentleman that there is the closest co-ordination on these matters. We are not yet satisfied that we have the right answer, but we are in no doubt about the urgency of the matter.
My hon. Friend has anticipated my inevitable question. Will my hon. Friend write to me about the extra costs of separate Scottish naval ships and a separate Scottish Nimrod required for this task?
Yes, I shall certainly write to my hon. Friend.
Is the hon. Gentleman satisfied that four Nimrods will be able to do this job adequately? When it comes to cost-effectiveness, should he not consider the cost and availability of smaller light aircraft manufactured in Britain?
Those hon. Members who have flown in Nimrod—I know that there is a number—will know of its potential, its manoeuvrability, and its ability to survey both the North Sea and the Western approaches within half a day and to undertake reconnaissance on the most comprehensive basis. I am in no doubt that I can answer the hon. Gentleman in the affirmative.
9.
asked the Secretary of State for Defence what new measures he has in mind to police Great Britain's new 200-mile zone.
To prepare for the extension of fishing limits and for the possible introduction of a 200-mile exclusive economic zone, we are providing five new Royal Navy offshore patrol ships of the Island class and allocating four Royal Air Force Nimrod surveillance aircraft. The first of the Island class ships is now in service and the remainder are expected to be accepted into the Royal Navy during 1977; the aircraft will be allocated on 1st January 1977. Other resources of the Armed Forces will be made available as required.
The new ships will be in addition to those in service with the Fishery Protection Squadron and to the fishery protection vessels operated by the Department of Agriculture and Fisheries for Scotland.Does the Minister appreciate that a lrge number of independent defence experts regard the Government's plans as wholly inadequate? Does he further appreciate that if he had spent longer at the Greenwich Forum meeting a fortnight ago he would have heard high-powered criticism of the plans? Will the Government undertake a major review of the proposals, so that Britain's contribution in this area can meet the needs of the time?
I know of no informed defence correspondent who takes the view put forward by the hon. Gentleman. I attended the Greenwich Forum long enough to put forward an explanation and defence of our arrangements that was not answered As I reminded the House, we are putting in hand arrangements that we think will be effective. If they are not, the will be backed up by the total resources of the Fleet.
I am sure that all hon. Members who represent fishing ports accept the Minister's answer that we shall efficiently police our future exclusive 50-mile zone. What help do we expect to get from our EEC partners in policing the 200-mile zone?
My hon. Friend will appreciate that the important matter he raises is still under discussion. We are awaiting the outcome of those discussions with as much interest and anxiety as he is. I cannot add anything to what I said. We have arrangements in hand of the kind I have described and also, as the House would expect, with the Royal Navy on a contingency basis.
What is the maximum speed of existing and proposed fishery protection vessels, and how does it compare with the likely maximum speed of the trawlers that they might be called upon to pursue?
The speeds of fishery protection vessels range from 40 knots for "Tenacity" —a fast patrol boat—down to 16 knots for the new Island class, which is coming into operation next year. The point to bear in mind is that the rôle of the new Island class, as of the older fishery protection boats, is a policing one. The boats will be rather like bobbies on the beat. The Navy is confident that it can fulfil that function; that is to say, as with the police, we can deploy our resources efficiently and adequately, and when the need arises we shall be capable of the same effective and confident response.
What consideration has has been given to the longer-term question of an international agreement on oceans and parts of oceans that are not fished? Does my hon. Friend accept that an international agreement on this matter would be a far better way of approaching the problem of fishing areas than the posture being adopted at the moment?
My hon. Friend will appreciate that these matters may well turn on further deliberations of the kind that we may expect from the United Nations Law of the Sea Conference III.
Baor And Royal Air Force
5.
asked the Secretary of State for Defence whether he is satisfied with co-ordination between BAOR and the Royal Air Force.
There is close collaboration at all levels between BAOR and RAF Germany.
Does my right hon. Friend agree that it would be utterly disastrous if there were to be any further cut-backs in our contribution to the central front of NATO? Nevertheless, does he also agree that, as the RAF has a mainly tactical rôle, there might be an opportunity to find economies if he considered the formation of an Army Air Force?
I am always most ready to consider any proposals from my hon. Friend, who brings a dedicated and knowledgable view to defence matters. However, BAOR is under the command of Northern Army Group, whereas RAF Germany is part of the Second Allied Tactical Air Force. What my hon. Friend suggests would involve a complete restructuring of the NATO organisation. However, I shall certainly consider any proposals that he likes to put to me.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that however good the co-ordination between the BAOR and the Royal Air Force, it cannot be effective unless they are up to strength? What is he doing to ensure that there are no further cuts in these areas, in view of the anxious representations made to the Prime Minister only recently by the Chiefs of Staff?
We did not have the benefit of the hon. Gentleman's presence when the Chiefs of Staff met the Prime Minister. I can assure the hon. Gentleman that the matter was not raised in those discussions. I must make it clear that I cannot anticipate today what my right hon. Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer will say tomorrow, but both the BAOR and the Tactical Allied Air Force are up to strength, in accordance with our treaty commitments.
Regarding the most impressive display of co-ordination recently between the Army, the Royal Air Force and the Royal Navy—in other words, the visit of the Chiefs of Staff to the Prime Minister last Friday—will the right hon. Gentleman confirm that it is the view of his chief professional advisers that tomorrow's defence cuts will bring our defences below the critical level? Will he further confirm that it is his own view that in that case he has no possible alternative but to resign his office?
I read last weekend the right hon. Gentleman's comments, which were a shade ahead of other comments on this theme. I can understand the impatience of Conservative Members to assume the responsibility of government, but I am bound to tell the House that in my considered judgment nothing that my right hon. Friend the Chancellor might say tomorrow would be as disastrous for the nation as the Conservative Party's forming a Government.
The right hon. Gentleman must understand that I cannot disclose today the consequences of the review of public expenditure that has been undertaken. Naturally, the Chiefs of Staff are anxious to increase rather than reduce defence expenditure. They went to see the Prime Minister, as is their constitutional right. There is nothing extremely unusual about that. If the normal procedure of Defence Estimates had been proceeded with—we have not had that timetable, in order to meet the IMF commitments—the Chiefs of Staff would in the usual way have participated fully in the discussions leading to the Defence White Paper. As they did not have that opportunity, it was only right that they should discuss the matter with the Prime Minister on this occasion.My right hon. and hon. Friends appreciate that the right hon. Gentleman cannot reveal the cuts that we imagine or fear will be announced tomorrow, but does he agree that the action of the Chiefs of Staff on Friday was far from being not unusual, as he said, and was virtually unprecedented? Secondly, will he answer my question and confirm that it is now the view of the Chiefs of Staff that, because of the cuts tomorrow, our defence will be below the critical level?
The Chiefs of Staff must speak for themselves, but they do not feel that our defence is below the critical level. There are a number of precedents for visits by the Chiefs of Staff, but for reasons that I do not altogether understand, more publicity was given to the visit of the Chiefs on this particular matter. I can personally recall three previous occasions within the past decade when the Chiefs of Staff have made such visits. It is not unprecedented.
Does my right hon. Friend agree, following the precedent that has occurred several times this century, that if the Chiefs of Staff found the proposed cuts in defences to be of the catastrophic nature suggested by the right hon. Member for Chesham and Amersham (Mr. Gilmour) it would be incumbent upon them to resign?
That would be a matter for the Chiefs of Staff themselves. I should not wish to involve myself in that decision.
Nato (Southern Flank)
6.
asked the Secretary of State for Defence whether he has any intention of visiting the southern flank of NATO.
I have no immediate plans to do so.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that if he were to visit the southern flank of NATO he would find a patchwork of defence forces that lacks cohesion and credibility? It is only just a credible deterrent. Is he aware that the one thing that would most strengthen the southern flank would be increased British involvement, which would be greatly welcomed and would have the effect of strengthening our defence forces, an effect completely disproportionate to the minor cost that would be incurred?
I am sure that the hon. Gentleman will understand that the past few months have not been the easiest time in which to make arrangements to be away from the House, and a number of visits that I wished to make have naturally had to be deferred. I accept that if we could make additional forces available to the southern flank, or, for that matter, to any part of NATO, that decision would be welcomed by all our Allies. We have contingency arrangements both for land and air support. The Royal Navy frequently takes part in exercises with the Allies' navies in the Mediterranean region. We are still making a significant contribution, but if economic circumstances permitted, I, like the hon. Gentleman, would wish to do more. At present, the main NATO responsibility is, on the one hand, the central front, and, on the other, the eastern Atlantic and the United Kingdom air defence region.
Will my right hon. Friend reject the attempts by the right hon. Member for Chesham and Amersham (Mr. Gilmour) and other hon. Members to scare us into still further increases in expenditure on arms? Will he accept the statement from the Pentagon that NATO exceeds the Warsaw Pact Powers in total arms spending, in the size of its naval forces and in the number of Service men employed?
My acquaintanceship with my hon. Friend over many years has led me to believe that he is not easily scared. His resilience on these matters is well known. I cannot accept that the Pentagon takes a complacent attitude towards the present situation, or that the increasing technology available to Warsaw Pact forces is not a matter of concern.
Does the right hon. Gentleman appreciate that the withdrawal of British forces from Cyprus has increased the risk of conflict on that island and that any further withdrawal would sharply increase the risk of war in the eastern Mediterranean?
As the hon. Gentleman knows, as a result of the defence review there was a reduction in the garrison, but I have no current plans to reduce it further. As he rightly says, our presence is connected with the current political situation.
Will the right hon. Gentleman tell the House whether at the recent NATO meeting, he was honest enough to tell our Allies about tomorrow's cuts, or concealed them from them?
The matter did not arise in the normal proceedings of the meeting, but we shall go through the precedents of this Government and preceding Governments in terms of consultation with NATO about our defence expenditure and defence commitment.
Baor (Reinforcement)
7.
asked the Secretary of State for Defence if he is satisfied with the number of trained Army reservists available for reinforcing BAOR.
Yes, Sir.
Is the Minister aware that fully trained reservists are an important and cost-effective reinforcement for our troops in Europe? Is he further aware that the Government have shown a marked lack of determination to increase the establishment of our reservists and provide them with transport to get them quickly into Europe so that they may be effectively used?
I am well aware of the importance and cost-effectiveness of the TAVR and its ability to reinforce BAOR. The hon. Gentleman should have read a little more before asking this sort of supplementary question. If he had done so, he would have realised that we have had tremendous success in increasing recruitment to the TAVR in the past year. Although it is not normal to divulge figures, I can tell him that the British Army of the Rhine would be doubled on mobilisation.
Will the Under-Secretary of State draw to the attention of his right hon. Friend the fact that in June this year NATO Defence Ministers in the Defence Planning Committee unanimously agreed to the principle that NATO forces should be maintained, and not reduced, except in the context of mutual and balanced force reductions in Europe, and that that principle presumably still binds Her Majesty's Government?
I confirm that the BAOR commitment of 55,000 troops, in accordance with the Brussels Treaty, is being maintained.
Will the Minister reconsider his grossly complacent reply to my hon. Friend the Member for Harrogate (Mr. Banks)? Is he not aware that on full mobilisation of all reserve manpower the British Armed Forces total no more than 580,000 men, and that that is less than the strength of Switzerland, Sweden and even tiny Finland, with one-twelfth our population?
I congratulate the hon. Gentleman on his first appearance in his new rôle at the Dispatch Box. We are confident that on mobilisation we would have the reservees to increase the effective strength of BAOR. Comparisons with our European allies are not valid, bearing in mind that we have a full-time professional Army which is second to none in the world. We cannot compare a full-time professional army with a conscript army.
Tritium
8.
asked the Secretary of State for Defence if he will make a statement on the manufacture of tritium at the British Nuclear Fuels plant at Chapelcross, Dumfries.
As my predecessor said when replying to my hon. Friend the Member for Leicester, East (Mr. Bradley) on 29th April, the decision to manufacture tritium in the United Kingdom will ensure continuation of supplies on a long-term basis, will cost less and will provide additional employment in the Chapelcross area. It does not signify any change in our nuclear weapons programme, either in the numbers or types of nuclear weapons with which our forces are equipped or in the Anglo-American nuclear relationship.
I am grateful for that reply and for the Minister's confirmation. Is he aware of the real concern felt by the people of Chapelcross at the threat to them from this plant? Does he agree that as tritium is used in the manufacture of nuclear weapons, the plant strikes at the clear undertaking which both he and his predecessor have given?
I agree with my hon. Friend that tritium plays an essential part in the manufacture of nuclear weapons. It has to be renewed from time to time to maintain the existing stockpile. I can, however, assure my hon. Friend that all the environmental and safety aspects of the new plant will be assessed and authorised by the Nuclear Installations Inspectorate and the Health and Safety Executive of the Scottish Development Department, and that we have completely followed the normal statutory requirements with regard to any planning permissions required.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that British Nuclear Fuels, the United Kingdom Atomic Energy Authority and the Safety Inspectorate answered questions at a public meeting on the safety of this plant? Is he further aware that the majority of my constituents are in favour of the continuation of the Magnox plant and tritium development as being in the best interests of all concerned, particularly Britain?
I am much obliged to the hon. Gentleman, who represents the constituency concerned. The plant will provide a small number of jobs in the area. It is not a new thing for tritium to be manufactured in this country; it was manufactured here in the 1950s. The plant will lead to a saving in costs and will ensure that we have available our own sources.
Textiles (Purchases)
10.
asked the Secretary of State for Defence what instructions have been issued in his Department regarding the buying of British textiles.
An instruction has been issued to the Department on the application of the terms of the statement made by my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for Industry in this House on 23rd July 1975. Over the last 12 months we have been able to purchase British textiles in all cases where they have been offered.
I welcome the reply given by my hon. Friend, but I would point out to him—
Order. The hon. Gentleman is not able to point out anything. He may ask a question.
Is my hon. Friend aware that in the past there have been instances of the purchase by the Services of foreign textiles that have been dumped in this country? As there is unemployment in the textile industry, will my hon. Friend ask, through his Department, that other than commercial considerations be taken into account in the purchase of textiles for the Armed Forces?
If my hon. Friend has any evidence of dumping, no doubt he will wish to speak to my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for Trade. If my hon. Friend examines the statement made by my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for Industry he will see that we have been following these matters closely, and I think that he will be satisfied.
Is the Minister aware that, for once, I agree with his hon. Friend the Member for Nelson and Colne (Mr. Hoyle)? Is he further aware that no other country allows its armed forces to be clothed with foreign textiles in the way that we do? Will he please state the percentage or the degree to which our Armed Forces are clothed by foreign textiles at the present time?
I have made it clear to the House that we have purchased British textiles in every case where they have been offered. The only circumstances in which we would not buy British textiles would be where there was a considerable price differential and where it would not be in our interest, in terms of an exporting country, to violate the rules against discrimination. The only case of which I am aware where we are not purchasing British textiles relates to special clothing for Arctic use.
Nato Tanks
11.
asked the Secretary of State for Defence whether he is satisfied with British participation in equipping new NATO tanks.
The United States and Germany are developing tanks for introduction into service by the early 1980s. We are pressing on them the merits of recent British tank gun and ammunition developments. For the longer term, planning is in hand for a replacement for Chieftain in the late 1980s.
Is the Minister aware of the strong belief in this country that the British Government have been "taken to the cleaners" by the Governments of Germany and the United States, and that there seems little chance of the British 120 mm gun being part of the new NATO tank? Is this not a serious matter for the defence industries of Britain?
The hon. Gentleman is leaping to a conclusion. At the moment an improved British rival 120 mm gun is being developed, and it has been offered for evaluation to the United States.
Is it not the case that the United States Government are prepared to wait for the full development of our new 120 mm gun? Will my hon. Friend undertake to ensure that the German Government are made well aware of the feeling that will be generated in this House if they insist on pressing for a decision on the new gun next month before our gun is available for testing?
I assure my hon. Friend that my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for Defence has made his German and American counterparts fully aware of those considerations.
Demobilised Personnel (Accommodation)
13.
asked the Secretary of State for Defence if he will take steps to ensure that Service men and their families, living in quarters owned by his Department, are neither threatened with eviction nor actually evicted, following demobilisation, until adequate alternative accommodation can be provided.
Married quarters are provided to enable Service families to stay together when they move from one station to another, and it would plainly be wrong that the families of serving men should be deprived of quarters by others who are no longer entitled to them. However, where a quarter is not required immediately for another occupant, it is normally possible to allow a reasonable period of time in which the existing occupant can find alternative accommodation. In cases where it proves necessary, none the less, for the Department to apply to the courts for possession, we keep in close touch with the local authorities to see what help they can provide.
Is it not a public scandal that men who have satisfactorily completed a term of service, which prevents them from satisfying the residential qualification laid down by various local authorities, should then be subjected to the humiliation of being thrown on the streets and offered bed-and-breakfast or temporary accommodation as a result of having carried out a good job in their years in the Services? Should we not formulate a policy aimed at helping people such as my constituent, Mr. Wood, about whom I have written to the Department, to obtain a better deal?
Part of the problem lies in the fact that not all local authorities have a sufficiently large housing stock at their disposal, and some of their residential requirements are much greater than one would hope. I am sure that my hon. Friend agrees that it would be unconscionable for serving men and their families to be kept out of married quarters because they are being used by people who are no longer entitled to them.
Does not the hon. Gentleman agree that the whole subject of Service housing is in a thoroughly unsatisfactory state, not only for the reasons given by the hon. Member for Harlow (Mr. Newens), but because many Service men find it difficult to get houses? Once they have left their quarters many are unable to claim relief on mortgages, because of the new measures announced by the Chancellor of the Exchequer?
I do not accept that proposition. There are difficulties involved, but we are seeking ways of improving them. However, as a general rule the Services are well housed.
Prime Minister (Engagements)
Q2.
asked the Prime Minister whether he will list his official engagements for 14th December.
Q5.
asked the Prime Minister if he will list his official engagements for 14th December.
Q8.
asked the Prime Minister if he will list his official engagements for 14th December.
This morning I presided at a meeting of the Cabinet. This evening I hope to have an Audience of Her Majesty The Queen.
Before my right hon. Friend goes off on his other engagements, will he comment on the negative contribution to yesterday's debate by the right hon. Lady the Leader of the Opposition? Is is not becoming increasingly clear that the Opposition are being infiltrated by extremists—on the one hand, by unionist extremists in the Tory Party and, on the other hand, by separatist extremists in the national parties, and that the only realistic alternative, namely, devolution, is supported by the overwhelming majority of people in the Labour Party, including well-known moderates such as the Prime Minister and myself?
I have never found it difficult to agree with my hon. Friend the Member for West Stirlingshire (Mr. Canavan) on a great many problems, although not on absolutely every one.
As for the contribution made yesterday by the right hon. Lady the Leader of the Opposition, I am sure that she was satisfied with it—[Interruption.] There was at least a difference, because I stated where the Government stood, although nobody could deduce from the right hon. Lady's remarks where the Opposition stood.Following Cabinet discussions, will my right hon. Friend say when we shall see some progress towards the creation of 1 million new jobs in the next three years, which was the target set by this Government? Furthermore, will he say when some encouragement will be given to regenerate industry in South-East London, which has far too many unused industrial sites and empty factories?
Yes, Sir. The basis of the Government's industrial strategy is to ensure that our manufacturing industry concentrates on the exports required, even though there may be spare capacity at the moment in, alas, some industries where capacity exceeds demand. As for South-East London, I agree with my hon. Friend that the nature of unemployment is changing. I drew attention to this topic in a speech last night. Many changes are taking place in the country at present, but the remedies that we applied in the 1940s, 1950s and the 1960s are perhaps not wholly appropriate today.
Will my right hon. Friend, in the small amount of time he has between engagements, turn his immense talents to the disarray and disunity in the Opposition ranks and use his good offices to bring together the right hon. Member for Sidcup (Mr. Heath) and the right hon. Lady the Leader of the Opposition? It is obvious that the Conservatives have been unsuccessful in their efforts. Perhaps my right hon. Friend could help.
I would have been delighted to act as a marriage broker if the right hon. Lady had not just celebrated the first part of what I hope will be a very much longer marriage. I wish her the very best of good fortune. If she will allow me to say so, I believe that the first 25 years are by no means the best; the next 25 years are far better. As for any slight differences there may be between the Opposition Front Bench and any of its former occupants, I am sure that the right hon. Lady will be able to overcome them. Whether she does so or not will not make much difference, because we shall still be in government and they will still be in opposition.
The first 25 years have been all right, and I hope to be promoted in the second. May I return to some of the previous supplementary questions, and ask the Prime Minister whether he agrees with, or rejects, the views of his right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for Energy, who said in a speech last weekend that the influence of Marxists is welcome in the Government Party?
I welcome the right hon. Lady's interest in the affairs of our National Executive Committee and the document published—[HoN. MEMBERS: "Answer."] I am answering. The right hon. Lady is referring to a document which has been, or is proposed to be, circulated to the National Executive Committee of the Labour Party. I am very glad to see that hon. Gentlemen, as well as the right hon. Lady, are paying such close attention to these matters. If they continue with their studies, they will one day be eligible to join the party, too.
The Prime Minister is trying to dodge the question. I was referring to the speech made by the Secretary of State for Energy, which, I understand, Transport House refused to circulate. Is that correct? The Guardian did us a service by publishing a whole lot of that speech, in which the Secretary of State for Energy indicated, in effect, that the influence of Marxists was welcome in the Labour Party. Does the Prime Minister agree with this?
With the greatest respect to the right hon. Lady, the affairs of the National Executive Committee of the Labour Party—[Interruption.] I repeat, the affairs of the NEC have nothing at all to do with her. On a simple matter of fact, I believe that this was not a speech which was refused transmission by Transport House, but that, again, is nothing to do with her or with anybody else on the Conservative Benches. If Opposition Members do not know where I stand on these matters, their eyes need testing, because they could see it very easily. I am sure that this is a very interesting diversion from the affairs of the hon. Member for North Angus and Mearns (Mr. Buchanan-Smith). I do not propose, in this House, to answer any questions about the National Executive Committee of the Labour Party. I have said so about 17 times.
I know that the Prime Minister is no good at answering questions—[Interruption.]. I am asking him about the views of a Minister of the Crown. Does he agree with those views or not?
The right hon. Lady may ask as many questions as she likes. I may be no good at answering, therefore I rely on the time-honoured formula that I have no comment to make on these matters.
Will the Prime Minister take time today to re-read the script of the Labour Party political broadcast about Lord Algernon? Will he say that he finds this type of attack totally repugnant, and totally out of touch with the national mood?
I have no responsibility for any of these matters.
Kingston, Jamaica
Q3.
asked the Prime Minister if he will seek to pay an official visit to Kingston, Jamaica.
I have at present no plans to do so.
Will the Prime Minister none the less take this opportunity to make it clear that no British agents whatsoever have been involved in covert intelligence operations designed to influence the outcome of the Jamaican general elections? [Interruption.] Does the Prime Minister not agree that covert intervention by the CIA or any other intelligence organisation, as has been rumoured, is something which we would utterly condemn?
I do not know why the Opposition find that so amusing. I do not think they would relish it if they thought that foreign agents were in this country—[Interruption.] As I was saying, I do not think they would like it if foreign agents were in this country trying to influence the results of our elections. Although we do not comment generally on security matters of this sort, I would regard it as very improper if foreign agents were attempting to influence the outcome of the Jamaican elections. Such a practice certainly would not have my approval.
As the Prime Minister is not going to Jamaica, will he consider coming to Orkney and Shetland instead? It may cost just as much, even though it is not so far, but as we are the possessors of the most valuable asset in the hands of Britain, namely, oil, is it not time that the Prime Minister came to see us?
I would welcome a return visit to the Orkneys, where I have not been since I visited the right hon. Member there a few years ago. On that occasion, he sent me home with two live lobsters. I welcome that hospitality, together with the special malt whisky which I believe is brewed there. However, I think we should leave it for a while, and then he and I will establish contact.
Does the Prime Minister agree that reports that there have been attempts to destabilise the political situation in Jamaica, following the techniques that were used in Chile, are disturbing? Does he further agree that this matter might be discussed with other Heads of Commonwealth countries when he next meets them?
If there is any desire on their part to do so, I shall discuss the matter. Other than that, I have nothing to add to what I have already said.
As the Prime Minister is not going to Jamaica, will he use the time to study the opinion poll in the Western Mail last week, which showed that 33 per cent. of people in Wales were satisfied with the proposals for the Welsh Assembly, but 35 per cent. thought that that Assembly should have additional powers? Will the Prime Minister give a commitment that if there is a referendum on devolution there will be a question that will enable people to say whether they want more powers for the Assembly?
The hon. Member is jumping too far ahead. I did study the poll in the Western Mail. We shall be making further statements on referenda. In my constituency, there is a considerable degree of satisfaction that the Government have moved in this direction.
Switzerland
Q4.
asked the Prime Minister whether he has any current plans to visit Switzerland.
No, Sir.
Is the Prime Minister aware that if he were to visit Switzerland he would find financial prudence and frugality which are much more in key with the majority of British people than the attitude of the present Government? Does he accept that if he followed these virtues it would not be necessary for the Chancellor to make a statement tomorrow rectifying the damage done by the Government over the last two and a half years?
The Government have introduced a great many controls on public expenditure. The programmes that were planned have been reduced for the next three years; cash limits were introduced and are being adhered to rigidly for the first time in the history of post-war days; and the local authority rate support grant has been reduced. As the hon. Member knows, there will be a further statement tomorrow. Against that background, it seems the height of impudence that anyone on the Tory Benches should talk about financial prudence and frugality.
If the Prime Minister cannot manage to go to Switzerland, perhaps he will come to Merseyside instead, and look at unemployment there, particularly among construction workers. Will he indicate whether tomorrow's announcement will mean further unemployment in the construction industry, or will he give a categorical assurance that this will not happen?
I recommend that my hon. Friend wait until tomorrow. I cannot promise that the statement will please him or many other people. It is not a statement which, in present circumstances, can be made to please people. But we must live through this period and see the country to the other side, and this is what we intend to do.
Will the Prime Minister return to a policy of sound money—and in replying will he not refer to the mistakes of the last two years of the last Conservative Government?
I am delighted to hear that confession from a sinner come to repentance. Even that belated admission that mistakes were made by the last Conservative Government is welcome. Let me assure the hon. Member that since his profligate Government left office the increase in money supply has been reduced drastically and has continued in that direction. I hope that, with the support of Opposition Members, we shall continue to do that in future.
Rhodesia
I will with permission, Mr. Speaker, make a statement on Rhodesia.
The early weeks of the Geneva conference were spent in discussing the date by which Rhodesia would achieve independence as the new sovereign State of Zimbabwe. This discussion, while it absorbed a great deal of time, was helpful in demonstrating conclusively to all the participants that the object of the conference really is to launch Rhodesia on the road to independence under majority rule. For the past fortnight, the discussions have focused on the central issue—the structure and functions of the transitional Government. While no agreement has been reached, good progress has been made in identifying and clarifying the views of the different parties, and the points that must be settled before a transitional Government can be established. After consulting Mr. Ivor Richard last week, I have concluded that the stage has now been reached where Britain should attempt to give a fresh impetus to the search for a solution. But it is clear to me that this process is more likely to be successful if it is not initiated during the normal meetings of the conference. We now need a further period of intensive consultations, in Southern Africa, to enable us to lay the foundations for an agreement on this fundamental question. I have therefore authorised the Chairman to adjourn the conference to permit such consultations to take place. The conference will go into recess today and will resume in Geneva on 17th January. I have asked Mr. Richard, as the Government's Special Representative, to leave for Africa immediately after Christmas in order to consult all the parties concerned. He will develop our positive ideas for a settlement, which will include in particular the direct rôlewhich Britain would be ready to play in the transitional period. If, at the end of his consultations, it proved necessary or desirable, I would myself go either to Africa or to the resumed conference at Geneva. The House will understand that I must refrain from setting out our ideas in detail today. I would say only that our intention will be to meet the concern of the nationalists that the process of transition to independence should be rapid and guaranteed, and the anxieties of the Europeans that it should be orderly. It is, Mr. Speaker, the general feeling amongst the delegates at Geneva that an adjournment of some weeks would now be the best way of carrying forward our work to a successful conclusion. I may add that Dr. Kissinger, whom I consulted over the weekend, also strongly supports the proposed procedure. For all the angry statements which are made from time to time, we have, in my view. a good chance of achieving a peaceful settlement in Rhodesia.The Secretary of State will appreciate that a party in opposition, faced with issues such as this, which affect so closely the lives of many people and have far-reaching implications beyond that, is bound to exercise great forbearance in the questions that it puts. There are, however, three major questions which I feel I must ask the right hon. Gentleman.
He speaks in his statement of a fresh impetus. I think that the general feeling in the country and elsewhere is that there has been an extraordinary degree of passivity on the part of the government in pursuing this conference. I hope that in speaking of a fresh impetus the right hon. Gentleman is talking of an active rôle by this country in the conduct of the conference with a view to securing a settlement. Second, I think that the rôle that the right hon. Gentleman casts for Mr. Ivor Richard is open to question. Does his experience not also lead him to believe that where a person is sent on a major mission with his senior held in reserve for an eventual subsequent visit, the whole tendency is for all the serious questions to be deferred until that senior person arrives? Is the right hon. Gentleman not once again casting Mr. Richard in an absolutely hopeless rôle in the task he is assigning to him? Third, I raise the question of the support of the United States. It was, after all, Dr. Kissinger who largely took the initiative in bringing about this whole series of events. The right hon. Gentleman speaks in an almost aside way now of Dr. Kissinger's concurrence in the procedure now proposed, but can he satisfy the House that the United States, having played such a formidable part in starting this operation, is fully in support of it in seeing it through?
I am grateful to the right hon. Gentleman for what he said about forbearance in this kind of situation. If I may I should like warmly to welcome the right hon. Gentleman to the Opposition Front Bench as shadow Foreign Secretary.
The question about passivity is obviously one that has worried me. We constantly consider whether I should have gone to Geneva and whether we should have tabled positive British proposals at an earlier moment than this. These are very difficult tactical matters of judgment. They are two cards that we have to play and could have played at any particular time. My judgment has been —and it has been justified—that the moment has not been reached when these cards ought to be played. They can be played only once, and they must be played at the most decisive possible moment. As to Mr. Richard being in a hopeless rôle in Africa, this is not the view that he holds. As the House can imagine, I have had the most intensive discussions with him. He will go with my authority behind him and knowing that he can call on my support at any given moment. On the rôle of the United States, I had prolonged discussions with Dr. Kissinger on Friday and Saturday, and I can assure the right hon. Gentleman that I have his absolute support in what I am proposing. Let me end with one comment on the question of passivity. Nobody but a fool in my position would be certain that every tactical judgment he makes is right. But if I look back to the debate seven weeks ago on the Rhodesia Order, as I did this morning, I conclude that it is something of a miracle that things have gone as successfully as they have.Does my right hon. Friend agree that success depends not on whether he, Mr. Ivor Richard or anyone else is at the talks? It depends on the main participants on both sides reaching an agreement. In his statement my right hon. Friend referred to the more direct rôle—as I understood it—that we might take. Will he give a categorical assurance that this does not mean our getting involved with any military forces or any police operation, but means that we are trying to get the two sides together and that the future rôle is in their hands rather than in the hands of this country, the Americans or anyone else?
I strongly agree with both those points. At the end of the day it must be for the two sides to settle, and no outside body—Britain, the United States or anybody else—can give other than moral support. On my hon. Friend's second point, there is no question of sending British troops or British police to play a rôle in Rhodesia.
Some of us think that this is the right course of action to follow. If the Foreign Secretary went on all these missions nothing would be left in reserve. What is important is not necessarily to go but whether what comes out of the talks is certain and preferably, knowing some of the parties, in writing. May we take it that Mr. Richard will be visiting not only the five front-line Presidents, but South Africa and Rhodesia, too? Since every Government in this country since UDI have claimed that we have a continuing responsibility it would be a farce unless this country was prepared to make a major administrative contribution not only outside but within Rhodesia.
I am grateful for the right hon. Gentleman's opening remarks. I can confirm that although we have not yet worked out a detailed itinerary, Mr. Richard will be visiting not only the five front-line African States but South Africa and Rhodesia. I prefer not to go into more detail now on the second question. The question of the extent of the British presence and involvement is an extremely difficult matter. I confine myself to saying that whatever it is, it will stop short of sending British troops.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that over the recess period the fighting goes on in Rhodesia and with it the killing on both sides? Does he not feel that if we are to play a more active part—I am not against that—the time has come for saying that Mr. Smith has accepted the principle of majority rule on the basis of a framework of Anglo-American origin, and that the time has come to stop the sanctions which make us the accomplices of the guerrillas in the war?
No. When we debated the Rhodesia Order seven weeks ago, I think the House assented to what the Government proposed, that when an interim Government is finally formed we certainly think sanctions should be called off. It would be quite wrong, before there is any certainty that such a Government will be formed, that we should now eliminate the sanctions and withdraw one of the weapons for a peaceful settlement that we have at the moment.
Would my right hon. Friend agree that the only way in which the vacuum between white rule and majority rule in Rhodesia can be filled in the intervening period is by the willingness of some outside agency to play a positive role? The only conceivable organisation for doing this is the British Government. Would my right hon. Friend confirm that the opponent of the British Government playing a more positive rôle has been Smith and not the black African leaders? Will my right hon Friend agree to follow up his statement and to make a more positive contribution in the future?
Certainly. I thought that that was the object of my statement. I agree with my hon Friend that we should make a more positive contribution now that this particular situation has been reached With regard to the first part of my hon. Friend's question, he is correct that the notion of a British presence has been accepted by the African delegations in Rhodesia and has so far been rejected by Mr Smith.
Is the Foreign Secretary aware that his representatives made an error in concentrating on the date for independence because it is unwise to try to set a date for getting somewhere before we have the faintest idea about what route we should follow? Will the Foreign Secretary now concentrate on the fundamental problem and try to give to the European population in Rhodesia some assurance that an independent constitution with guaranteed individual rights will not be torn up within six months by some Rhodesian Amin?
The fact is that Mr. Richard would not have got any talks of any kind going had he not started on the date. He had no alternative at Geneva but to make that tactical decision. In a way the critical part of the negotiations will be to reassure not simply the white population but both sides that the other side will not seek to use violent methods to overthrow an interim Government which has been agreed. It is quite wrong to put the emphasis on one of the two sides, because deep fears and anxieties exist on both sides.
What response has my right hon. Friend had to any approaches to the Commonwealth Governments to play a part in the interim period towards the move to majority rule in Southern Rhodesia?
As my hon. Friend knows, that is a point which is very much in my mind. I prefer not to go into detail on this point, but certainly I would not exclude that as one of a number of possibilities at the appropriate time.
When the right hon. Gentleman refers to a direct involvement by this country, and a British presence or rôle, will he confirm that as this country has neither the will nor the power to influence events in Rhodesia nor to hold the ring there, the assumption of any position that implies that we have will result only in humiliation for us with no advantage to any element in Rhodesia?
The right hon. Gentleman has delivered that solemn warning to me before. I recognise the force of what he says. Nevertheless, I believe—I think with the overwhelming majority of the House of Commons—that Britain has a legal, constitutional and moral responsibility to do what it can to bring peace to Southern Africa, and that we shall fulfil.
Will my right hon. Friend accept that the view of many of us is that the conduct in the negotiations by the British delegation has been extremely well carried out under difficult circumstances and that Mr. Richard, in particular, has been doing an excellent job? Will my right hon. Friend assure the House that in the negotiations that will ensue after the recess the British interpretation of majority rule means only one thing—one man, one vote? Would my right hon. Friend also assure the House that with regard to a British presence in Rhodesia, the key elements to which so many attach importance is that responsibility for defence and law and order should be in neutral hands?
I am grateful to my right hon. Friend for her extremely well merited tribute to Ivor Richard, whose rôle in all this has, in my view, been decisive and conducted with great skill. [Interruption.] I repeat that. By majority rule we mean the rule of the overwhelming majority of the people in Rhodesia. The question of the detail of the franchise is something that will no doubt be discussed at the constitutional conference. With regard to defence and law and order these are the two crucial questions to be settled, and the argument about who is ultimately responsible for those two portfolios will no doubt be a central part of the last aspect of the discussions.
With regard to the point made by the right hon. Member for Down, South (Mr. Powell). is it not a fact that the consequences of failure to secure a peaceful solution will be appalling for Southern Africa and serious for us? That is the reason why we have an obligation, and are seen in the world to have an obligation, to do our best to secure a solution.
I entirely agree with the hon. Gentleman.
Has it been made crystal clear to Mr. Smith that if he obstructs an agreement in the negotiations he can look forward to no kind of economic or diplomatic support from the Western world? Further, has my right hon. Friend had any conversations with the American Secretary of State designate, Mr. Simon Vance?
The answed to my hon. Friend's second question is, "No". The answer to the first question is, "Yes". It has been made absolutely clear to Mr. Smith that if these negotiations break down as a result of Rhodesian Front intransigence, there will be no economic or diplomatic support forthcoming whatever from the Western world.
In the light of his earlier remarks will the Foreign Secretary say whether he will use this interval to assess the real possibility of Britain coordinating some kind of modest international contribution to help in the transfer of power to independence, if that is required from both sides of the problem? Will the right hon. Gentleman clarify the situation that Britain will avoid commiting herself to a semi-colonial rôle on her own—a rôle that Britain herself cannot possibly fulfil?
The answer to both questions is "Yes". If I may amplify the first, we are at this moment engaged, after long discussions with the American Government. in launching what I hope will be an international fund for the purpose of helping transition to independence and giving economic support to the newly independent Zimbabwe, as it will then be called. It will also help with the further education of the African population and, I hope, ease the transition so far as the white population is concerned. In the next two days I shall be sending out letters—Dr. Kissinger will be sending out similar ones—to a number of friendly Governments asking them to contribute to this international fund.
If Mr. Richard goes to South Africa itself, will he make it clear to Mr. Vorster that the British Government regard the increasing guerrilla activity by South Africa inside Rhodesia as a threat to peace and that the continuing crossing of the border by Rhodesian forces into Mozambique will hardly provide a peaceful solution?
He will certainly make clear his agreement with my hon. Friend with regard to the second part of his question. With regard to the first point, if I understood it correctly, I do not think my hon. Friend is correct. There is military involvement on the Hart of South Africa in Rhodesia but there is no sign that this is an increasing military involvement at the moment.
Does the right hon. Gentleman realise that if we judge the conference by results he is hardly right in saying that it has been modestly successful, given the total lack of progress since the conference began? When the conference resumes, will he undertake to approach those whites in Rhodesia who represent 20 per cent. or 30 per cent. of white opinion that does not support the Rhodesian Front, in order that a broader spectrum of view can be represented?
The conference has hardly been helped by the attitude taken by hon. Gentlemen opposite on the two occasions when we debated this matter. If I judge the success of the conference by what was said by hon. Gentlemen opposite in the Rhodesia Order debate seven weeks ago, the conference is a huge success.
rose—
Order. I shall call two more questions from hon. Gentleman who are on their feet.
In his reply to my right hon. Friend the Member for Brighton, Pavilion (Mr. Amery), the Foreign Secretary appeared to say that he would take no action to attempt to restrict guerrilla activities to outside the border of Rhodesia. Surely that is the least that can be expected of the Government during the period of Christmas good will. Will the right hon. Gentleman make every effort to do so?
I understood that the right hon. Member for Brighton, Pavilion (Mr. Amery) asked about sanctions. This is a question about the guerrilla war. As I told the House before, we have made it clear that while the negotiations are going on in Geneva we think it would be highly desirable to de-escalate the guerrilla war. It is perhaps optimistic to think that we have the power to instruct the parties to call off the guerrilla war. We do not have the power to do that. I agree that while the negotiations are continuing in Geneva, we want the guerrilla war to be de-escalated.
The Foreign Secretary did not answer the third question put by my right hon. Friend the Member for Knutsford (Mr. Davies) about the American rôle in this matter, inasmuch as any settlement will not be the end of the Southern African problem unless there is some kind of Western interest and guarantee. Will the right hon. Gentleman now answer my right hon. Friend's third question and complete another answer which he gave to one of my hon. Friends by saying what the attitude of Her Majesty's Government will be if the conference at Geneva, or wherever it resumes, breaks down, not through the intransigence of Mr. Smith but through the intransigence of the African nationalists? In those circumstances, will the Government propose the cancellation of sanctions?
I thought I had answered the right hon. Gentleman's third question. As I understood it, it was about the future rôle that the American Government could play. The answer is that they do not propose any fresh American initiative on Rhodesia. They have assured us that they are fully behind our efforts towards producing a successful settlement. As to the longer-term future, it is inconceivable that the long-term problems of Southern Africa can possibly be settled without a high degree of American involvement.
Dealing with the second part of the hon. and learned Gentleman's question, if the conference breaks down it seems to me incredible that one should be able to attribute blame to one single cause and to one single party. If it breaks down, it will break down due to the suspicion, mistrust, scepticism and hostility built up over the last 11 years, and we shall not be in a position to say that it is this man's fault or that man's fault that it has broken down.I still think that the right hon. Gentleman is not responding fully to the question about American involvement. Can he assure the House that the initiative taken by Dr. Kissinger will be pursued by the Americans? If he finds it difficult to answer that question, as he may do as a result of the change of administration, will he assure us that he will make it his business to secure that continued involvement?
I thought that I had answered that question reasonably explicitly. I shall try again. The American Administration do not propose any new initiative in respect of Rhodesia, but they have assured me that they will give every support to the efforts of the British Government to carry matters to a successful conclusion.
As for the new Administration, Dr. Kissinger has made it clear—and he did it again at NATO last week—that they have assured him that they will pursue a similar line of policy over Southern African affairs to that of the present Administration. I regard that assurance as a matter of extreme importance.Scotland And Wales Bill (Selection Of Amendments)
I must inform the House that I shall announce my decision on Thursday with regard to the selection of amendments on the Scotland and Wales Bill.
Statutory Instruments, &C
In order to save the time of the House, unless there is objection, I shall put the Questions on the two Statutory Instruments together.
Ordered,
That the draft Charities (Hospital and Educational Foundation of Lady Katherine Leveson, Temple Balsall) Order 1976 be referred to a Standing Committee on Statutory Instruments, &c.
That the Value Added Tax (Food) Order 1976 (S.I., 1976 No. 2025) be referred to a Standing Committee on Statutory Instruments, &c.—[Mr. Foot.]
Orders Of The Day
Supply
[2ND ALLOTTED DAY]— considered.
Civil Estimates, 1977–78 (Vote On Account)
Motion made, and Question proposed,
That a sum, not exceeding £13,301,368,000, be granted to Her Majesty out of the Consolidated Fund, on account, for or towards defraying the charges for Civil Services for the year ending on 31st March 1978, as set out in House of Commons Paper No. 7.—[Mr. Robert Sheldon.]
3.54 p.m.
I do not think that the House should part with the sums of money contained in these Estimates without some small protest. In these four Estimates, we are asked to vote £17,621 million. Of that, £15·8 billion is in respect of Votes on Account for next year, and that sum we can hardly grudge. But there are also Supplementary Estimates of £1,798 million, and a protest must be made about the way in which the House is presented with these enormous sums of money, expected to pass them, and then to proceed to debate the Bill which is before the House. It is quite wrong that the House does not have a far more effective way of controlling the expenditure of this Government.
I wonder about the timing of this Supply Day. Is it coincidence that it is the day before the statement on the IMF loan? Are the Government trying to sneak it through before tomorrow? Is that what it is all about? It seems to me that some explanation from the Treasury would not be amiss to tell us why these Estimates are being put through in this peculiar timing. I should have thought that the Chancellor might well be referring to cuts in public expenditure tomorrow. But, no, we are told that we have to pass these Estimates today, irrespective of what the Government's policy may be. It seems totally wrong. I am horrified to see the motion on the Order Paper on the Supplementary Estimates on Defence in the names of 46 Government supporters suggesting that Votes 5, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11 and 12—I am sorry to interrupt the hon. Gentleman. Is he confining himself to the first of the Estimates, or is he beginning to stray into the others? We are discussing the first Estimates on their own.
I did not know that it would be wrong to refer to the whole package. It would perhaps take more of the time of the House if I were to make four separate speeches, but, if that is your wish, Mr. Speaker, I shall do so.
So be it. It is not up to me how long hon. Members wish to take, but we must stay in order.
I shall try to save the time of the House by not referring at length to the Defence Estimates except to say that for Government supporters now to be seeking to remove supplies, miscellaneous services, administration, common services and all the defence procurement systems Estimates from the Forces is to make a nonsense. To have soldiers without weapons and billets is ridiculous.
The cuts should come in these first Estimates. That is where the Government's over-spending is at its worst. It is in the Civil Estimates and not in the Defence Estimates that Government supporters should seek to be making economies, because we all know in our heart of hearts that we cannot afford to go on spending these large sums of money which are not represented by earnings, production and income to the Government. They are sums of money spent for political reasons and in trying to win votes. They are not for purposes related to the productive capacity of the country. I shall not delay the House further, except to say that, as long as the House treats the control of these vast sums of money in such a cavalier fashion, the House will not be able to reassert its control over public spending in the way that it should, in the way that it has in the past and in the way that it must in the future if we are to get on top of our economic situation.
3.59 p.m.
Taking up the remarks of my hon. Friend the Member for Cirencester and Tewkesbury (Mr. Ridley), I must make the point that it is clear that the House and the country are extremely concerned about the total in the Defence Estimates under discussion—
On a point of order, Mr. Speaker. I understood that we were discussing the Civil Estimates. You found it necessary to call to order the hon. Member for Cirencester and Tewkesbury (Mr. Ridley), and now the hon. and gallant Member for Winchester (Rear-Admiral Morgan-Giles) is talking about the Defence Estimates.
I am grateful to the hon. Member for Salford, East (Mr. Allaun) for being in the Chamber because my attention was distracted. The hon. and gallant Member for Winchester (Rear-Admiral Morgan-Giles) must confine himself to the first Estimate.
Shall I have an opportunity to speak on the Defence Supplementary Estimates?
I fear that that is so.
4.1 p.m.
I hope to speak to the correct Estimate but that is only a hope. I support what the hon. Member for Cirencester and Tewkesbury (Mr. Ridley) said. The time has come when the House of Commons—whether it approves the Estimates or not—must find better ways of examining them. What we are doing today is the custom of the House. We are simply voting sums of money to which the Government are entitled by custom to carry out their responsibilities in the next year.
If this country were a commercial firm it would be bankrupt or insolvent. The time has come to find ways of examining these Estimates, which are always expected to go through on the nod. I support the hon. Member, not in wishing to hold up the proceedings but in urging on the Government that they should find a better way of debating expenditure.Question put and agreed to.
Civil Supplementary Estimates, 1976–77
Resolved,
That a further Supplementary sum, not exceeding £1,281,586,000, be granted to Her Majesty out of the Consolidated Fund to defray the charges which will come in course of payment during the year ending on 31st March 1977 for expenditure on Civil Services, as set out in House of Commons Papers Nos. 8 and 10.—[Mr. Robert Sheldon.]
Defence Estimates, 1977–78 (Vote On Account)
Motion made, and Question proposed,
That a sum, not exceeding £2,521,971,000, be granted to Her Majesty out of the Consolidated Fund, on account, for or towards defraying the charges for Defence Services for the year ending on 31st March 1978, as set out in House of Commons Paper No. 6.—[Mr. Robert Sheldon.]
4.5 p.m.
The House and the country—
Order. Perhaps I might explain to the hon. and gallant Gentleman that this motion concerns the Vote On Account. I think that hon. Members who wish to participate in a debate will wish to do so on the Defence Supplementary Estimates.
Question put and agreed to.
Defence Supplementary Estimates, 1976–77
Motion made, and Question proposed,
That a further Supplementary sum, not exceeding £517,309,000, be granted to Her Majesty out of the Consolidated Fund to defray the charges which will come in course of payment during the year ending on 31st March 1977 for expenditure on Defence Services, as set out in House of Commons Paper No. 9.—[Mr. Robert Sheldon.]
I have selected the amendment in the name of the hon. Member for Bristol, North-West (Mr. Thomas).
4.7 p.m.
This must be third time lucky. The House and the country are concerned about the Estimates which the House is now considering. The Secretary of State for Defence told an hon. Member at Question Time a few months ago that the Chiefs of Staff can speak for themselves. The Secretary of State is not in the Chamber but I see that a Minister of State for Defence is here and I hope that he will tell the House whether this is a new constitutional arrangement under which the new Chiefs of Staff are entitled to speak for themselves. They have been prohibited from doing so throughout history. If there is a change I hope that the Government will allow them to speak loud and clear. If they are not allowed to do so, what the Secretary of State said must be an abdication of his responsibility for defence in this country. I hope that the Minister of State will say which of those two hypotheses is correct.
4.7 p.m.
I beg to move, That the sum be reduced by £272,859,000 in respect of Votes 5, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11 and 12.
A total of 46 hon. Members from this side of the House have put their names to the amendment. I must make it clear from the start that none of those who signed the amendment is making any objection to the increases in pay for members of Her Majesty's Forces in so far as that meets with the requirements of the pay policy. But I am not certain whether it involves the £6 pay policy or the second stage of the pay policy. Many of us have already expressed our view about restrictions on pay increases, and I want to make clear that the amendment is not meant to deny the squaddy his rightful pay under the pay policy, but we are challenging the other items that appear in the Supplementary Estimates on page V. We make the challenge because of the cuts in education, health, social services, housing and so on. Given those cuts, it is unacceptable for the Government to come and ask for over another £300 million-plus for defence. Reference is made within the details of the Estimates to price increases as a justification for asking for this sum. I remind the Front Bench of my party that local authorities are faced—as the Prime Minister said a few moments ago—with rigidly enforced strict cash limits. They are also faced with decisive cuts in the rate support grant. With both those factors at work, they must contain inflationary pressures if the costs to local authority departments are greater than what the Government think they are or should be. They must contain their spending within their own cash limits and cut back services to do so. But it appears that the Defence Department is not faced with the same kind of cash limit. Elsewhere in the Supplementary Estimates reference is made to the increased costs due to the exchange rate, but no total is given. We are spending about £800 million annually on military commitments overseas, and about £500 million is being spent in Western Germany. About £2,000 million has been spent on military commitment overseas in the last three years. We are in a situation where we are cutting the social wage to placate foreign bankers, the militant monetarists of the Opposition, the City, foreign speculators and the IMF. And yet the amount that we are now crawling to the IMF to borrow is about the same as the sum that we have spent on military commitments overseas in the last three to four years. We are told that the Supplementary Estimates represent only 80 per cent. of the increase likely to come about in the current financial year. Does this mean that before long the Government will put before us further Supplementary Estimates of £200 million or £300 million, pushing our Defence Estimates way over the £6,000 million mark? These Supplementary Estimates must be seen against a background of expenditure of about £6,000 million on defence and a probable expenditure of £20,000 million over the next three years. My hon. Friends have said time and again that as a proportion of the gross national product our defence expenditure is more than that of our industrial competitor countries. When that point is made, we are told that we should think of defence expenditure per head of population. I can only reply that, if defence expenditure were decided on that basis, heaven help us when we think of what China and India would be justified in spending on defence.Will my hon. Friend tell us something about Soviet expenditure on defence and what proportion of overall public expenditure in the Soviet Union it represents?
I am prepared to stand up in Moscow, Washington, Tel Aviv or anywhere else and appeal to the Governments concerned to cut their defence expenditure before a near-madman presses a nuclear button and the whole of civilisation is destroyed. But we have a responsibility here. We are making the decisions here and now. If my hon. Friend would like to arrange for me to go to Red Square, Washington, Tel Aviv, Paris or anywhere else and shout as loud as I can, and appeal as well as I can for the Governments there to cut their defence spending, I shall be only too happy to do so.
What does the hon. Gentleman think would happen to him in Red Square, Moscow and Times Square, New York, if he were to speak against the defence policies of first the Soviet Union and secondly the United States?
I should be happy to go to Red Square or Washington. I have no idea what would happen to me in either place if I spoke in that way, but I should be prepared to do it. But it is nonsense to suggest that what is happening in the Soviet Union or the United States takes a responsibility off us. We are taking our decision this afternoon, and it should in my view be to oppose increases in defence expenditure.
I have said that our industrial competitor countries spend far less on defence as a proportion of their gross domestic product than we do. That is one of the major reasons why we now face serious import penetration throughout British industry. These vast sums on defence are not for the Japanese or, to a lesser extent, the Germans. They have channelled their resources into capital investment to build up their industries and we are feeling the effect, with almost 60 per cent. of our non-fuel imports now being of finished and semi-finished manufactured goods. There are those who say that cutting defence spending would mean a loss of jobs and consequent unemployment. Such a statement has a hollow ring when we have almost 1½ million unemployed and when we are prepared to make vicious cuts in the public sector which we know will push up unemployment. People find that acceptable, but when it comes to defence the unemployment argument is used. I am not one of those who say that we should be sacking people from defence industries, putting them into dole queues. I appeal to my right hon. Friends to remember our party's conference commitment to make a substantial cut in defence expenditure and to look at the work that has been done by shop stewards at Lucas, BAC and Rolls-Royce in producing first-rate proposals showing how we can utilise the innovative and creative skills of the workers in those firms in socially necessary and far more suitable alternative work. The Tories want to cut public expenditure and cut and cut again—except defence expenditure, which they want to increase. If the cuts in public expenditure that the Tories want were allowed to happen, the unmployment consequences would make the inter-war years look like an economic miracle. But it is not just a question of guns before butter. The Tories want nuclear weapons and more nuclear weapons before food, housing, education, social services and all the other parts of the social wage.Does the hon. Gentleman realise that 90,000 jobs have already been lost as a result of the defence cuts that his Government have made? What can he say to those who are on the dole as a result of his Government's actions which he is now supporting?
I made it quite clear that was not advocating defence cuts to put skilled workers into dole queues. I said that the trade union movement and groups of shop stewards had produced clear-cut proposals on how the innovative and creative skills of, for example, aircraft workers could be used to produce socially desirable and far more socially needed products. If the hon. Gentleman is saying that the only way in which we can keep the people concerned in work is by making weapons of destruction, that is a clear indictment of our society and the hon. Gentleman should be ashamed of saying it.
What about the rest of the world?
I accept that this applies to the rest of the world. I have made that absolutely clear.
The 46 of us who signed the amendment do not want today to agree to increase defence expenditure by more than £500 million and then have my right hon. Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer deduct £100 million from that total tomorrow—[Interruption.]Order. I hope that hon. Members will not conduct another debate across the Floor of the House. I cannot hear what is being said.
I was saying that we should find it unacceptable—
On a point of order, Mr. Deputy Speaker. I have a notion that the Secretary of State for Defence did not hear your admonition.
We should find it completely unacceptable to vote today for the expenditure of an additional £500 million-plus on defence and then be expected to take it as a sop tomorrow if £100 million is cut.
4.19 p.m.
I appreciate that the House is looking forward to getting back to the devolution debate, though quite why that should be I do not know. In my constituency in Wiltshire there are one or two other interests which we hold to be of comparable importance, and one of them is defence.
This afternoon the House is asked to approve the spending of additional money on defence. It is abundantly clear to all of us on the Opposition Benches that Labour Governments are not to be trusted with the responsibility for defence. I remember very well that in the early months of 1965 a certain aircraft was undergoing its trials in my constituency. It was more advanced than anything then in service in the world. It flew daily over my constituency. It flew up to the Pennines and out to the Scilly Isles. It far exceeded its designers' hopes. British engineers had clearly developed a world beater and there was nothing—not even on the drawing board—to compare with it. Then, in his first spring Budget, the right hon. Member for Birmingham, Stechford (Mr. Jenkins) who is shortly to leave us, and who was then Chancellor of the Exchequer, announced the cancellation of the TSR2 project. The aircraft was taken off the runway and sheeted up, and orders were given for the jigs to be destroyed so that the project could never be resurrected. We do not readily forget these things in the part of England that I represent. Tomorrow we shall have yet another Budget. It will be the eighth Budget of the present Chancellor of the Exchequer in less than three years. In March 1974 he cut £50 million off defence. In April 1975 he again cut back on defence. In February of this year he cut £190 million off defence. It is small wonder that some of us are uneasy about tomorrow, and that the Chiefs of Staff called at Downing Street last week. It never ceases to astonish me that they do not carry their protests to the point of resignation. The last senior soldier to resign over a point of principle was General d'Avigdor-Goldsmid, who later joined us here, and whose brother's death we mourn this week. There is a section in the Supplementary Estimates dealing with research and development establishments. A shadow now hangs over the most advanced centre of all—the Microbiological Research Establishment at Porton. If the Attlee Government were right to set up these unique facilities, and were right in appreciating the real dangers to our population from germ warfare, it follows that the Callaghan Government, at a time when the Soviet threat is greater, must be wrong to close them. There is nothing in the United Kingdom that is remotely comparable to this research establishment. In the free world, only in Germany and Atlanta, Georgia are there comparable facilities. Yet no country in the world is more vulnerable than the United Kingdom to military attack using disease germs as the weapons. Moreover, no form of warfare is easier, simpler or cheaper to conduct. Contrary to popular belief, it is an astonishingly unsophisticated business. It is probable that most hon. Members saw crop spraying this summer. An aircraft flying over a cornfield can rid it of aphids within minutes. The principle is the same. One aircraft, flying 10 miles up, making use of prevailing winds and carrying a few tons of a biological agent, could bring life in this country to a halt. Some days would pass before anyone became conscious that anything had happened. There would be no fall-out that could be detected, and nothing that could be seen or smelt. Then the epidemic would break out on an unprecedented scale. There is a whole range of diseases that lend themselves to military use. The choice is wide. The likelihood is that an enemy would choose, the most lethal. Anthrax is an example, and it is almost always fatal unless the necessary serum is applied, and unless scientists are trained and ready to supply it at short notice. But the disease could equally well be cholera, plague, or viral encephalitis. All are cheap and easily prepared, and none of them is attractive. Four hundred scientists are working at MRE Porton. They include physicists, chemists, bio-chemists, bacteriologists, virologists and geneticists. They work in more than 100 laboratories, and are men and women of advanced training and experience. They are dedicated to their work and understand its relevance to the well-being of the community. The whole House will be delighted at the recovery of Mr. Geoffrey Platt, and we hope that he will shortly be reunited with his family. He is the scientist who recently caught Marburg disease and who has caused us some anxious weeks. It is not difficult to imagine the feelings of these scientists and their families. Their concern goes much deeper than the prospect of unemployment, of which we have already heard. It goes deeper than the realisation that openings for such highly specialised personnel are rare. What really cuts deep among men and woment who have worked for 10 or 20 years at these frontiers of knowledge is the ham-fisted attitude of those who consider that their work is dispensable. The left wing of the Labour Party does not believe in defence. All its thoughts are concentrated on the social wage—of which we heard this afternoon—on housing subsidies, and so on. What is criminal—and we watch it monthly from the Opposition Benches—is the way that the Government constantly appease the left wing. The national interest takes second place. When votes are needed in the Lobby. Tomorrow we shall see yet a further instalment of this. I have always considered the present Chancellor to be the worst since the war, but I am unable to make up my mind whether he did more harm at the Ministry of Defence than he is now doing at the Treasury. In the spring of 1969 he told the House something of profound significance, but every subseqeuent act on his part has run counter to it. He said:"once we cut defence expenditure to the extent where our security is imperilled, we have no houses, we have no hospitals, we have no schools. We have a heap of cinders."—[Official Report,5th March 1969; Vol. 779, c. 551.)
4.30 p.m.
The observations that I want to make about the motions before us will be almost entirely interrogative. They will consist largely of a series of questions designed to elucidate and get more information about some of the imprecise language set out in the Supplementary Estimate.
It is one of the heaviest responsibilities of this House to monitor and check the expenditure of public funds by the Government. It has been agreed by almost everyone, of whatever political view, who has thought about this subject in recent years that the extent to which, and the effectiveness with which, the House has carried out is function of invigilating Supply has declined over the last two or three decades. There could be a number of reasons. Perhaps one is that we have a lot more to do today. There must be good causes and some bad causes for that. Whatever the reason, in the period since I first came here, rather more than 30 years ago—[Interruption.] That is a gentlemanly thing to say. Of course, the hon. Gentleman is a member of the gentlemanly party. Perhaps it is too long, but it was not for the hon. Gentleman to say so. Someone will say it to him one day. In this rather more than 30 years, I have observed that the surveillance of expenditure by Parliament has become increasingly less effective. This is a rôle which we should take up more. I recall once sitting all night on a Supply debate and it was one of the best debates I have ever attended. It started at 3.30 in the afternoon and finished after midday the following day. I do not recall a single word which was not practically directed at examining the Estimates. There was a great deal of discussion during the night about, among other things, the purchase of paper and stationery and the best forms of stock keeping. I am sure that one one will object if I do a little invigilating work on this Estimate. Some points have been raised which it would be discourteous of me not to mention. Somehow, it has always been accepted that there is a substantial difference between defence expenditure and other expenditure—that defence is a sacred cow, and that anyone who starts to look down its gullet is being unpatriotic or treacherous, but that all other expenditure is wide open for examination and we have a right and, indeed, a solemn duty to examine it. This is something which no one, whatever his political view, should accept. Anyone who has run a big organisation knows that it is possible to have waste if the system of operation is not checked. This is as true in hospitals and local authorities as it is in the Army or the Ministry of Defence. There ought to be no sacred cows; we should look, with equal assiduity and determination to avoid waste, at all Government expenditure and not take the view that defence is a sacred cow. Opposition Members shouted a lot of rubbish at my hon. Friend the Member for Bristol, North-West (Mr. Thomas) about Moscow, Washington, and so on, as though it is patriotic to challenge expenditure of the National Health Service but treacherous to challenge defence expenditure. What rubbish that is.I take the hon. Gentleman's point that nothing can be issume from invigilation, but does he not agree that the pattern of the past 10 years, under all Governments, has been that defence expenditure has steadily reduced as a proportion of gross national product while public expenditure in most other areas, including education, health and local government, has increased? If there are any sacred cows, defence is not among them.
The two halves of the hon. Gentleman's question constitute a non sequitur. The answer to the first part is "Yes"; that has been the general pattern. But the second part of his question is not relevant to that, because we must consider all the changes of circumstances, and, above all, the changed rôles which have occurred. We were once a great imperial Power, occupying red spaces all over the globe. We had considerable obligations to defend very nearly all those red spaces. They have now gone from the ambit of our defence policy. The Australians and the Indians do not rely on us to protect them. Belize and Hong Kong are now almost the only colonial defence obligations left. The instrument has run down because the task for which it was fashioned has been changed and greatly reduced.
At the same time, taking up the other half of the hon. Gentleman's question, needs at home have increased because there has been an escalation of social expectation, and this has been an equal phenomenon all over the world. The hon. Gentleman could have put his question in the Parliaments at Bonn, Paris or The Hague and it would have been equally irrelevant.What about Moscow?
I do not know what that has to do with it. I do not know whether the hon. Gentleman approves of Soviet defence policy. I do not, and have said so on many occasions.
The hon. Gentleman asked my hon. Friend the Member for Bristol, North-West what would happen if he queried defence policy in Times Square or in Moscow. I know that if I did that in Moscow, I would be photographed by the KGB and put on a computer. In Times Square, I would be photographed by the FBI and put on a computer, and in Trafalgar Square I would be photographed by MI5 and put on a computer. What the hell is the difference?The essential point is whether the hon. Gentleman believes that in Moscow he would be allowed to complete his speech, be interviewed on the radio, and for the news to be carried on television and in the Press. He would have that privilege in both Times Square and in Trafalgar Square, as he knows. The hon. Gentleman is sympathetic to the régime in East Germany, where they murder people for trying to escape, let alone for questioning defence policy.
That is grossly offensive and, I should think, grossly out of order, but it is typical of the hon. Gentleman.
Of course I know that there is restriction of personal liberty in Moscow. I have been fighting it for 30 years.And in East Germany?
Yes, in East Germany as well. I have been fighting that for 30 years, too.
The hon. Gentleman made money out of East Germany.
That is a lie.
Order. I must ask the hon. Member for Bethnal Green and Bow (Mr. Mikardo) to withdraw that remark.
No, Mr. Deputy Speaker, I will not. The right hon. Gentleman said that I made money out of East Germany. That is either a truthful statement or it is not. I am willing to submit to an independent examination which will show that I have never had a single penny out of that country, in any circumstances whatever. If saying that I have does not constitute a lie, will you please advise me, Mr. Deputy Speaker, whether it is truthful?
If the hon. Gentleman went to the length of saying that it was an offensive mistake, that might cover the situation.
I will use the words of my old late lamented friend, Damon Runyon, who said
Perhaps I may continue trying to make what was a serious contribution to this debate before the puerile nonsense from the hon. Member for Epping when he interrupted me."If it was not a lie, it will do until a real lie comes along."
It is not Epping.
Well, wherever it is.
Get it right.
Wherever it is, the hon. Gentleman's constituents suffer considerably. They should be better represented.
I said that I would make two general points. The second concerns the question of defence expenditure as a vehicle for providing employment. I wish that hon. Members who argue that we cannot cut defence expenditure because that would add to the already horrific level of unemployment would think through the consequences of what they are saying. They are saying that one should go on making weapons, whether one needs them or not and whether or not they are of any use, not in order not to have the weapons but to provide employment. No man in his right mind would ever argue that, but that is clearly the extension in logic of the argument that one must not cut defence expenditure because one will create unemployment. I leave aside for the moment the valuable point made by my hon. Friend the Member for Bristol, North-West, that it is always assumed—for some reason that I do not understand—that people engaged in making arms cannot make anything else, and that if they were not making arms they would be unemployed. I do not know why that should be true. I recall that towards the end of the war, in almost every arms factory serious discussions were going on about what they would do after the war, because they knew that the defence industries would be hugely run down. I sat in on many of those discussions, which were very interesting and which showed a great deal of inventiveness, ingenuity and initiative. Many good things were worked out, as is happening now in the Lucas factories, BAC, Rolls-Royce and elsewhere. After the war, we ran down our defence industries very quickly, by millions of people, at the same time as we took more than 5 million men and women out of uniform and put them back into civilian occupations. There was a great buoyancy of demand, and people were starved of goods. That goes to show that if the overall economic climate is right, one may just as readily face a situation in which one stops making weapons because one does not need them, as one can face a situation in which a factory stops making hairpins because women have stopped using them. One gets changes in demand all the time, and industry is a very flexible instrument. The hon. Member for Salisbury (Mr. Hamilton) mentioned the TSR2. I recall the debates on that aircraft. Everyone said that Preston would become a blighted town as a result of the cancellation of the TSR2. The Ministry of Labour, as it then was, sent special teams to Preston to deal with the frightful unemployment which it was thought would be caused by the cutting of the TSR2 programme. Within weeks, not one of the people who had been pushed off that programme was out of a job. The real problem that we face is that such changes as we are having to make, we have to make in a climate of economic non-buoyancy. That is what we should be looking at—not fiddling. I recall the first General Election that I ever fought, in 1945. Perhaps hon. Members will bear with me while I make a point about what happened in that campaign. I was losing that election campaign—it was a safe Conservative seat—until all the candidates were invited to go to an aircraft factory just outside the constituency and talk to the workers about their future. We were all asked what we thought would be the future of the 6,500 people who were making aircraft which manifestly would not be wanted after the war. My Conservative opponent, who is unhappily no longer with us—a very fine man, for whom I had very great respect—said "I believe that we should keep everyone employed, even if it means that we build battleships, tow them out to sea, sink them and come back and build some more". He lost the election from that moment onwards because the Daily Mirror unkindly reported what he had said. That is what hon. Members are saying today. Anyone who suggests that one should go on making arms because of the need to maintain employment is saying that one must make arms irrespective of whether one wants them or will use them. That is an absolutely untenable argument.Surely the hon. Member has spent an inordinate amount of time destroying what is a stupid argument. No one in his right senses would argue that one should maintain defence merely to guarantee jobs. Surely the case for defence expenditure is based on prudence, and ensuring the security of the country. It comes down to that, and surely not a facetious argument.
I try never to be unkind to fellow Members, and I would hate to suggest that any one of them was not in his right mind. However, already today we have heard people saying that we must not cut arms expenditure, because that would create unemployment. Whether or not people are in their right minds is a matter on which the hon. and learned Gentleman may be a better judge. However, every country says the same thing. If one goes on maintaining that argument, one is in an arms race for all time.
I turn now to the Estimates. I should have been much quicker about it had I not been interrupted, and rudely interrupted, so much. Page 14 contains an item which has been increased substantially, mainly because of higher fares—which is understandable—and variations in exchange rates. Undoubtedly if one is to have men travelling abroad and one pays in sterling, one will have to pay more if there is a variation in exchange rates which is unfavourable to sterling. Other Departments have been told that they must maintain a cash stop. A cash figure is fixed, and they have to stick within that figure, no matter what variations occur in prices, salaries or exchange rates. What would happen if there were some civilian expenditure that involved imports? If a local authority bought an American computer—I hope that it would not, and that it would buy a British one—and if the authority had to continue to buy software, would it be exempted from the defined total cash limit and the cash stop, in order to give it a bit more money to cover the variations in the cost of the computer as a result of variations in the exchange rates? No, it jolly well would not. Why is this a factor which applies only to some Estimates? I have another question. Over and over again, the explanation for increases is stated to be that they are "mainly" this, that or the other—"mainly" increased rates of pay, "mainly" higher charges, "mainly" other things. I ask the Minister to tell the House what is the other bit of it. If we are adequately to invigilate these accounts, we should know the whole story. How big is "mainly"? Is it 60 per cent., or 51 per cent., or 70 per cent., or 80 per cent.? What does the other 20 per cent. or 30 per cent or 49 per cent. or 40 per cent. consist of? The facts are manifestly available or the Minstry would not have been able to say "mainly". Can we have the facts? On page 15, there is shown a substantial increase in expenditure on "miscellaneous stores". What were they? A lot of money is involved. Were they weapons? I do not think that they can have been, because weapons are shown separately. What sort of stores were they? What attempts are made to do bulk purchase with other Departments of common stores? I have heard this aspect discussed in many debates on Civil and Defence Estimates. The potential for saving in this way is very great. Why do Departments buy separately the identical things they need? They could obviously get economies of scale and the advantages of bulk purchase by buying them together. Every Department buys paper of different types. Why do Departments not all buy paper together? Why does the Ministry of Defence buy medical and dental stores separately from the National Health Service? Ought there not to be some attempt to get some economies to make up for increased prices by doing common purchasing? Page 16 shows a very large increase, amounting to well over 20 per cent., in rents and other charges "other than married quarters". What are they? What are we paying rent for, other than in respect of married quarters, which goes up by over 20 per cent. in a year? May we be told? Our expenditure on the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation has gone up by 17 per cent. What is it for? What do we get for this £18½ million extra? Who gets paid out of it? Is it the soldiers? Or is it spent on weapons of war? If we are serious about controlling Government expenditure, we ought to know these facts, because £18½ million is a lot of money. Many things have been cut out of Government expenditure which would have cost a great deal less. What is this money being spent on? Who is getting what out of it? Turning to page 36 prompts me to ask about cash limits. Two items of hardware expenditure are shown there which have increased between them by no less than £70 million. It is part of a very large hardware expenditure. Other people buy hardware. Civilian Departments buy it. They have been told that they have to keep within a total fixed cash limit, and if the price of each unit of hardware has gone up 5 per cent., say, they have to manage with 5 per cent. fewer units. Why does that apply in these other cases but not in this one? Again, there may be good reasons—I am only asking because it is my duty to do so—why the payments to Rolls-Royce (1971) Limited exceed the estimate by 50 per cent. Someone was not a very good estimator, was he? If an estimator in industry made an estimate that was that much out, he would quickly get it in the neck. The offsetting receipts were correctly estimated and the outturn is the same as the budget, but the payments have been underestimated, being 150 per cent. of what was estimated. Why? What were these payments? How did this substantial error in estimating come about? I apologise for having taken so long. I shall quote only one other example, although I assure the House that I could quote many more. There is an item headedEvery other organisation has contract repair. Local authorities have contract repair of their electrical installations and their dustcarts. A river authority has contract repair of its locks and other systems. Every organisation of any size goes in for contract repair. The estimate in this case was wildly wrong. The outturn was 24½ per cent. above the estimate. I would like to know what monitoring is done of these repairs and of the rates of charge for them. If the head of a maintenance department in a factory who had a budget for maintaining the machinery and equipment said, at the end of the year, "I put it out to contract a year ago but I need 24½ per cent. more money than I asked for then", he would not last five minutes. I want to know more about all this. I hope that the Minister will be able to give the House some assistance on these matters. I end as I began. I hope that no one will feel resentment that hon. Members are looking very closely at all these estimates, because it is not merely our right but our solemn duty, and one of the most important duties that we are here to carry out."Contract Repair for Ships and Vessels".
4.58 p.m.
In what the hon. Member for Bethnal Green and Bow (Mr. Mikardo) himself described as a lengthy speech, he said that defence expenditure was a sacred cow. I do not know where he has been during the last three years. defence expenditure during that time has been cut or planned to be cut by more than £8,000 million, and there will be more cuts tomorrow.
The Chief of the Defence Staff pointed out about a year ago thatSince then there have been at least two more cuts. But what the Chief of the Defence Staff said was right—defence has been examined much more than any other Department. To say, therefore, that defence expenditure is a sacred cow can very nearly be described by a word that the hon. Gentleman used in his speech but which I would not dream of repeating. I will simply say that it is untrue. The hon. and learned Member for Montgomery (Mr. Hooson) said that the hon. Member for Bethnal Green and Bow was spending a lot of time knocking down an argument—that weapons should be made for employment's sake—which is used by very few people other than by some Labour Members. We believe that weapons should be made for the defence of the country and of the West. But that is not the view of a number of hon. Members below the Gangway opposite. It is true that defence expenditure has considerable implications for employment, and it is a matter of some remark that, whereas Labour Members below the Gangway are quite rightly anxious about unemployment in every other sector, they seem to welcome it in the defence industries."We have been through a long, searching examination…not just by the Ministry of Defence but on an inter-departmental basis, and as a result of that we have already made…a very large contribution to the reduction of public expenditure. We've been through the examination and we should not be put through the examination again."
I have heard the right hon. Member, like so many of his hon. Friends, constantly repeating this. It is untrue that Labour Members below the Gangway are not concerned with the defence of this country and are not concerned with protecting our country's interests. Many of us served right through the last world war. Many of us have served in the Armed Forces, playing our part in the defence of our country. What the hon. Gentleman is saying is quite untrue and it is a deliberate smear. He and his hon. Friends continue to repeat the suggestion that because Labour Members are concerned about cutting defence expenditure they are not concerned about the defence of the country.
I have no criticism of the hon. Gentleman's war record. I can later substantiate the remarks I just made by one or two quotations from a source not a million miles away from the hon. Gentleman. I see that the hon. Member for Bristol, North-West (Mr. Thomas) has now gone. He and the hon. Member for Bethnal Green and Bow, and the hon. Member for Salford, East (Mr. Allaun)—whom I respect—are signatories to this motion. This sort of motion is tabled every year, and in most cases the signatories melt away. But the hon. Member for Salford, East is always there to defend his signature and to make his speech. I am sorry that on this occasion I am speaking before he does and not after. However, to say that defence workers could be redeployed in other industries when we have 1½ million unemployed is fatuous rubbish. Not only do we have 1½ million unemployed; all the forecasts are that that figure will grow. To suggest that by creating more unemployment in defence industries these people will be easily deployed and found jobs elsewhere is untrue.
I quote from the Tribune document, published in the summer:As long as we have high unemployment, that is arrant hypocrisy. There is no possibility of its happening. Labour Members below the Gangway are speaking on a motion to knock off £270 million from the defence budget. Labour Members will be aware that the former Defence Secretary said, in the holy writ of Labour Weekly of 11th June this year, that:"We recognise the need to provide alternative socially useful work for all those at present employed in the armed services or employed in military or defence establishments—indeed, we see the redeployment of technology and skills to civil production as a substantial potential strengthening of the economy."
That is one view and that goes part of the way to answering the hon. Member for Liverpool, Walton (Mr. Helfer). When we consider, as we must, that defence has already been cut by £8,000 million and then we read what the Tribune Group—I think that all the signatories to this amendment are members of the Tribune Group—"Any reduction, even of much less than £1,000 million a year…would require savage cuts in the armed forces and many big equipment orders would have to be cancelled. Our Allies would no longer regard us as serious allies and partners. The disarray that would be caused in the NATO Alliance would place at risk the whole security of Europe, not least our own. Our enemies would be able to take advantage of our weaknesses. To achieve such a reduction would entail a major foreign policy change. Our relations with the United States and with the West Germans would deteriorate badly. We would risk unravelling the NATO Alliance and destroying the security which we gain through it. The effect on our financial credit and on economic and trade relations would be incalculable."
They are not.