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Commons Chamber

Volume 923: debated on Monday 20 December 1976

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House Of Commons

Monday 20th December 1976

The House met at half-past Two o'clock

Prayers

[Mr. SPEAKER in the Chair]

Oral Answers To Questions

Prices And Consumer Protection

Consumer Protection

1.

asked the Secretary of State for Prices and Consumer Protection what specific measures, if any, he proposes to bring forward in order to carry out the commitment in the Queen's Speech to attach high priority to safeguarding the interests of the consumer.

My Department safeguards the interests of consumers over a broad front. We shall continue to apply and develop policies on price control and on the maintenance of competition, as well as encouraging the adoption of other measures to assist consumers, such as the provision of consumer advice centres and local price surveys.

The whole House will be pleased that the Secretary of State protects the interests of consumers, but will he explain how he came to promise consumers an 8½p reduction in the price of a loaf of bread when it transpired that such a reduction, first, was untrue, second, would ruin all small bakers and, third, would accelerate a number of strikes which we could well do without?

Neither I nor any member of my Department ever promised an 8p or 8½p reduction. [Interruption.] If the hon. Gentleman who is making noises which I take to mean dissent has any evidence to the contrary, I hope that he will supply it. What my Department said, and what I stick to absolutely today, is that, as a result of the scheme I announced a week ago, in some shops after 3rd January bread will be cheaper than it would otherwise have been. If the hon. Member for Isle of Ely (Mr. Freud) or the hon. Lady the Member for Gloucester (Mrs. Oppenheim) and her hon. Friends believe that I should continue to keep bread prices artificially high, they had better say so.

Will my right hon. Friend take it that at a time of inflation the need for consumer protection is greater than ever and that the action already taken by the Government in protecting the consumer is well worth while? Will he encourage the advice centers which have been set up and which are giving very good advice to consumers in various parts of the country, and will he consider other legislative measures to ensure that the housewife gets full value for what she spends?

I am grateful for what my hon. Friend says, and I shall certainly do my best to respond to his suggestion. As he knows, despite the financial stringency of the period ahead, I have told local authorities that money will be available next year for the continuation of consumer advice and consumer surveys. I believe that they are of vital importance to consumer protection work, but, unfortunately, we see that some Conservative-controlled local authorities do not intend to pursue that sort of protection. Again, I offer the hon. Lady the Member for Gloucester the opportunity to tell us whether she believes that Conservative local authorities should do that or whether they should abandon that attitude.

Perhaps the right hon. Gentleman could tell us where the idea of 8½p off a large loaf came from, in view of his reply to the hon. Member for Isle of Ely (Mr. Freud). Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that this has given a lot of concern to a great many people and that only today, I believe, Sainsbury's unofficially announced that the most that anyone could expect off the price of a loaf of bread will be 1p, and this only in some shops and only for some consumers?

If that is what Sainsbury's has announced, it is something of an achievement that since we have removed ½p subsidy the bread price has come down. Secondly, it is exactly consistent with what I said a week ago and what I said a few moments ago. As for where the idea of the 8½p came from, I think that I can help the hon. Gentleman. He will see that the table is a sliding scale. Clearly, therefore, as the table must be boundless at either end, it has to include that figure. But the idea that I said it, that any of my Ministers said it or that any member of the staff of my Department said it is quite wrong. Indeed, if the hon. Gentleman, who, I know, is assiduous in these matters, had been listening to the radio on Monday afternoon when I was asked about the size of reductions, he would know—I have the transcript—that I said, as I said also in my Press conference in the morning, that I could not possibly put figures on it. It was the market operating; I believe that the market had to operate and had to determine what the price would be.

Is it not an extraordinary coincidence that every news commentator came forward with the figure of 8½p? Does not the right hon. Gentleman have the unique distinction of having alienated both the baking and the retailing sides of the industry, having caused a major confrontation between two unions, having deceived consumers as to what the reduction was likely to be, and having disguised from consumers the fact that some of them will be paying more for their bread as a result of his manipulation? Finally, is he aware that as a result of his high-handed and arrogant way of dealing with this matter he will go into the next round of pay negotiations as a Minister who is not trusted by industry, not trusted by the unions and not trusted by consumers?

I hope the hon. Lady feels that that was worth all the preparation. I have told her categorically that I did not say, and neither did anyone else in my Department say, that there would be a specific reduction in the price of bread. Since she has continued to assert the contrary, since she has my assurance about it, and since I can provide her with a great deal of evidence to substantiate what I say, if she did the proper thing she would withdraw the allegation, although I have no doubt that she will not do so. I assure the hon. Lady that I have some pleasure in knowing that, even according to the evidence supplied by her hon. Friend the Member for Altrincham and Sale (Mr. Montgomery), what I said last Monday is true. As a result of decisions which the Government took, in some shops bread will be cheaper than it would otherwise be. That seems to be absolutely my duty, and I am glad that I have continued to perform it. [AN HON. MEMBER: "How much?"] The hon. Gentleman, who obviously has not listened to anything I said, asks "How much?" Let me tell him again. It will be cheaper according to the way the market operates. As he and, no doubt, Professor Milton Friedman understand, one cannot predict the operation of the market.

Price Code

2.

asked the Secretary of State for Prices and Consumer Protection if he is saisfied with the operation of the Price Code.

The Price Code has now been in operation for nearly four years. Despite amendment and revision, it grows increasingly difficult to judge commercial performance against the criteria stipulated in the code. However, I am broadly satisfied with the operation of the code as part of the current prices policy.

Still on the question of bread prices, does not the right hon. Gentleman concede that to have created such confusion in the minds of housewives and to have succeeded in interrupting supplies of bread over the weekend indicates the difficulty involved in any ministerial intervention in the operation of prices? Will he now make absolutely clear at what price the housewife can expect to purchase a large loaf in supermarkets in 1977?

Time does not allow me to explain the bread scheme to the hon. Gentleman, but let me at least tell him that what I decided last Monday was not further Government intervention in the bread market but a withdrawal of Government intervention. The complaint of many of the people who are complaining—notably the trade union, which I am sure will be grateful for the support of the hon. Gentleman and the hon. Member for Gloucester (Mrs. Oppenheim)—is that I am not intervening sufficiently. I have made it perfectly clear to the bread industry that if the industry as a whole wants it, nothing would give me greater pleasure than to withdraw altogether. The industry tells me that it does not want such a policy. As it is, I have improved the aspects of competition within the industry. I can only repeat that, as it is competition that will determine the price, it is not possible for me to predict what the price will be.

Will my right hon. Friend bear in mind that in no circumstances should he accept advice from the Conservative Front Bench on possible future negotiations with the TUC on such questions, because when the Conservatives were in office their negotiations led to the three-day working week and the chaos that followed? If he took their advice, their next achievement would be to see that the nation was put on black bread. Will my right hon. Friend assure us that that will not happen?

I told the TUC, as I told other interested parties, what I proposed to do over bread prices. They agree with me—though the hon. Member for Gloucester does not, and is now on record that she does not—that it was intolerable for the Government to keep the price of bread artificially high. I am sure that I was right to stop doing that.

May I ask the right hon. Gentleman another question about the Price Code, concerning the announcement by the Chancellor of the Exchequer last week of a gas price increase from April 1977? I believe that that increase includes a repayment of capital, which is not allowable under the code. Does the Secretary of State intend to amend the code? If not, how else will he approve the increase?

I do not propose to amend the code. When the increase comes forward from the Gas Council on behalf of the boards, it will be submitted in the proper way to the Price Commission. If the Commission believes that the increase is not acceptable under the code, it will say so publicly. There is provision for the Government to proceed notwithstanding that decision, if necessary. But there will be no revision of the code, nor any subterfuge. The Commission will behave in the normal way.

European Community (Consumer Protection)

6.

asked the Secretary of State for Prices and Consumer Protection when he next expects to meet the EEC Commissioner with special responsibility for the protection of consumer interests.

23.

asked the Secretary of State for Prices and Consumer Protection what recent discussions he has had with his EEC colleagues about proposals for increasing protection for the consumer.

The Minister of State, Department of Prices and Consumer Protection
(Mr. John Fraser)

I have recently met Commissioner Gundelach, who has responsibility for the internal market and as such is closely involved with many issues affecting consumers. The present Commissioner responsible for consumer affairs will be leaving shortly and my right hon. Friend and I would welcome the opportunity to meet his successor. I met Madame Scrivener, the French Minister for Consumer Affairs, when she visited London earlier this year at the invitation of the British Government, and my hon. Friend the Under-Secretary of State regularly attends Agriculture Council meetings.

Will the Minister confirm that our friends in Europe appear to be protecting British consumers' interests by subsidising our food prices to the tune of about £1 2/4 million a day? Does he think that that is a good thing? If so, how does he reconcile that with the Government's accelerated phasing out of our own food subsidies?

One welcomes the fact that we receive a subsidy of those dimensions under the European arrangements. I do not think that there is anything inconsistent between the receipt of those moneys from Europe and the phasing out of food subsidies on a domestic basis as part of an economic strategy.

Is my hon. Friend aware that the EEC and its Commission have a very biased policy in favour of the producer? Will he take advantage of the change in Commissioners to see that the voice of the producer is heard and that there is a proper balance for the first time on behalf of the consumer, changing the EEC's present bias in favour of the producer?

I think that my hon. Friend means that he wants to change the bias in favour of the consumer rather than the producer. It is clear that the common agricultural policy has very much favoured the producer and has paid insufficient regard to the views of the consumers of food. The Government have never disguised the fact that they are dissatisfied with the way in which that policy has worked. I hope that the House will be reassured by the fact that my hon. Friend the Under-Secretary attends Council meetings to put forward the consumer point of view.

Does not the Minister agree that, far from the Common Market's subsidising British consumers, the argument is the other way round? Is he aware that in 1975 we could have purchased the same volume of food on the world market for £800 million less than we paid because we are a member of the Common Market? Therefore, in spite of the so-called subsidy of £350 million that we receive from the EEC, surely we are subsidising the Common Market at the end of the day.

It would be dangerous to try to draw conclusions at the end of 1976 from the situation in 1975. Whilst cheaper food might be available without tariffs if we were not members of the Common Market, that fact is probably balanced by the amount of subsidy we receive from Brussels. That does not mean that one is complacent about the present situation.

Petrol Sales (Credit Card Holders)

7.

asked the Secretary of State for Prices and Consumer Protection if he will make a statement on the practice of credit card companies preventing garages from giving discounts to cash customers.

Over the past few months, credit card companies have been taking action against traders who are not prepared to abide by the terms of their agreement with the credit card companies and sell petrol on credit cards on the same terms as sales for cash. However, I understand that the Director General of Fair Trading is considering a number of subjects for possible references to the Monopolies and Mergers Commission, amongst which are the services provided to credit card franchise holders, including garages. I have drawn my hon. Friend's interest to his attention.

I thank my hon. Friend for that reply. Will he ask the Office of Fair Trading to take urgent action on the matter? Does he realise that there is a jungle in garage forecourts, where different customers are charged different prices, varying from one garage to another? Will he ensure that the consumer is protected in this regard and that he buys petrol at the lowest possible price, without all the variations in price and trading stamps, without credit card holders being denied concessions and without the other present differentials?

I am most anxious that the information available to motorists when they buy petrol should be the maximum possible. I do not think that one can regulate by law, or should try to do so, all the offers made by garages. I hope, however, that the offers will be made in a much simpler way so that customers can receive the most benefit from competition.

Should not the Minister tell his hon. Friend that he had his Question entirely the wrong way round? The credit companies insist that a fair discount should be given to those who buy by cash or credit.

I am not taking a view on the matter, although I welcome the fact that the Director General of Fair Trading will examine the matter. The credit card companies will not allow a discount to be given only to the cash customer, and threaten to withdraw the franchise if this happens. I think that the views of both cash customers and credit card holders need to be looked at.

Petrol Prices

9.

asked the Secretary of State for Prices and Consumer Protection whether he will seek powers to require petrol stations to display the actual price at which they are offering petrol. instead of advertising reductions per gallon without showing the maximum price.

17.

asked the Secretary of State for Prices and Consumer Protection if he will seek powers to compel petrol stations clearly to advertise the full price of petrol on their forecourts.

21.

asked the Secretary of State for Prices and Consumer Protection what action he proposes to take to improve the display of prices of petrol.

If the voluntary agreement on the display of petrol prices does not become more widely observed, we shall have to take further action. I am considering carefully whether the statutory powers to improve price display under the Prices Act 1974 ought now to be used.

Does the hon. Gentleman realise that that is quite unsatisfactory? Surely he is not satisfied with the present situation, where we are told that we get 8p, 9p, 10p or 11p off but probably pay the same price in the end. Surely he will take action to put the matter right. The present situation is misleading to say the least.

I agree wholeheartedly with the hon. Gentleman that it is misleading and requires action to be taken. The only reason for delay is that a voluntary agreement was reached between the oil companies, the petrol retailers and the Director General of Fair Trading. We thought it right to give the agreement a chance and to see whether it would work. From the volume of complaints from members of the public and the correspondence received, it can be seen that the agreement is not thought to be working properly. That is why I shall take further action.

Will my hon. Friend accept that I take some encouragement from his reply? Bearing in mind the report of the trading officer in Enfield, does he accept that the voluntary agreement is worthless in terms of tackling this problem? Does he not now have sufficient evidence to propose the legislation which is quite clearly necessary?

Yes, I have had reports from trading standards officers throughout the country, including Enfield. I am awaiting further reports. As soon as I have been able to consider all the evidence, I shall put proposals before the House.

Is the hon. Gentleman aware that it is very nearly two years since he or his predecessors gave exactly the same evasive answers to very similar questions? All that the general public want from a filling station is to know the price of petrol and, if necessary, what added incentive there is to that price. Surely that cannot be difficult.

I very much welcome the support that is coming from all parts of the House for taking statutory action.

Inflation

10.

asked the Secretary of State for Prices and Consumer Protection what is his latest estimate of the rate of inflation during the year ending 5th April 1978.

I refer the hon. Gentleman to the answer my right hon. Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer gave to the hon. Member for Romford (Mr. Neubert) and my hon. Friend the Member for Stoke-on-Trent, South (Mr. Ashley) on 16th December.

Does the right hon. Gentleman recall the letter of 18th December 1975 written by his right hon. Friend to the Chairman of the IMF, in which he said that by the end of this year inflation would be down to below 10 per cent.? Will he tell the House when the Government expect that that aim will be achieved?

I told the House a month or five weeks ago of the factors that had prevented that from coming about. What I am sure of is that the more patriotic Members will attempt to secure that end rather than carping about it.

Is it the policy of Her Majesty's Government this year, or even next year, to stop inflation or merely to diminish the rate of inflation, an ambition that is scarcely comprehensible?

I think they would be a very ambitious Government and a very ambitious Minister who thought that inflation could be stopped over a period of years or months without any increases. What the Government intend to do and will do is substantially to diminish the rate and eventually to bring it down to the rate which has been suffered or enjoyed by our industrial competitors.

Does the right hon. Gentleman recall and, indeed, support the claim made by his right hon. Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer that between February 1974 and October 1974 the then. Labour Government had reduced inflation to 8·4 per cent.? If he supports that, why is it that the capitalist countries of West Germany and America, from which the Government are trying to borrow money, have decreasing rates of inflation while the Socialist Government with whom we are lumbered are still creating rising inflation?

I can recall that claim because the hon. Gentleman refers me to it at almost every Question Time. It was a reasonable prognosis to make on the evidence available at the time, but there have been a number of factors—I for my part am prepared to take responsibility for some of them—that have prevented us from achieving that aim. However, our intention is to achieve it, and the painful measures that we announced six days ago are one of the steps towards that achievement.

On a point of order, Mr. Speaker. In view of the unsatisfactory nature of the Minister's reply, I give notice that I shall raise the matter on the Adjournment.

Retail Price Index

11.

asked the Secretary of State for Prices and Consumer Protection how much the retail price index has risen since February 1974.

13.

asked the Secretary of State for Prices and Consumer Protection what is the latest year-on-year figure for the percentage increase in the retail price index.

The retail price index rose by 63 per cent. Between February 1974 and November 1976 and the year-on-year increase recorded in the November index is 15 per cent.

Will the right hon. Gentleman tell the House whether that answer is more unpatriotic than the Chancellor's claim in October 1974? Will he tell the House when the country can expect the Government to accept that their policies from February and October 1974 have failed? Will they take the credit for admitting that as a Christmas present to the nation?

I do not think that facts are unpatriotic. My answer was devoted to facts. It is a certain attitude that is unpatriotic, and a good example was the attitude adopted by the Opposition last Wednesday.

Is my right hon. Friend aware that his answer is extremely depressing? Is he also aware that many of us believe that the situation might have been different if we were not in the Common Market, since food prices on a world scale have fallen and we are paying artificially high prices for food in the Common Market? Is it not time that we did something about renegotiating the common agricultural policy?

There are essentially three elements in my hon. Friend's question. I agree that the figures I have given are depressing. They are as depressing to me as they are to him. I talked a moment ago about blame and responsibility. I hope that I implied by those remarks that I understand very well that we have an obligation to get the economy into such shape that such figures do not continue into next year and the year after. My hon. Friend and I have no disagreement about the depressing nature of the figures I have given.

As for the Common Market, certainly there are things that are wrong with the CAP that are not details but fundamental shortcomings. I hope that in the next year or two years the Government will be able to make some fundamental changes in the CAP. It will not be easy, but clearly the CAP has to meet the needs of consumers more nearly and not concentrate on the needs of producers, many of whom are inefficient.

The price of goods in and out of the Common Market varies from time to time and from year to year. Sometimes we benefit and sometimes we lose. What is very clear is that had we had the difficulties we have faced over the past year, and had they only been solved by measures that improved international confidence, the prospects of achieving that confidence outside the Common Market would have been substantially worse than they have been inside it.

Will the right hon. Gentleman tell us what assessment his Department has made of the extent to which the present excessively high interest rates are contributing towards inflation? Will he tell the consumer what he is having to pay as a consequence of the need to finance the Government's excessive borrowing requirement?

It is impossible to make that sort of statistical assessment. We do not know for how long the high interest rates will continue. I am sure that the hon. Gentleman, like me, welcomed the sign of their reduction last week, but, putting statistics aside, he and I are agreed that the industrial as well as the consumer interests of Britain need lower basic interest rates. The Chancellor made this point explicitly last Wednesday. He made it clear that one of the purposes of his measures was to avoid having so high a minimum rate. I hope that it can be reduced in the not-too-distant future.

How much weight is given to petrol prices in the retail price index in view of the fact that the Department is still collecting reports on petrol prices throughout the country? How can the Department arrive at an accurate figure for the effect of petrol prices on the retail price index?

My hon. Friend has asked a complicated statistical question and I hope that he will accept a rather crude statistical answer. My right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for Employment has statisticians within his Department who are considering a number of typical shopping baskets which, despite the mixed metaphor, contain petrol. From those shopping baskets he is able to conclude what changes have taken place in the retail price index.

May I put a simple statistical question to the right hon. Gentleman to make him even more depressed? Will he confirm that in only one month out of 33, despite the boasts of himself and the Chancellor, have the Government managed to halve the rate of inflation, and that in only one month out of 33 have they managed to bring down the rate of inflation to the rate that was inherited from the previous Conservative Government? Will he confirm that inflation has risen in each of the past four months and that it is not on a plateau, as he and the Chancellor have claimed, but is rising again sharply and disastrously?

The hon. Lady depresses me, but not for quite the reasons she imagines. She is right that the reduction in the inflation rate is not what we would hope. I do not balk at that fact, but it is substantially lower than it was last year. When my right hon. Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer and I talked about a plateau, we were careful to say that the figure would hover around 15 per cent. That seems to be right. We are hovering at that figure, and I believe that we shall begin to see a reduction some time next year.

Prices Policy

12.

asked the Secretary of State for Prices and Consumer Protection when he next plans to discuss prices with the TUC.

I intend to meet TUC representatives again shortly as part of my continuing discussions with them about prices policy.

Is the abolition of the Price Code an option that the Government are retaining in any discussions they may have about a possible further stage in wages policy in the summer?

It is an option we can hardly avoid. Most of the legislative powers under the Price Code run out in the summer, and the three options we possess are to offer legislation to the House to renew it, to abandon a prices policy or to have a different one. Since the Prime Minister and others, including myself, have ruled out the second option—namely, that of having no price policy at all—we are left with the choice between a Price Code to be offered again to the House and a new prices policy. I hope to make an announcement on that subject in the new year.

In view of the fact that the trade union movement has given tremendous co-operation to the Government in respect of the social contract in restraining personal incomes, which has assisted a great deal in preventing inflation going higher than it is, will my right hon. Friend examine the TUC's proposals in respect of economic and industrial strategy, since co-operation is essential if we are to prevent prices going higher and if we are to have a more constructive approach to the problem than we now obtain from the Opposition?

The TUC and trade union members throughout the country have made an enormous contribution by accepting the pay policy, which means that they have made personal sacrifices. I hope that we can continue to rely on that support during the coming year. We must convince them that we are operating relevant and realistic economic policies on a wide variety of subjects. I shall try to convince the TUC of that fact in initiating my new prices policy.

As the right hon. Gentleman has announced that the rate of inflation will fall to 15 per cent. in the last quarter of next year, will he say how prices will hover in the meantime?

It is never wise to make predictions round about or within 1 or 2 per cent. I stick by what I have said in the last three months. We are on a plateau, and prices will hover around 15 per cent. and there will be a reduction some time next year. It would be foolish to attempt to be more precise than that.

When the right hon. Gentleman next meets the TUC and discusses prices, will he bear in mind that a large number of trade unionists do not like price freezes, particularly in the nationalised industries? Will he confirm that it is no part of his intention to reintroduce a price freeze in those industries?

The problem in terms of nationalised industry prices which the consumer has suffered in the last two and a half years flows from the fact that the freeze was applied by the Conservative Government. We have had to negotiate ourselves out of that difficulty. Two things must happen with regard to nationalised industry prices. First, they must be realistic in terms of the efficiency of the industry, and, secondly, they have to pay proper respect to the other needs of the economy with an adequate prices policy in the general fight against inflation. I think that on balance we are coping with those considerations much better than did our predecessors.

Food And Drink Industries

14.

asked the Secretary of State for Prices and Consumer Protection when he next plans to discuss prices with the Food and Drink Industries Council.

I last met the FDIC for this purpose on 10th December. I shall no doubt be doing so again from time to time in the future, though at the moment there are no firm appointments.

I thank the right hon. Gentleman for that reply. Will he confirm that it is no part of his intention to treat the food industry separately from any other industry and will treat it as another most important consumer industry? Is he aware that interference in the baking industry has had a profound effect on morale in the food manufacturing industries as a whole? Will he please take note that this kind of manipulation of his powers, with maximum price orders and discount structures, tends to worry those who operate in a very competitive industry?

On the general question, the food industry is as much a part of the British economy as is any other sector. On the high level of employment and in respect of the need for high levels of investment, I must emphasise that the industry is not being picked on. As regards bread, when I met the representatives of the Food and Drink Industries Council, among their number was Mr. Theo Curtis, Chairman of the Federation of Bakers. If Mr. Curtis asks me to remove all controls from the bread industry I shall do so. My difficulty is that some authorities which have been quoted against me have been the most vocal in the industry with demands that I should continue to participate in the industry. They have been urging me to extend controls over the industry rather than to withdraw them.

If the Minister did not suggest that the price of bread should be reduced by 4p a loaf, why did he not deny that suggestion immediately?

I do not believe that it is my job to deny something I have never said. If the hon. Gentleman does not believe what I told the House, I shall not condescend to contradict him yet again.

Petrol Prices

16.

asked the Secretary of State for Prices and Consumer Protection if he will list the percentage increases in average retail forecourt petrol prices in 1974, 1975 and to the latest available date in 1976.

The Under-Secretary of State for Prices and Consumer Protection
(Mr. Robert Maclennan)

The approximate increases were 75 per cent. in 1974, 5 per cent. in 1975 and 2 per cent. in the first nine months of 1976.

Does the right hon. Gentleman agree that the average trend will be £1 per gallon in a year's time? What will the Government do to prevent that or to delay it?

I do not agree with the hon. Gentleman. The increase in the price of petrol has been substantially below that of inflation generally.

Food Subsidies

18.

asked the Secretary of State for Prices and Consumer Protection what foodstuffs are at present covered by food subsidies; and if he will make a statement about future arrangements.

The foods currently subsidised are milk, butter, cheese, bread and flour. As announced last week, the butter subsidy will be abolished, the cheese subsidy will be reduced on 28th December and the remaining subsidies will be phased out over the coming months.

Will my right hon. Friend say what representations he has received to date from the TUC about accelerating the phasing out of food subsidies? Will he also say what will be the effect on the RPI of the phasing out of such subsidies, particularly in respect of elderly people, bearing in mind that the fundamental shortcomings of the CAP are having a distinctly adverse effect on such people who, as a result of that policy, face mounting food bills?

I have had no direct meetings with the TUC, although in its statement last Wednesday it showed a general understanding of the Government's overall economic position. The statement said that the TUC would regret the phasing out of food subsidies. I knew that and I understood it well. At a time when there needed to be substantial reductions in public expenditure, I took the view that there were many other candidates for cuts which I could justify much less easily than I could reduce in subsidy terms.

I took that decision for two reasons. The first was that subsidies made only a marginal effect on the RPI, and I think that they now stand at about 0·4 per cent. [HON. MEMBERS: "Hear, hear."] As Opposition Members who are now cheering will remember, that is not what subsidies were supposed to do. They were supposed to protect certain sections of the population about whom my hon. Friend the Member for Sowerby (Mr. Madden), if not hon. Gentlemen opposite, is anxious. They were supposed to protect those sections in the early months of the Government's life when benefits were low. Over the last two and a half years food prices have risen by 60 per cent. and pensions 90 per cent. Therefore—

Order. Christmas comes at the end of this week, and there is no sense in the right hon. Gentleman giving such long answers.

On the subject of food and drink, and slightly switching the subject, will the right hon. Gentleman explain why the commodity of coffee is being referred to the Price Commission? Is he aware that 90 per cent. of the cost of manufacturing instant coffee relates to coffee beans, purchased on world markets? Will the inquiry have more to do with retail margins? I have one coffee manufacturer in my constituency, and I would only add that I certainly do not want any more unemployment in my area.

The inquiry will be into all the reasons for the increase and it will take place because consumers have shown great concern on this issue. One of my duties is to demonstrate why prices are going up as well as to demonstrate sometimes that they should not.

Retail Prices

19.

asked the Secretary of State for Prices and Consumer Protection what is his most recent estimate of the effect of the devaluation of sterling during 1976 on retail prices in 1976 and the first six months of 1977.

24.

asked the Secretary of State for Prices and Consumer Protection by how much the devaluation of the £ sterling, since October 1974, has affected food prices.

Estimates of this kind are always subject to considerable uncertainty. But depreciation over the 11 months to November 1976 might be expected to have increased the retail price index by about 3 per cent. by the end of this year and by a total of about 5 per cent. by the second quarter of 1977.

As I explained on 15th November, it is not possible to distinguish the effects of sterling depreciation on food prices.

Does not the right hon. Gentleman think it tragic that the international loss of confidence in this Government has led to such a decline during 1976 in the value of sterling, which in turn has led to a further rise in the retail price index? To what extent does the right hon. Gentleman expect the trend to continue next year?

Of course I think that the sterling depreciation, which has had the results that the hon. Gentleman describes, is tragic. I doubt whether I would quote the same causes for that depreciation as would the hon. Gentleman. As to the future, the Chancellor of the Exchequer made clear a week ago that we believe that the measures we then took have halted the depreciation of sterling, which was one of their principal intentions. I am sure that it will succeed.

Since all three major postwar devaluations have taken place under Labour Governments, and since the Secretary of State admits that devaluation of the £ sterling increases food prices, does he not agree that the obvious and logical corollary is that Labour Governments result in higher food prices?

The hon. Gentleman is making a well-known philosophical error, which I would explain to him were Mr. Speaker to allow me to give longer answers.

Does my right hon. Friend remember that during and before the referendum debate many of us on the Labour side of the House argued that prices would rise substantially if we remained in the Common Market and that the pound would suffer as a result? Does he also recall that he was one of those who went round the country, with others from the Opposition, and said on public platforms that we would benefit as a result of remaining in the Common Market? Will my right hon. Friend, as shortly as possible, apologise from the Dispatch Box?

I would do so, perhaps not shortly, if I thought an apology were necessary. I stick by my original contention that the economic difficulties that this country has faced since June 1974 would have been substantially greater had we been outside the Common Market.

Inflation

20.

asked the Secretary of State for Prices and Consumer Protection whether he now has a firm date for the target for reaching single-figure inflation; and if he will make a statement.

I cannot add to what my right hon. Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer said in reply to the hon. Member for Romford (Mr. Neubert) and my hon. Friend the Member for Stoke-on-Trent, South (Mr. Ashley) on 16th December, when he made it clear that, given the continuing moderation in the increase in wage costs, the rate of price inflation should start falling again next summer.

Does the right hon. Gentleman admit that that answer shows the massive failure of earlier Government policies to achieve their objectives? Is he also aware that an earlier answer he gave about prices hovering around 15 per cent. and then coming down next year below the level of this year contradicts what the Chancellor said in last week's statement, when he said that the RPI would rise above 15 per cent. next year before it came down to that level at the end of the year? Bearing in mind past errors, can the right hon. Gentleman say whether his forecasts now take into account the probable increase in VAT in April, having regard to the Chancellor's declared objective of getting direct taxation down without any increases in expenditure?

Order. My remarks earlier about long answers apply also to long questions.

I do not think that there is any inconsistency in what the Chancellor and I said. "Hovering" means hovering up occasionally as well as hovering down. Of course, no one has ever tried to deny that the progress of our economic policy has had some difficulties.

We are doing things now which are painful but necessary. The hon. Gentleman will understand that, whatever the Chancellor has decided for the Budget of next April, he has not told me, and even if he had I would not tell the House.

May I congratulate the Secretary of State on his command of the euphemism? May I ask him to confirm or deny that, on the basis of the Chancellor's latest figures, prices will have risen by the end of 1977, since the Government came into power, by 86 per cent., of which 30 per cent. is due to the slippages in forecasts that have taken place since the Government embarked upon their attack on inflation? Is it not correct to say that this will cost the average family an extra £16 a year by the end of next year? If the right hon. Gentleman cannot confirm this, will he give the alternative figures?

The hon. Lady told the anxious world through the Daily Mail this morning what question she was to ask this afternoon. I had my Department look at it. It thought that it was unwise to make such arithmetical progressions, but as regards whether there was any wisdom in such a method it tells me that the hon. Lady was arithmetically wrong. As for her second question, I do not think prices can have gone up because of slippages in forecasts. Slippages in forecasts do not change anything. They are simply what is written on a piece of paper.

Consumer Credit

22.

asked the Secretary of State for Prices and Consumer Protection what proposals he has for implementing the remainder of the Consumer Credit Act.

8.

asked the Secretary of State for Prices and Consumer Protection when he proposes to make regulations to enable consumers to ask the courts to reopen cases of unreasonable credit bargains.

32.

asked the Secretary of State for Prices and Consumer Protection whether he will now make a statement on the right of access by consumers to credit reference agency files on themselves.

I expect to make regulations and an order early in 1977 which will prescribe the content and method of calculation of the rate of total charge for credit and which will determine which agreements are to be regulated by the Consumer Credit Act 1974. At the same time, I intend to make an order and regulations which will bring into operation the provisions relating to credit reference agencies and extortionate credit bargains and which will start the second tranche of licensing. I hope to make the regulations relating to advertising and seeking business later in 1977. Other provisions will be made effective after this.

While I warmly welcome such progress as has already been made, may I ask whether my hon. Friend does not agree that the time will soon be opportune to activate those parts of the Act dealing with misleading advertisements in connection with credit bureaux and agencies? Is it not of great importance to many people that the true rates of interest which are being charged should be made patently clear to all? Does my hon. Friend realise that we are anxiously waiting for something to be done?

It will not be possible to deal with the "truth in lending" regulations for advertising in the context of agreements until we have the second round of licensing under way. While I agree with my hon. Friend in principle, I can tell him that it is much more difficult in practice to devise simple regulations aimed at providing simple information. There are difficulties about specifying an effective rate of credit in regulations.

Will my hon. Friend confirm that after he has made the new regulations, which will be greatly welcomed, it will be possible for individuals to get all the information held on files which concerns themselves? Will they also be able to get information about companies from those files?

Broadly speaking, they will be able to get information about themselves except where access to a file might reveal confidential information about other people.

Retail Price Index

26.

asked the Secretary of State for Prices and Consumer Protection what is the increase in the retail price index over the last three months, expressed at an annual rate.

The RPI has increased by 19·7 per cent. over the past three months, expressed at an annual rate.

After giving those rather depressing figures, does the Minister think it makes any sense to force up the price of gas, as the Chancellor announced in his recent statement?

The extent to which the price of gas might rise following my right hon. Friend's statement is not known at this stage.

Consumer Protection

27.

asked the Secretary of State for Prices and Consumer Protection what measures he proposes to introduce to safeguard the interests of consumers, in implementation of the undertaking given in the Gracious Speech.

I would refer the hon. Member to the reply I gave earlier today to the hon. Member for Isle of Ely (Mr. Freud).

Food Subsidies

28.

asked the Secretary of State for Prices and Consumer Protection what is the effect of food subsidies on the retail price index at present.

Is the Minister aware that last week food subsidies were reduced by almost exactly the amount which the Opposition urged they should be cut in July, when the Government voted in favour of keeping them at a higher level? Is there, perhaps, a ray of hope in that it has taken the Government only five months to recognise their mistake in this case?

Those have been five important months, and I have no doubt that the continuance of subsidies during them will have helped a number of people on low incomes.

Will the Minister tell the House the date on which the Government intend to discontinue food subsidies entirely?

Consumer Advice Centres And Price Survey Schemes

31.

asked the Secretary of State for Prices and Consumer Protection how many consumer advice centres have been opened and price survey schemes have now been commenced.

To date, 113 consumer advice centres have been opened and 290 price survey schemes are in operation.

I thank my hon. Friend for that answer, but 1 ask him to suggest what advice the consumer advice centres can give to consumers in view of the rise in food prices as a result of action by the European Economic Community and the withdrawal of food subsidies.

There are things which price surveys can do. They can give information to consumers about where the cheapest goods within a range are available.

The cost altogether is about £3 million in a full year for consumer advice centres and price surveys. I was saying that price surveys can indicate to consumers where the cheapest goods are available in a range. The surveys show that there are considerable variations. They enable competitors to fight harder in favour of the consumer.

Chancellor Of The Duchy Of Lancaster (Washington Visit)

42.

asked the Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster whether he will make a statement on his recent visit to Washington and on the discussions that he had there.

43.

asked the Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster if he will make a statement on his recent conversations in Washington with representatives of the United States Administration.

I visited Washington from 13th to 17th November. While there, I discussed general economic and financial questions with leading members of the United States Administration. Our talks were wide-ranging, open and friendly and were marked by a spirit of warmth, understanding and good will.

Although I am delighted that the Chancellor's talks were marked by a spirit of warmth and understanding. may I ask him whether he was not very disappointed that the new swap facilities with the United States are in the amount of only $500 million? Is not this a sign of a total lack of faith on the part of the United States in this Government? To what extent does he believe that all the swaps and standbys announced last week will be able to see us through several months of balance of payments deficits at the rate of £500 million a month?

I was not in the least disappointed. No requests of ours have been refused. The consoling hallucinations of the hon. Gentleman and many of his hon. Friends about the unwillingness of the international authorities and of other Governments to trust the credit of this Government have no basis in fact. As for the future, the massive act of international financial co-operation of which this forms—we hope—a part will be quite ample to see this country through its financial needs in the year ahead.

Did my right hon. Friend's conversations include any long-range proposals on the part of the United States Administration for a more general reform of the international monetary system, which clearly is not operating now that we have fluctuating exchange rates as opposed to the fixed system which operated so successfully for 25 years in the post-war period?

I touched on wider issues of less immediate importance than those to which I have already referred, and I found widespread recognition of the fact that there were many aspects of the international monetary and financial system that were worthy of study and advance. I have no doubt at all that in the period ahead of us we—that is, the great trading nations of the world—shall have to make further advances in our international financial co-operation to sustain the progress in world prosperity that we are all seeking.

The Chancellor said that he had had discussions with the leading members of the United States Administration. Which Administration did he mean? Did he mean the Administration that is powerless before February, or did he mean the Administration that will be powerless after February?

There is only one Administration. Members of the British Government—at any rate, members of the Government now on this side of the House—when they have contact with foreign Governments, have contact with the existing Government who are in power and who will remain the Government in power until pretty well near the end of January. I had no contact with any notional Administration whose personnel could at that time be known.

Will my right hon. Friend tell me, as a business man who has made a few bob in his time—

I am referring to my right hon. Friend. Will he tell me whether he discussed the cock-eyed scheme to sell off £500 million worth of a nationalised industry—British Petroleum—to whoever the lucky bidder is, especially when he, in another capacity a short time ago, was chiefly responsible for assembling not all that much but as much as was possible for the State in respect of the oil profits and so on from the North Sea?

The question of British Petroleum did not form part of any discussions in the United States. I do not know whether my hon. Friend wants me to relate this sale and the reasons for it to the possibilities of his emulating in any way my own modest advance in preparing for my old age, but he has a long time ahead of him and I shall be very happy, in the gap between now and then, to assist him in that way too.

When the Chancellor was in Washington, did the American authorities give any indication whatsover that they favoured a return to a system of fixed exchange rates?

International Monetary Fund

44.

asked the Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster when he last met the Chairman of the International Monetary Fund.

May the House take it from that answer that the right hon. Gentleman has not met the Chairman of the IMF? If he meets the Chairman of the IMF, will he ask him whether he thinks that it is sensible for this country to borrow £8,700 million next year?

I do not know whether the hon. Gentleman is confusing the role of Chairman of the IMF, which rotates among the members, with the Managing Director,,Dr. Witteveen. I suspect that he and perhaps many others are in that state of confusion. This is not the kind of general question that is addressed to the Managing Director or the Chairman of the International Monetary Fund, and I therefore do not propose to address it. Neither does it seem to me to be a question relevant to the Question tabled by the hon. Gentleman.

Are we to understand, therefore, that the IMF now issues its orders to the British Cabinet without ever even meeting its members?

I must do my best in the classical manner for my hon. Friend's understanding, but the IMF does not issue orders to the British Government. The British Government's policies derive from decisions of the British Cabinet as supported by Members of the House, and not from the IMF.

Did the Chancellor play any part at all in negotiating the IMF loan? If he did, will he tell us in what eventuality the full loan would not be forthcoming?

As the answer to the first part of the question is "No", nothing interesting can be given by way of answer to the second part.

When my right hon. Friend was in Washington, did he have the misfortune to meet Professor Milton Friedman? If so, did he explain to Professor Friedman that the advice that he gave to Chile to keep inflation and unemployment down has not worked, that under the so-called free enterprise system in that country inflation and unemployment have increased and Chile has got into a hell of a mess, and that we do not need advice from people like him?

In recent months the only contacts I have had with Professor Friedman have been televisual, and that did not give me the opportunity to make the comprehensive comment that my hon. Friend would have wished. When I meet Professor Friedman next, I could perhaps exchange many interesting views with him.

:Despite the initial answer, will the Chancellor say when he expects the draft articles and initial quotas to be ratified and whether the quotas will be substantially less than the $3·9 billion for which we originally applied?

The hon. Gentleman seems to have it in his mind that we applied for $6·9 billion—

Oh, $3·9 billion. The hon. Gentleman ought to read the Letter of Intent and the agreement that has been reached. I am not in a position, without notice, to give him the technical details for which the has asked about the dates of ratification and the like. I do not think he ought to worry about the IMF fulfilling its commitments to Her Majesty's Government in terms of the loan.

If the IMF trusts the Government as much as the right hon. Gentleman implied, why is the loan coming in such humiliating instalments, as though we were a fifth-rate banana republic?

That remark betrays an innocence on the part of the hon. Member which he displays over a wide range of topics. These are the usual terms of loan from the IMF, and they have been applied to Governments of the hon. Member's own political complexion. An IMF loan either is or is not a begging bowl operation. If it is a begging bowl operation, it applies to Conservative Governments as well as to Labour Governments.

The hon. Gentleman who says that no Conservative Government have ever applied for a loan is also showing a degree of innocence on this subject. These are the normal terms of the IMF. They are not humiliating and have nothing to do with bankruptcy. They have a great deal to do with the organised institutional financial co-operation on which the future prosperity of the countries of the world will depend.

Business Of The House (Order Of Business)

Ordered,

That notwithstanding the provision of the Order relating to Business of the House [25th November] any Motion relating to a Memorial to Earl Attlee may be proceeded with at this day's sitting before the Private Members' Notices of Motions provided for in that Order, and that notwithstanding the provisions of Standing Order No. 6 (Precedence of government business) the proceedings on Private Member's Motions, if not previously concluded, shall not lapse until a period after Seven o'clock equivalent to the duration of proceedings upon that Motion.—[Mr. Graham.]

Business Of The House (Consolidated Fund Bill)

Ordered,

That, notwithstanding the practice of the House relating to the interval between the various stages of Bills of aids and supplies, more than one stage of the Consolidated Fund Bill may be proceeded with at this day's sitting.—[Mr. Graham.]

Earl Attlee (Memorial)

3.31 p.m.

I beg to move,

That an humble Address be presented to Her Majesty, praying that Her Majesty will direct that a memorial be erected within the precincts of the Palace of Westminster to the memory of the late right honourable the Earl Attlee, K.G., P.C., O.M., C.H., and assuring Her Majesty that this House will make good the expenses attending the same.
It is a rare distinction for the House to honour one of its former Members in this way, and the House wisely insists that such a motion shall not be introduced until 10 years after the death of the statesman concerned. Such a period gives an opportunity for a proper judgment to be formed. I believe that I can say in all truthfulness about Clement Attlee that neither the changing perspectives of passing time nor the critical revisionism of modern historians have diminished his stature and his achievements.

If the motion is agreed, an informal Committee of both Houses will, as for previous memorials to past Prime Ministers, be appointed by the Government to advise on the form, site and commissioning of the memorial. Different views have been expressed about the form of the memorial, and this will be a matter for the informal Committee to advise on.

Clement Attlee served in four Governments. The last 11 years was a continuous spell of wearing years, spanning the war-time coalition and the post-war Labour Government. In Churchill's Cabinet Attlee served him as Vice-Chairman of the Defence Committee in the dark and difficult days, right through to the final days of victory.

But, hard though that period was, the greatest challenge in his life came when he succeeded Winston Churchill as Prime Minister in 1945. The task fell to him to preside, in the transition from war to peace, over a people who were emerging exhausted and virtually bankrupt from the greatest struggle of their history. Reconstruction was the watchword in Government among those who were then planning the post-war days, but this was transcended by urgency about the men and women in the Armed Forces, and their state of mind, at that time. This was an urgency that I believe, as one who was outside during the war, did not penetrate into the inner recesses of the Chamber in the later stages of the war. But there was also an urgency about the civilian people as well, because the bomber had brought death, violence and destruction to their very door, and they were more in tune with the men and women in the Armed Services than seemed possible.

To those of us who first crossed the threshold of this House in 1945—and none of us can ever forget the day when we first did so—there was an urgency, there was an impatience, but there was also optimism—
… to be young was very heaven !"
But it was Attlee's task to demobilise the Forces, to reconstruct a bankrupt economy, and to complete the Welfare State with better health, education, housing, employment and security prospects for all, as well as to unwind the Empire and to help rebuild Germany and Europe. It was a staggering task. I do not think that all those who came into the House at that time recognised the magnitude of the task that awaited this country in 1945. But the fact that he largely accomplished it makes his period of office a landmark in our history.

If he were here now he would say, as he often said during his lifetime, that there were many others who surrounded him and helped him in his task, and he never objected that some of them were thought to be bigger than he was. He readily acknowledged the stature of his colleagues. He encouraged their enterprise. He handled their various virtuosities with consummate skill. He regarded his rôle as a co-ordinator and managing wilful and often divergent temperaments as qualifications essential to a Prime Minister.

The habit of working together with other parties, formed during the war, left him with a respect for those who sat on the other side of the House. As he said, in language that only he would use, "You should remember that you do not necessarily think the other fellow's a dirty dog. You hold opposite views, that is all." I still try to remember it, Mr. Speaker, although the hon. Member for Chingford (Mr. Tebbit) sometimes makes that a little difficult.

Although Earl Attlee respected the Opposition, he could be very biting. His style as Prime Minister, as we all know, was in marked contrast to that of Winston Churchill. Attlee presiding at meetings was crisp, businesslike and to the point. Winston Churchill used to invite his Cabinet to accompany him on soaring flights of imagination and eloquence.

That contrast led to an exchange at the Dispatch Box after the war that I recall. Attlee announced a decision on some matter by the Labour Government. Winston Churchill seemed to think that implicit in the announcement was a reflection on his failure to reach a conclusion on the same matter during the wartime Administration. He therefore rose and protested. Attlee replied in typical vein. He said "I must remind the right hon. Gentleman that a series of monologues is no substitute for a decision." Of course, he knew that Churchill had taken many great and far-reaching decisions, but it was typical of the pointed thrust that Attlee would make, and it went home at the time. Churchill and Attlee had a great respect for each other, perhaps because they were so different in their characteristics.

In his dealings with Ministers and with colleagues Attlee was straightforward and direct. He survived and succeeded in a long political career spanning 33 years in the House of Commons, and was Leader of the Labour Party for 20 years. He survived because of his strength of character and his unswerving commitment to democratic Socialism.

Those of us who knew Attlee remember him as a simple, unaffected and modest man, both in his personal and in his official life. He had been well prepared for his greatest post-war task by the constant theme of his life, which from his early days was dedication to the public service.

At Toynbee Hall in the East End, at Ruskin College, serving on Stepney Council as alderman and mayor for a number of years, and in many other fields of activity, his was a life dedicated to advancing the welfare of the British people and to breaking down the notion of two nations. He made no song and dance about identifying with working people. He had no need to. He had a natural affinity with them. Anyone who saw him in Stepney—as I had the privilege to do on two occasions when I accompanied him—recognised that his work and his life among the poor of the East End were not assumed for the purpose of political advancement; it was his natural means of expressing his own character, and this possibly explains his close attachment to Ernest Bevin, to whom he said he felt closer than to anyone else in political life.

What he did was rooted in his humanity, his practicality and his patriotism—Victorian virtues maybe, but none the worse for that. The means he chose for reforming the institutions and improving the lot of working men and women were the Labour Party and this Parliament. He was not activated by dogma or envy, or by some sense of middle-class guilt or by vindictiveness, and therefore he was able to speak for all sections of British society.

One of his greatest tasks was that he achieved a settlement in India. The future of this great sub-continent had always concerned him, even before he came to grapple with it as Prime Minister. He took, without hesitation, the big and controversial decision of fixing a firm date for independence, and then he personally selected Earl Mountbatten, with the agreement of the late King George VI, as the Viceroy who could best carry the policy through. He was right. The Act of Indian Independence was fiercely controversial. But for Attlee and many others who had a passing glimpse of the Indian continent during the war, there was both a personal commitment and a commitment of principle to satisfy Indian aspirations for independence. So he pressed ahead with it, however daunting the problems and bloody the immediate consequences. I do not believe that he had any doubts about what he had done; he was not that kind of man. But what gave him great satisfaction at the end of the day was the letter which he received from Leo Amery, father of the right hon. Member for Brighton, Pavilion (Mr. Amery), who wrote offering his sincere congratulations on the passage of the Act. That single decisive act of statesmanship, for both India and Britain, marks Clement Attlee a place in history, even if he had left nothing else behind.

But it is for many qualities that I ask this House today to agree to erect a permanent memorial to him. As Prime Minister he showed statesmanship and achievement. As a politician he was quiet but had considerable subtle skills. As a parliamentarian he brought to this House the same decency, honesty and integrity in public life as he showed in his private behaviour.

In honouring Clement Attlee the House will pay tribute to him, and through him to the best in the parliamentary and political system which we all serve and which will continue to stand this country in good stead in the years ahead.

3.44 p.m.

May I support the motion so eloquently moved by the Prime Minister. I support it briefly on behalf of my right hon. and hon. Friends, and in being brief I feel that that is a quality which would have appealed to the person whom we are honouring.

The Prime Minister obviously knew Earl Attlee a great deal better than some of us. I knew him only from afar. Above all, he was a great British patriot. He had an outstanding war record in the First World War and an outstanding record of a different quality in the Second World War. This quality of patriotism remained with him throughout his political service and to the end of his life.

Earl Attlee was at the centre of the political stage at a time when there were other powerful personalities upon it. Yet he brought to his own task qualities of a rare distinction which we should never underestimate. These qualities were those of an outstandingly clear mind—and in politics that is every bit as important as a highly intellectual mind and sometimes more so; a decisive mind which was necessary to judge between some of the views urged upon him; and a very courageous mind, because some of the decisions which he took towards the end of his Prime Ministership he had to take alone, and he did not flinch from doing so. Those are three qualities which we should all honour and acclaim and three qualities which will grow and not diminish with the passage of time.

To those people who always watched him from afar I should like to say that there was nothing bogus or artificial about Earl Attlee. He was a person of total integrity and for these reasons I should like to add my voice to that of the Prime Minister in saying why we rejoice with him that he has brought this motion before the House today. We think it is right that we should have a memorial to the late Earl Attlee in this place which, after all, was the home of his great achievements.

3.47 p.m.

It is with some humility but considerable enthusiasm that I associate myself with the motion moved by the Prime Minister and supported by the Leader of the Opposition.

The first occasion on which I attended this House was in the Strangers Gallery when I heard Sir Winston Churchill commend a statue to David Lloyd George and I shall always remember that. I was not privileged to sit in this House with Lord Attlee because, like the right hon. Lady, I came here in 1959 and by then he had been translated to another place. However, I remember him and I was struck by the fact that the shyness and reserve for which he was noted always disappeared whenever he was among young people, showing an interest in them, discussing their careers, and offering sound advice. I remember him particularly as a kind and courteous man, who gave great friendship.

As Prime Minister he received even more than the usual share of vilification which every Prime Minister expects from the Press and the Opposition of the day. However, he had his own reward in that no one would be prepared to deny that he was a man of utter integrity, intense courage and with a profound love for his country.

This is not an occasion on which to evaluate his career. However, I particularly liked his insistence on cutting down on language. I liked the story about the Minister who was sacked and who demanded that Lord Attlee give him an explanation for his dismissal. Lord Attlee agreed to an interview. He sat behind his desk drumming his fingers and said simply: "Not up to the job." That was an admirable test, and a criterion which I would commend to the present Prime Minister.

For a man who in 1927 was a member of the Indian Statutory Commission, he must have been immensely proud to be the architect of Indian independence, when the Empire disappeared and the Commonwealth was created. He was also a man who gave an enormous amount of time and energy to the East End of London, and he must have had immense satisfaction to see the completion of the Welfare State. In this country we contrive to produce men who bring about immense social changes without revolution.

To be deputy to Winston Churchill must have been a very taxing experience, not least of all in time of war. From 1942 to 1945 he was Churchill's deputy, and this must have taxed all his qualities of firmness and tact and entitles him to a share of the considerable credit as one of the architects of victory in the last war.

I understand that there is quite a controversy about the form of the statue and where it will be. I do not intend to enter into that, but I hope that it will be a worthy statue. There are three plinths in the Member's Lobby and it would be particularly appropriate if Clement Attlee could occupy one of them. He would be in appropriate company because one of them is occupied by Asquith, who was the pioneer of the Welfare State, and it was Earl Attlee who completed that edifice. He would be in the company of Lloyd George and Winston Churchill, the latter of whom was the architect of the victory of the Second World War. Clement Attlee, too, was a contributor to that victory.

I hope that we shall have no mealymouthed compromise and that we shall give him a place in the Member's Lobby. He was a great servant to this country and a considerable statesman. A memorial to him will be a pride to us all, and add lustre to those who are already commemorated here.

3.52 p.m.

Although I did not know the late Earl Attlee, or see him at any time, I am fully aware of the great service which he did in war time and peace time. I associate my hon. Friends with the tributes paid to him.

3.53 p.m.

I associate myself with the tribute paid by the Prime Minister. I had the privilege of knowing Earl Attlee and I want to tell the House a story which typifies him and backs up what the Leader of the Opposition said.

I had been an hon. Member of the House for only a few weeks when a constituent who had been a prisoner of war of the Japanese asked for my advice. He said that he was a lance-corporal but that after only 17 days in that rank he was made a prisoner of war. He was in a terrified state both mentally and physically. My constituent explained that he had been paid his back pay as a private. On his own initiative he had written to the War Department insisting that he was a lance-corporal and should be paid accordingly. He was told that he could not, because a man had to serve 21 days in a rank before qualifying. The man explained that that was impossible because after 17 days he was made a prisoner of war.

I raised the subject on the Floor of the House but I got no satisfaction from the Secretary of State for War. I then raised the issue on my first Adjournment debate. With fear and terror I raised the question to an empty House in what is now the Lords Chamber. I got the same reply. I did not know what to do. But an obscure Back Bencher, such as myself, approached me and explained that I must see the Prime Minister who was pro-Army and would never stand for that situation. He told me that I must see Mr. Arthur Moyle, the Prime Minister's PPS, who was father of the present hon. Member for Lewisham, East (Mr. Moyle).

I was called before the Prime Minister and, as usual, he was doodling and did not lift his head from his desk. I told him the story and the Prime Minister asked me "Do I understand that the man was refused payment because he had been lance-corporal for only 17 days?" I told the Prime Minister that that was the point of the story. He shouted "Leave it, leave it".

Apparently the Prime Minister saw the Secretary of State who was coming up for a promotion and he threw all my papers at him and demanded "Answer that." The Prime Minister was in a terrible state and told the Secretary of State "Pay him". He told the Secretary of State to pay not only my constituent but every man who had served in a Japanese prisoner-of-war camp anywhere.

I received a letter saying that the matter had been reconsidered and the penultimate paragraph read:
"A copy of this letter has been sent to the Prime Minister."
At that time there was a fine Conservative Member in Parliament, Brigadier Sir John Smyth, V.C., D.S.O., M.C.—an extraordinary man. He had been a prisoner of war of the Japanese. We went together to Mr. Attlee, as he then was, to ask for more money for prisoners of war in Japan. Sir John had photographs of the prisoners, and when shown those photographs Attlee cried. He said he would get more money for those prisoners, and he did. He got another £1 million for the prisoners—prisoners of the Japanese. I do not like the Japanese even today. I must get that on record.

Clement Attlee was a great man and a credit to politics. He gave everyone an example of what honesty in politics is all about. Now that history is coming to be written people will say that this man truly was a great Prime Minister.

3.58 p.m.

As father of the House I should like to add to what has been said. I knew Earl Attlee well and I am one of those in the House today who knew him when he was Churchill's deputy. Mr. Attlee, as he was then, was a surprisingly good Prime Minister—surprisingly, because he had appeared, until elevated to the high office of Leader of the party, to have serious defects. Many people at the time thought that he was not big enough for the job and that he was too weak to carry out the important task of Leader of the party, to say nothing of Prime Minister. But he proved that we were all wrong and turned out to be a great Leader of the party and a great Prime Minister.

His greatness lay not in his powerful oratory but in his simple and direct speeches, which were the more effective for that. People knew that he felt deeply about everything that he said. There was never any doubt that he meant what he said. If anyone approached him, he would be direct with them, would not give them false hopes and would carry out anything that he promised to do. In his personality, in his position during the war and in his premiership, he proved himself to be a great parliamentarian. A statue in the House is overdue. I hope that it will be effective and will be erected in a good place.

:I wish to add a word. I hope that the House will forgive me if I remind hon. Members that I was an hon. Member at the time. Mr. Attlee, as he then was, set for all time, for Prime Ministers and for Leaders of the Opposition, the example of brevity.

Question put and agreed to.

Resolved, nemine contradicente,

That an humble Address be presented to Her Majesty, praying that Her Majesty will direct that a memorial be erected within the precincts of the Palace of Westminster to the memory of the late right honourable the Earl Attlee, K.G., P.C., O.M., C.H., and assuring Her Majesty that this House will make good the expenses attending the same.

To be presented by Privy Councillors or Members of Her Majesty's Household.

Industry And Commerce

3.58 p.m.

I beg to move,

That this House urges the Government to alleviate the growing burdens imposed on businesses by official regulations and requirements.
After that introduction by Mr. Speaker I hardly know what to say. It was by happy chance that my motion was drawn today to be debated after that concerning the memorial to Earl Attlee, because the first after-dinner speech I ever made was to welcome him back to Haileybury School. After my few halting words of welcome, I explained that I hoped one day to follow Clement Attlee to the House of Commons. He said "You will have to do a great deal better than that but I think that you will." That was a happy illustration of his sense of realism and encouragement which marked his contributions to the House as well.

When I realised that it would be my good fortune to have my subject for debate taken first, I decided to use the opportunity to call attention to the damage caused to industry and commerce by an excess of Government bureaucracy. Since the motion was first tabled I have been inundated by offers of help and information not only from firms in my own constituency but from people elsewhere. I must state in public my apologies to all those who have given me offers of help and information by letter, by telephone and by telegram. I have tried to take account of them and to distil the essence of what they were saying for the benefit of this debate.

I seem to have chanced upon the fuse of an explosive situation. There is no doubt that the problem is much more widespread and dangerous than I had understood it to be. In fact, I have become so snowed under with paper in the last few days as a result of the coming of this debate that I am beginning to know how people really feel about this matter.

To open the discussion, perhaps I may quote a typical example of what has come my way. It is a telegram from an important chemical company in Royston, which is the largest employer in that area. It says,
"During the last two years the burden of Government legislation and the insatiable appetite of Government Departments for statistical returns, particularly in respect of the Price Code, have necessitated taking on an additional 12 people. They make no profitable contribution to our operation and make it increasingly difficult for us to compete in the export market. We employ 850 people at Royston and no supervisor and manager is entirely free to carry out the job of producing and selling goods. Their time is increasingly spent on providing information for Government."
I am not primarily concerned today with the financial burdens on industry, although of course it has to contend any way with record rates of inflation under the present Government, with record interest rates as well, with levels of direct personal taxation which amount to confiscation, and with threats, by capital gains tax and capital transfer tax, to the very survival of the smaller businesses. Demoralising as these may be, they are matters that are frequently raised in the House. This afternoon I want to deal, as the motion says, with the red tape and paperwork that are gumming up the works of so much of British industry and commerce today.

Some of this, indeed, relates to taxation. One of the points that has been made to me time and again is that having a multi-rate system of value added tax doubles the amount of work involved. I have no doubt that a return to a single rate at the earliest opportunity is essential. This is a point that has been communicated to me by large companies and small companies.

The hon. Gentleman has just identified VAT as one of the burdens on industry and commerce. Will he confirm that VAT was introduced by his Conservative Government and that it was imposed as a requirement of Common Market entry, and that the Common Market is perhaps the biggest bureaucracy ever dreamed of by man?

The single-rate VAT that we introduced was widely accepted as an improvement in the system. The 8 per cent. rate and the extra luxury rate, which were introduced in 1974 as one of the cheap attempts to buy electoral votes in October 1974, are the root of all the problems. I had not intended to make a party-political point about that matter but, as the hon. Gentleman has raised it, I hope that everyone will understand that that was the reason lying behind the multi-rate.

Another point in relation to VAT is the effect of inflation on the starting point for registration. It is a matter of urgency that the turnover figure for registration should be significantly increased. It has been estimated that 95 per cent. of those who are registered to pay VAT contribute only 5 per cent. of the yield. Taking the cost at £1.40 per hour of work done for the Government, that is equivalent to the whole of the 5 per cent. yield of the tax taken from those people. That is a problem that has come with inflation. I suspect, therefore, that the problem is getting worse every day.

Some figure provided in July by Thorn Electrical Industries showed that in the previous 12 months £1·2 million had been spent merely notifying hirers of television sets about the changes in the luxury rate of VAT. Even so, I have no doubt that if we could move to a single rate of perhaps 10 per cent., which would give a higher revenue, the saving in administrative cost alone would make it widely welcomed.

Another problem which is related to finance but also involves a heavy administrative burden is that of the Price Code. I think that I had better let it speak for itself. I should like to read an extract from Document PDS 17, of August 1976, about investment provisions, which was received for the elucidation of the problem in relation to the articles under the Price Code by a laundry firm in Hitchin. The document states:
"Application of the relief to net profit margin reference levels.
3.7 The reference level of a profit margin unit entitled to investment relief may be increased by the number of percentage points which result from expressing the relevant expenditure (see para. 3.5) as a percentage of the unit's estimated turnover within control for the relief year (see para. 3.4). The revised reference level will apply throughout the period of the relief year; see also Part 5 for continuing relief in the period following the expiry of the relief year. An illustration is given in Annex 1. It should be noted that the permitted increase in the reference level is additional to any other modification of the reference level under any other provision of the Code. Equally, any modification of the net profit margin reference level under any other paragraph of the Code must be calculated without "—
underlined—
"taking any increase permitted under the investment relief provisions into account."
How on earth is that sort of language comprehensible to any but the largest companies in the country which employ professionals to advise them on such matters?

The Minister of State will not answer because he was not listening.

I believe that Imperial Chemical Industries has estimated the cost to be over £500,000 a year and that Unilever has estimated the cost to be £300,000 a year—just to comply with the rules of the Price Code and to process their applications.

Yet more perverse than this in many ways is the effect of the whole range of laws and regulations which any business these days must face. I must, though briefly, mention these: the Factories Acts, employment protection, fair trading, safety at work, redundancy payments, training boards, contracts of employment, consumer credit, wages councils, trade descriptions, price codes, shop and office premises, sex discrimination, and so on. Much of this is no doubt well-meaning and desirable in concept in some respects, but cumulatively and in total it is devastating.

I should like to quote again from what has been said by a small business in North Hertfordshire, a garage, motor sales and transport hire business. The financial director says,
"Since the present Government came into power the multiplicity of legislation and regulations particularly in the area of employment and industrial relations have taken up three to four times as much of my time as previously was the case. I would estimate that at least 20 per cent. of my time is involved in keeping abreast of, and ensuring that we comply with, Government legislation regarding employment, PAYE, VAT, health and safety, etc., etc. … Other members of our staff including Managers and our Accountant are involved in additional work as a consequence. We have recently had to employ a full-time person to cope with additional employee's records which we have to keep for our own protection. Alt this in the context of a small Group which employs less than 100 people.…
It may be that we could even accept this if the legislation was not so one-sided and totally in the interest of the employee without any consideration for the employer. We have the added problem that being a service industry we are looked upon by the Government as some kind of parasite even though we provide a vital service."
On top of this there are a number of general and specific problems that companies come across. Again I shall quote one to give an example. It is from a pharmaceutical company in Hitchin:
"In so far as the pharmaceutical industry is concerned, the Medicines Acts of 1968 and 1970 are onerous, to say the least. These … are designed to guarantee the quality, safety and purity of all medicinal products. Whilst I would not disagree with the aims, no distinction is made between the practices of ethical pharmaceutical companies and proprietary medicine companies, such as ours. Thus, we have been obliged to incur capital expenditure at a level … not justified by strict necessity or by the market price of our products, in order to comply with the provisions of the Acts and avoid suspension of our DHSS licences, which would automatically put us out of business."
Examples of this sort of thing can be multiplied many times over.

However, a more general consideration that affects a great number of businesses is that of pensions. The requirements for contracting out of the State scheme have only recently been made available, yet they involve, quite properly, making suitable amendments in many cases to existing benefits provided under individual private schemes. Three months' notice has to be given to employees and meaningful discussions must take place. This will involve already overworked personnel officers in additional burdens.

If there is any delay in obtaining approval by the Occupational Pensions Board to contracting out schemes—and that seems likely in view of the bunching of applications—it could mean that many schemes would not be approved by 1st April 1978 the date on which the new regulations come into effect. In addition, everyone who runs a pension scheme has had to cope with the difficulties imposed by the pay policy. I do not need to cite the pay of hon. Members as an example of the lengths which have to be gone to to protect and preserve pension rights at a time when incomes are distorted by pay policies. This inevitably brings greater burdens of administration.

So much has already been said in other contexts about the Employment Protection Act and the Sex Discrimination Act that I shall refer to them only briefly, but they are relevant here. Reports are already coming in of time and money being wasted in the process of advertising jobs under the Sex Discrimination Act. We have all heard of advertisements for fire persons with 36-inch chests. Any local trader or local newspaper could give us examples of the difficulties for local businesses in properly framing advertising in line with the Sex Discrimination Act.

However, the Employment Protection Act is much more widespread. What has been expected and predicted is beginning to happen. It is a measurable effect on the attitudes of employers who in most cases used to be able to sort out these things quite sensibly with their employees, but now feel so hidebound by the regulations that they dare not step over the limit.

A good example of this is the six months' period after which the full protection of employment comes into action. If a worker is on a trial period and he is not 100 per cent. satisfactory or has not completely proved himself at the end of that period there is inevitably a temptation for the employer to say "Goodbye" to him before all the provisions of the Act come down upon the employer's head. I know of instances—although I cannot quote them with references—where the benefit of the doubt has not been given by the employer, not because he did not want the employee, but because the cost to him if his judgement was wrong would be too great.

Just as the Rent Act dried up tenanted accommodation—although it gave security of tenure to those who already had it—so the Employment Protection Act will have a similar effect on jobs for younger women. It may be all right, for those in jobs, but young women will not find it nearly so easy to get a job in future. The pregnancy provisions, which were widely discussed in this House during the passage of the Bill, mean that there will be a bias against giving jobs to younger women because personnel officers will have it in mind that difficulties may arise.

Another perverse effect of what is again a well intentioned Act is that because of the burdens on an employer of having full-time employees, employers are often seeking two part-timers to do the same job. They will employ married women to do the job in their spare time rather than give a full-time career job to someone who may need it so much more.

No debate on this subject would be complete without reference to the problem of filling in forms and the general burden of paper work which has hit British industry and commerce in recent years. In an Adjournment debate in April my hon. Friend the Member for Harborough (Mr. Farr) drew attention to this in the context of a company in his constituency, a specialised power engineering company employing 34 persons. In one week it received 25 official publications running to 283 printed pages on questions, information, advice and requirements. I shall not repeat the details, but they can be found inHansardfor 2nd April 1976. In that debate my hon. Friend made the interesting suggestion that the Government should try to produce a monthly consolidated issue of all this bumf so that at least some order might come out of the chaos. Some of the questions that are asked in these forms are foolish.

There is the example of a Hoylake company with a work force of 38. In 1974 the company believed that it might qualify and it asked for a £2,000 grant towards the installation of a computer. A questionnaire was sent to the company from a gentleman in Whitehall and one of the questions was "How many trees are there in your garden?" Unfortunately, this company had two too few employees in the productive sector to qualify for a grant. When it looked into this problem it found that if a man stacked castings in a non-productive area under a tree, he was counted as nonproductive. If he stacked castings in a productive area, he was counted as being in productive employment. In that finest of distinctions, two members of the work force of this company were found to be non-productive workers, and the grant was refused.

There is another case, that of Brown's Colour Printers in Glamorgan, subjected to receiving a quarterly issue of a 15-page questionnaire containing 129 questions. Poor Mr. Brown found it difficult to answer all the questions. Eventually, because he could not do so, he received a letter from the legal department of the Department of Industry. This prompted him to make an attempt to answer the questions in order to hold the law at bay. He was rather daunted when he came to question 69. The note said:
"Against heading 69: for example, music and books containing music, art reproductions, photographs; government, company and other authoritative matter—such as White Papers, acts, by-laws, company and other reports and accounts, prospectuses, insurance policies, passports, pension books, bank passbooks, rule books, forms and questionnaires, examination papers, playing cards, albums (stamps or photographic), transfers and plastic base and surface overlay."
After hours of work Mr. Brown came to the conclusion that the only one which concerned him was examination papers. They were not produced during the specified period of return, so the answer to question 69 was "nil". That sort of thing is going on all the time.

My hon. Friend the Member for Arundel (Mr. Marshall) succeeded in getting an answer on 1st December from the Department of Industry about its share register survey. This has cost £115,000. According to the Minister the survey is purely for statistical purposes and is not intended as a basis for legislation. During the year ended October the Department of Industry is on record as having distributed 500,000 forms to companies involved in industrial production, and 340,000 forms to firms in the distributive trades. No wonder that the Business Statistics Department of the Department of Industry employs 1,000 inflation-proofed civil servants to produce and process all this stuff for us.

Does my hon. Friend agree that civil servants should be flame-proofed as well? It was announced on the wireless the other day that the Government Statistical Office had said that those who ate most in this country were the people in the North-East, because they liked buttered scones. What sort of value is that information to the country? How much does it cost to obtain?

We shall have to say to them, "Let them eat paper". They might be able to satisfy their appetites that way.

Where does all this lead us and the many companies that are so harassed by this paper work? I quote from the chairman's report of a medium-sized power company in the Midlands:
"In … recent years, we have been subjected to increasing control by burgeoning official bodies wielding wide statutory powers and we now expend much time and energy in completing multitudinous forms and satisfying exhaustive enquiries. … It would seem that a deal of the information we are required to provide is either irrelevant or of very limited practical use and, furthermore, we view with disquiet a tendency for official enquiries to include with in their scope much that is of innately private concern. We find this burden of bureaucracy ever more oppressive and costly to bear."
What is true of industry and commerce in general is true in greater part of the smaller firms, and here I should like to say how helpful it has been to have information available this afternoon from the Small Business Bureau. The fact is that 25 per cent. of our GNP is produced by small businesses, and they provide more than one-third of the jobs in the private sector.

It would be interesting to the House, and helpful to me in seeking to respond to the debate, if the hon. Gentleman would tell us the basis on which these statistics are compiled.

I do not have the basis before me, but I shall be glad to communicate it to the Minister if I can before 7 p.m., or whatever the relevant time may be. Unfortunately, I do not have a battery of civil servants at my elbow who can run backwards and forwards with notes to keep me briefed.

The smaller companies in this country are a great source of invention. They have good industrial relations. They tend to be labour-intensive and so produce jobs that are so much needed. Many provide a reliable personal service. Their greater efficiency is indicated by the rate of return on capital, which is above the average in the country as a whole. Above all, smaller businesses have a fine record of exporting. Most of them are managed by two or three people, and often it is the burden of democracy which to them is the last straw.

I should like to quote briefly from a letter written by a firm of local builders Hitchin. The writer says:
"… the figures required"
—that is for the Annual Census of Production—
"bear no relation to the figures we are obliged to supply to our accountants at the end of the financial year, and therefore require us to spend many hours extracting same."
That sort of thing is happening all the time.

I think that it would be right for a class of special company to be created which could be exempt from the great mass of bureaucracy and regulation that faces industry and commerce. After the Bolton Report of 1971, my hon. Friend the Member for Cirencester and Tewkesbury (Mr. Ridley) was appointed Minister with special responsibility for small businesses. I believe that the present holder of a comparable appointment is the hon. Member for Keighley (Mr. Cryer). That appointment seems to be a calculated insult to the private sector in view of the fact that the hon. Gentleman's political career has been dedicated to the disparagement of private companies. The only comfort is that his efforts on behalf of small businesses have been so inconspicuous that a week ago today at Question Time his hon. Friend the Member for St. Helens (Mr. Spriggs) had to ask him who really was the Minister responsible for small businesses. By contrast, my hon. Friend the Member for Basingstoke (Mr. Mitchell) has been a far more powerful advocate of the interests of smaller businesses than has any Government Minister, and to have done that from the Opposition Benches is a highly creditable performance.

There are many precedents for exempting smaller companies from the mass of onerous bureaucratic and legal requirements. For instance, there is the VAT starting point, corporation tax exemption, reduction at the lower level of application of the Price Code, and so on. it would be helpful if a new category of exemption could be extended to all companies below a certain level of turnover, staff or profit, or whatever it may be.

How would the hon. Gentleman seek to ascertain which com- panies fall within the limits which he proposes should be exempted?

I have no doubt that if companies felt that there might be some benefit from or relevance to the information that they were providing they would be only too happy to provide it. The cumulative effect of all this is becoming disastrous.

If the Government's statistical department is as efficient as the Government claim, one extra feed into the computer would provide the names of the firms falling below that margin and thus disprove the old debating point that the Minister tried to make.

That is probably true, and that is a helpful intervention. Some of the information collected by the statistical department is used for the Government's economic forecasts, and I should have thought that that made the case without any more being said for some reduction in the provision of information.

Morale in small businesses is low, and it has been lowered partly by this unnecessary burden of paperwork and bureaucracy. The Government's tax and pay policies treat skilled and qualified people, such as managers and accountants, as some sort of criminals against society. Their efforts and success are penalised and resented as anti-social. These are the people whom we should encourage. Their energies should be devoted to manufacturing and selling, but already there is a big credibility gap about the Government's industrial strategy and unless they do something about this problem, it will get very much worse.

To illustrate the difference between the attitude of industry and that of the Government to the problem I should like to quote from a letter written by the managing director of one of our engineering companies. He said:
"In industry when we seek to economise, we eliminate all bureaucratic and indirect costs, so that the output remains unaffected, but its unit cost is lowered.
All Governments faced with the same problem seek to reduce the output of product … whilst leaving untouched the bureaucratic structures. The unit cost naturally increases."
Unless that is reversed there will be serious consequences not only in the long run but in the shorter run, too.

Those in industry can no longer afford the burden in money or time of responding to the interference by the Government. They are gradually being suffocated by the avalanche of rules and regulations. If the Government are not careful, British business will soon become the Pompeii of the twentieth century, smothered and fossilised by the endless eruptions of our bureaucracy. I hope that the motion will commend itself not only to the House but to the Government before the damage becomes irreparable.

Mr. Speaker has asked me to say that it might be for the convenience of the House if I inform hon. Members that as the debate on the previous motion on a memorial to Earl Attlee lasted for 26 minutes, the debate on Private Members' motions will now continue until 7.26 p.m.

4.27 p.m.

First, I congratulate the hon. Member for Hitchin (Mr. Stewart) on having come first in the Ballot and putting this motion before the House and, secondly, I commiserate with him for having failed dismally to make his case. The only evidence that the hon. Gentleman adduced for the rather generalised complaint that he brought before us was a series of telegrams and letters from his constituents.

I am sure, Mr. Deputy Speaker, that you are aware that there is not an hon. Member who could not produce the same kind of letters, except that we on this side of the House recognise that most of those who write such letters are politically motivated and inspired and that what they say bears no relation to the facts. The hon. Gentleman was attempting to produce evidence to show the damage caused to industry. In fact, he did not mention the word damage during his speech and he has not shown any of the damage that has been
"caused to industry and commerce by an excess of Government bureaucracy."
We have had no illustration of the damage to either industry or commerce. We have had no indication of the so-called excess of bureaucracy. I am sure that there is an excess of bureaucracy. I am sure, too, that there is a little fat in the Civil Service that we could pare. But the hon. Gentleman did not illustrate it. He did not indicate specifically and directly the areas in which we should be paring the size of the bureaucracy.

The hon. Gentleman complained that small business men and small industries were asked questions, and he mentioned specifically a firm in Hoylake that was asked to answer a series of questions because it was asking for a grant of £2,000. I appreciate that the company felt that it was an intrusion to have to justify its need of £2,000, but after asking the Government and the taxpayer—because it is taxpayers' money that we are considering—to supply some money, the first should be required to account for its need.

The hon. Gentleman is not least among Conservative Members who complain about the disbursement of taxpayers' money. He is, no doubt, one of those who complain about scroungers and the amount of social security money that is handed out, yet here he is saying that we should give money to private industry with no control over that money and no accountability for it. He is saying that we should give a firm £2,000 to spend but the firm should not be asked questions about whether it needs the money, whether it will use it effectively, and whether it will be a beneficial use of taxpayers' money.

If a business man, whether or not he be a small business man and whether he be in Hoylake or anywhere else, wants public money in however small or large an amount, it is surely incumbent upon him to justify his request and to give his reasons, whatever questions are asked by the appropriate department. I find it strange that the hon. Gentleman should take exception to that.

The hon. Gentleman has talked occastionally about some of those people who have to answer detailed questions when they want money from social security. Now he complains on behalf of business men asking for £2,000 from the Government because they have to answer questions about their need for it. The hon. Gentleman should see the kind of questions that my constituents have to answer and the way they are means-tested when they are asking for nothing more than a miserable pittance with which to sustain themselves and their families. That is a far more important and crucial area over which the hon. Gentleman could shed his crocodile tears.

Perhaps my hon. Friend, in this exceptionally effective passage of his speech, could also ask the Opposition about the questions required to be answered under the Conservative Government's Housing Finance Act before any of his constituents could get either a rent rebate or a rent allowance.

Precisely. This is the whole area which divides our society. It seems that one set of rules is to apply to one type of person and another set of rules and attitudes is to apply to other people. It is quite normal for hon. Members opposite not to make complaint about the intrusions into the private lives of individuals who happen to be unemployed, or who live in inadequate housing, or who are low paid, or who happen, through no fault of their own, to be inadequately or not educated. Hon. Members opposite make no complaints about intrusions into such people's private lives, when these people are having to apply either for supplementary benefit or for unemployment benefit.

Nor did hon. Members opposite complain about intrusions under the Tory Housing Finance Act—now, happily, repealed—or under a host of other provisions. But they complain bitterly about the VAT-man entering a small business man's home and about a few trivial—and I accept that they may be trivial—questions on a form that a business man has to complete.

However, the hon. Member for Hitchin gave a long and interesting list of the Government's achievements, such as the Industry Act, of which we are proud, although it has not done as much as it should, but at least is a start; the Employment Protection Act; the Health and Safety at Work Act; the Equal Pay Act; and the Sex Discrimination Act. Indeed, at one stage when he was reciting that list I thought that perhaps he was rehearsing part of a Labour Party political broadcast. It was an effective enumeration of the important legislation that the Government and the House have passed in two short years.

But the point that the hon. Gentleman failed to note is that it is accepted that this legislation imposes burdens. Of course it imposes burdens both on small businesses and on large industry. But one must strike a balance between the burdens that this legislation imposes, whether upon workers or employers, and the benefits deriving from it—benefits that are a consequence, for example, of the Employment Protection Act or the Health and Safety at Work Act. But there was no sign of balance in anything he said in his somewhat mundane speech.

We do not pretend to deny that burdens have been, are being and will continue to be imposed on industry, but they are nevertheless worth while and justifiable in terms of the greater benefits which derive from them in the form of the positive and important rights now possessed by employees in British industry. I hope that hon. Members opposite would not suggest that we should remove the provisions of the Employment Protection Act or of the Health and Safety at Work Act—to name but two of the many Acts the hon. Gentleman cited—from the statute book.

The hon. Gentleman also complained about the amount of paper work, about the multi-rate VAT, and a whole series of other things which the small business men in Hitchin find so burdensome. It seems that they are hard done by in Hitchin and that all the moaners and complainers come from there. They seem to be the only people who write to him. But he did not tell us about the perks available to small and large business men and to the self-employed.

The hon. Gentleman did not tell us, for example, about the sort of thing that has been told in the newspapers in recent months, such as the interest-free loans which business men and industrialists receive, and how many of them can gamble away millions of pounds in a short period, and how they can get free houses and free cars. He did not tell us of the perks that they can get in addition to their normal incomes in the form of personal private enjoyments which are not necessary to their public performance as business men and which do not make a business more effective.

Why do we not talk about that sort of burden on industry and business? It is not the individual business man's money when he gets an interest-free loan, for example. It is derived from the consumers in the form of higher prices, from lower wages for employees, or from lower rates of dividends for shareholders. Whatever money is disbursed among private individuals in the form of cheap houses and cars and interest-free loans or holiday homes or yachts is taken out of the community, whether the community be the shareholders—and heaven knows why I should defend them—consumers or employees. The money has to come from somewhere, but there was no mention of that in the hon. Gentleman's speech.

Nor did the hon. Gentleman mention the £900 million in tax unpaid by industry in the last year. There was the £39 million VAT which has been stolen from the Treasury by shop-keepers, and the corporation tax and capital gains tax which has not been paid. The Treasury gives the total figure as £930 million. That money has, in effect, been stolen from the Treasury by industrialists and business men, including small business men, quietly feathering their nests while complaining publicly to the hon. Gentleman about the little irritations they have to put up with in order to obtain grants and loans from the Government. We are told that they are hard done by and to be pitied, given their circumstances.

The hon. Gentleman complained about the burdens that the Government impose upon industry. Was it a burden to rescue British Leyland, or Chrysler or Alfred Herbert? It is a burden to spend millions of pounds daily in bailing out private companies with no control over that money, nor any accountability for it? Let us be clear about this. If we are complaining about what may be legitimate and justifiable interference with industry, let us also look at the other side of the coin and mention the things that the Government do without which industry would not exist or, if it did, would not be as efficient as it now is.

The hon. Gentleman is going very wide of the motion. It complains of the

"growing burdens imposed on businesses by official regulations and requirements."
Perhaps the hon. Gentleman would like to put his brain to that question, which is the burden of the motion.

I thought that I had been doing that very well. Perhaps the hon. Gentleman has been asleep for the last few minutes. I am trying to make sense of this nonsensical motion. The hon. Member for Hitchin comes here, hot-foot with telegrams clutched in his hot hand, and tells us all about these complaints by his constituents. But he does not make his case. I am trying to help him to make sense of the motion and to put some meat into it.

I am talking not so much about burdens which the Government put on Industry—because I can find none and the hon. Member provided no examples—as about the burdens which industry and commerce place upon the community and the country as a whole. That is the crucial issue. We are, after all, although the Opposition seem to forget it so often, in the middle of a so-called economic crisis—a crisis in which industry clearly is not taking its share of responsibility and is not doing enough to promote exports or productivity or increased pay in order to get us out of the crisis. Why? Let us look at some of the burdens which industry has imposed upon the country and therefore upon the taxpayer and the individual employee.

Industry has not, for example, as has been made clear time and again in this House, done enough to create investment. It has not invested in British industry. This is not a new complaint. It was made by the right hon. Member for Sid-cup (Mr. Heath) when he was Prime Minister. Time and again, he exhorted industrialists to invest more in British manufacturing industry. The climate under his Government was supposed to be conducive to investment, yet they did not invest in the regions, in plant and machinery or in the new profitable outlets to create jobs. They have still failed to invest, in spite of the inducements given by successive Governments. I am not making a party point. This was said long before we said it—by the previous Conservative Prime Minister.

The facts speak for themselves. We have a lower level of investment in private manufacturing industry than most of our major Western European competitors. There is far less capital behind each man in British shipbuilding and ship repair than in Japan, Norway, West Germany or Sweden. There is far less capital behind British car workers than behind those in Japan, Germany and France. The list is endless. In almost every sector of British industry, those responsible have not shown the patriotism which we are asked to demonstrate. British industry has not been prepared to show its faith in its own future and that of the British economy by investing its profits as industry in other countries. with whom we have to compete effectively, has done for the last decade.

I agreed with what the hon. Member is saying about the need for greater investment behind every worker. But does he not see that there is a relationship between investment and the investor? If he makes speeches like this, knocking investors, can he be surprised that they do not lay out their money by investing in British industry?

No one is knocking investors when they invest. The simple point is that they have not invested in British industry. They exhort everyone else to put his nose to the grindstone. Employees and the labour movement generally are told to restrain their wages, work long hours, get rid of demarcation disputes and become more productivity-conscious. Perhaps all that is fair, but why do not the same exhortations and complaints apply to those with the major responsibility for Britain's industrial future and enterprise, to those who have shown conspicuously in the last 10 years or more that they have failed to deliver the goods and to provide the investment which is needed?

Would the hon. Gentleman not agree that the considerable increase in red tape does not help? He seems to be arguing two ways. At the beginning, he seemed to agree that this situation did impose burdens. Now, he is saying that there are no burdens on industry. At the beginning, he said that the burdens were worth while. I wonder how worth while. The point of my hon. Friend the Member for Hitchin (Mr. Stewart) was that the cost might be severe in terms of jobs and investment. Will he not address himself at least to the question of this cost?

Of course, it may be—and that is a question of balance. If it can be shown that a particular piece of legislation, however desirable on its own terms, is, through unintended and unexpected consequences, leading to a particular threat of loss of jobs, that should be looked at again. But I have heard no demonstration of that today. After all, the motion has been drawn up by the hon. Member for Hitchin and he has the House for the whole afternoon to make his case. The onus was on him to demonstrate, as I expected him to do, the burden on industry which was leading to loss of jobs. Had he done so, I should have been a receptive audience, but he did not. He gave no specific instances and no indication of where the worthwhile and applauded legislation of this Government has reduced the number of jobs.

My point simply was that although, inevitably, measures such as the Health and Safety at Work Act and the Employment Protection Act must impose burdens on industry—if they did not, there would be no point in having them—those burdens were necessary and were outweighed by the benefits to industry as a whole, particularly to employees. That is a fair and simple point which most hon. Members, I think, would take.

Not only is it true that industry has failed to invest and has therefore failed the nation, that it is failing to provide jobs and has therefore failed the employees: it has also failed to increase productivity per man, which is the responsibility of management. After all, those in management are supposed to be innovatory and enterprising, in a managerial society. If they fail to increase productivity, to invest and to promote more jobs, the responsibility lies squarely on them. The figures show that British management has failed to increase productivity, to take advantage of the tremendous export opportunities now presented to British industry—and not just because of the decline in the value of the pound. That has at least the favourable aspect of having given a tremendous edge to British commodities and services abroad.

Unfortunately, trade returns show that British industry is failing miserably to carve itself a major niche in the new export markets. It is not so enterprising and outgoing and adventurous as it likes us to believe, as it likes to pretend. It is prepared instead to sit back complacently relying on reflation, the regeneration of the home market and perhaps the occasional handout and subsidy from the Government to keep it going. But it is not prepared to be aggressive and outgoing and to stake a claim for itself in the export markets which are now clearly an area in which it could have tremendous impact.

Therefore, in an important respect, British industry has failed the nation and those who work for it. It has certainly failed to provide jobs in such areas as Merseyside, which I represent, and it has failed miserably to train its young people for their new skills, responsibilities and techniques that a new advanced industrial age demands. I should have thought that the hon. Member for Hitchin would have mentioned that industry has a responsibility in training and retraining, particularly for the young and those coming direct from school. Yet it has not faced up to that responsibility.

It has not provided the skills, training and retraining which are necessary if British industry is to maintain even a semblance of competition with other European countries. Instead, the Manpower Services Commission on behalf of the British taxpayer had to fork out £140 million last year as an indirect subvention and subsidy to industry in order to train young people who have been made redundant to allow them to pursue another career.

The catalogue of the things which this private enterprise system, that we are told is so beautiful, is supposed to do shows only failure, failure and more failure—on exports, investment, job creation, training and productivity. It has failed abysmally. No hon. Member opposite denies this. On every count, they sit there morosely nodding their heads in reluctant agreement with what I am saying. One or two of them are even waking up.

But the hon. Member for Hitchin dealt with one aspect of this problem, by implication if not directly. He talked about one class only—the employers, the small business men. the commercial entrepreneurs of this system. He never once mentioned what the workers contribute, what would not exist if they did not exist. He never once suggested that industry and commerce should have a sense of social responsibility, by enforcing the Employment Protection Act and the Health and Safety at Work Act to look after their workers. He did not indicate, except by omitting any reference to it, the class division in industry.

Perhaps if for once we took a lesson from Japan and tried to eradicate some of the clear class and status distinctions in British industry, we might be able to arouse the enthusiasm and co-operation of workers. It does not exist at the moment simply because they feel that they have no stake in an industry which treats them as mere cogs in a machine. They are treated as hired hands to be taken on and dismissed at the whim of an irresponsible, anonymous and bureaucratic power.

If we are talking about bureaucracies—one of the words in the motion—let us also talk about the private, irresponsible, anonymous bureaucracies in multinational companies. They are bureaucracies, too, and no different from public bureaucracies except that they exercise far greater power than public bureaucracies and they are accountable to no one. They can close down factories in my constituency at a moment's notice, blight the livelihoods of whole families and bring gloom and despair to towns such as Skelmersdale and Kirkby with no thought of the social consequences of their actions.

They take their decisions in secret and never have to defend them publicly or justify them to anyone. They will close a factory even though it may have received millions of pounds of public money. The decisions on Courtaulds and Thorn Electrical in Skelmersdale and Control Dataset and Albright and Wilson at Kirkby were taken in private behind closed doors by anonymous men who wield enormous power and are accountable to no one. Ought we not also to discuss that situation?

Is it right that their kind of power to destroy people's careers and the livelihoods of families and to bring despair and despondency to towns such as Skelmersdale and Kirkby—which were supposed to be the new boom towns, but are now virtually ghost town—should be exercised with no control by Parliament?

The hon. Member for Hitchin spoke about bureaucracies, but his only substantial complaint was about a firm which had to count its trees before it could get £2,000 from the Government for a computer. What a miserable condemnation of the capitalist system. Instead of talking about the real issues which confront this country and its people and the jobs and livelihoods which are at stake, he can complain only that, in order to get £2,000 from the taxpayer, this poor, little, piddling firm had to answer a few questions.

We did not hear from the hon. Gentleman about the Government grants and loans given to industry. Again industry is a burden on the community, the employees and the taxpayer, not just through lack of investment and the promotion of exports, jobs and productivity, but through the amount of money it takes out of the Exchequer.

In the North-West alone, selective financial assistance under Section 7 of the Industry Act totalled £34·6 million this year up to October. That saved 37,000 jobs. Another £9 million was given in the North-West under Section 8 of the Act. In the one year 1975–76, £36 million was given to the Merseyside special development area through regional employment premium. Another 40,000 jobs were saved, at enormous cost, by the temporary employment subsidy.

Do we hear of the burden which this money imposes upon industry? Is it a burden to give industry in the Merseyside special development area£36 million in one year? Is it a burden to give£34·6 million in special grants under Section 7 of the Act in the North-West and a further £9 million to the area under Section 8? Yes, it is. It is a burden on the rest of us. We have to bear it because of the failure of British industry and the sort of people represented here today by the lion. Member for Hitchin.

The Tories constantly complain, as did the hon. Member implicitly, though not effectively, that they do not want what they call interference but what is correctly called intervention. No doubt they will be indignantly citing cases of intervention which they oppose, but even a cursory glance throughHansardwill show it littered with pleas from individual Tories asking for more help and handouts for interests in their constituencies. They will vote against aid for British Leyland, but will write letters to the Ministry and put down Questions and motions in high dudgeon to get grants and aid for factories in their own constituencies. We do not hear the complaints about public money going to industry then. They complain only that the money is not going to their factories quickly enough, in large enough quantities or on favourable enough terms. A terrible hyprocrisy pervades the Opposition Benches on such occasions.

I do not object to theirlaissez-fairephilosophy, if they are honest and sincere about it, or to their belief in the virtues and benefits of the free enterprise system, except that all historical evidence shows those beliefs to be unfounded and the system to be unfair, unjust and inefficient. I do not object to them propagating the ideas of private enterprise, but I object when, with their next hot breath, they are quietly asking for handouts. Virtually every hon. Member opposite has been guilty of that behaviour in the past two and a half years.

We hear complaints from the CBI and individual industrialists. They do not want the State interfering. They want the Government to keep out. Of course, they also want the money, but they do not want the forms, the questions and the accountability. They all queue up, as they have always done, at the Department of Industry and, now that it dispenses the largesse of public funds, the Department of Employment, with their sticky little hands, like children going to Father Christmas, asking for more grants and handouts.

We hear from the Aims of Industry, or whatever new-fangled title it has now, and the CBI asking to be left alone, but they trundle down Victoria Street, on the hot line from Victoria Station, to the Department of Industry asking for more taxpayers' money.

The Tories claim to be the stoutest defenders of the taxpayer, but why are they so reluctant to question this sort of subvention of British industry? They question severely the public money which goes to co-operatives such as the one in my constituency or that at Meriden. They get hysterical about where that money goes, but they will not complain in the same terms about the much larger sums which go, on a continuing basis, to British industry. They seem to want it left in private hands with no accountability or responsibility for the way in which it is disbursed or whether it is efficiently used.

Unfortunately, industry has failed lamentably to provide the investment opportunities and jobs one could have expected and hoped for from it. It has failed to put back into the community anything like as much as it has received, and it has clearly failed the regions. This is not so much a critique of industry, business and commerce or of individual business men, industrialists and entrepreneurs as a critique of the whole private enterprise capitalist system.

Let us take just the Merseyside area which I represent. It has a dramatically high rate of unemployment—higher even than the rate in Scotland and Wales, and we hear a great deal about the alarming and enormous difficulties confronting those countries. But Merseyside, which is smaller than both, has a higher rate of unemployment than has either. There are more people unemployed in Merseyside than there are in the whole of Wales. There are two areas in Merseyside, Kirkby and Skelmersdale, where the unemployment rate is just touching 20 percent. Perhaps that is partly the failure of the regional policy of successive Governments, but it is clearly due also to the failure of British industry to direct its resources adequately, to invest in the regions and to create jobs.

Not only do we have more unemployment on Merseyside but we have a rate of unemployment among school leavers in particular which is obscene and depressing. We have suffered a net loss of jobs in the past 10 years. The whole area is now subject to a gradual and almost inevitable industrial decline. Most of the major industries that sustained it and made it proud and prosperous are now in decline and are not being replaced by further investment opportunities.

Not only are we not getting new opportunities and new investment but the firms which are there now are closing. Albright and Wilson in Kirkby is to close, with the loss of 130 jobs, Courtaulds in Aintree is closing, with the loss of 600 jobs, and at Skelmersdale, just across the border, Courtaulds is closing with the loss of 1,000 jobs. Hygena in Kirkby is closing, with the loss of 150 to 200 jobs. Control Dataset, also in Kirkby, is closing, with the loss of only 50 jobs—and when it is only 50 on Merseyside there is almost a sigh of relief because we are used to talking in terms of hundreds and thousands.

But even though there are all these closures and redundancies in a short period, on top of the many others we have already had, the great cause of concern is that none of these factories is closing because it has suddenly become unviable, because it has cash flow problems or because it has become unprofitable. Albright and Wilson is going to Letchworth because it wants to rationalise and to concentrate production in one area. Control Dataset is doing much the same, and so is Courtaulds. They are closing not because of the present economic situation, not because they are not making profits, not because their specific plants in the area are unprofitable, not because of any act of Government policy, not because of the recession, but because they have no sense of social responsibility to an area of already intolerably high unemployment and they prefer for purely private economic reasons to go to areas where there is no real problem of unemployment.

It is disgraceful that such companies can take such a slight or dim view of their responsibilities to a town that has served them well over the last decade. Such a company as Albright and Wilson or Control Dataset can, almost at a moment's notice, exercising the private, irresponsible, anonymous power of which we have talked—and the bureaucracy of which the hon. Gentleman should have talked but did no—make a decision for its own private interests. which are never accountable and will never be justified—it will never have to give its reasons in this place—which will control the livelihoods of my constituents and demoralise a whole town, with no care for the social fabric of the area or region.

It is disgraceful that firms can do that to areas that have sustained them. Albright and Wilson, for example, has had an effective industrial relations record, with no industrial disputes, yet it can summarily dismiss those men and destroy their future, paying no further heed to them. What is more, they do it when they have been in receipt of large amounts of Government money. Courtaulds at Skelmersdale and Aintree has, I believe, received about £56 million of Government money, yet its vote of thanks is to say that it will put another 1,000 on the scrap-heap at Skelmersdale, another 600 at Aintree and another 700 at Flint, which also affects Merseyside.

There should be far more Government intervention and far more Government control, exercising a system to monitor the way in which our money goes to private industry. That money should not be given unless it is shown conclusively that it will be used effectively to promote efficiency, productivity and jobs. If an industry cares so little for the people who serve it and for the towns which give it hospitality, the money should be returnable in full to the Government, which, unfortunately, has not happened until relatively recently.

We do not want an easing of burdens of this kind. They are not burdens on the workers. What we want on Merseyside is more Government help and more Government intervention. We shall never solve the problem of industrial decline or achieve the regeneration of industry on Merseyside, with the creation of new job opportunities, unless and until we have further Government intervention. It is not lack of Government interference or intervention in industry that concerns me. What concerns me is that it is not positive or far-reaching enough, and until we get that we shall not have sustained growth and regeneration on Merseyside.

We on Merseyside want the help that is already provided for Wales and Scotland, both of which have lower levels of unemployment. We want a Merseyside development agency that will be able to look at the total Merseyside picture, that will be able to analyse the defects and deficiencies and channel resources and finds into areas of need. We want a plan for the industrial regeneration of Merseyside. I have repeatedly asked my hon. Friends in the Government to look at Merseyside as a whole, to analyse its industrial problems and isolate its special needs, and to create a tailor-made plan for its industrial regeneration.

It is no good asking us to wait for the general upturn in the economy. That is like waiting for Godot. He never came, and the industrial upturn may never come. It is no good asking us to wait for an end to the international economic recession. Even in good times Merseyside suffers more than other areas. There has never been a good time for Merseyside in the last 10 years. Any crumbs that may come our way from an economic upturn or reflationary measures, or any new overall prosperity in the international economy, will still leave Merseyside with an unemployment rate that the West Midlands has now experienced for the first time and is creating all hell about, yet that is our normal way of life on Merseyside. An international economic regeneration will not be enough to solve our problems. Extra special measures are needed, measures which are tailored to and specific to our needs.

Where will the money come from? Will not much of it have to come from industry, about which the hon. Gentleman has been so disparaging for the past 10 minutes?

If the hon. Gentleman will allow me to continue, something else which I have to say will effectively cover that. I hope that my hon. Friend the Minister of State will be able to answer my specific questions at the end of the debate. Not only do we want a Merseyside special development agency, not only do we want a Government-inspired plan and resources to go with it for the regeneration of industry on Merseyside, but I ask him also to make an announcement today about the location of the headquarters of the new nationalised shipbuilding industry. He will understand that that could be a tremendous morale booster to an area which has suffered many knocks to its industrial future in the past 18 months or so. I hope that he will make that long-awaited announcement and tell us that we are to have that headquarters on Merseyside, that we are to have more quickly the 7,000-odd Civil Service jobs that were supposed to be dispersed to Merseyside as a result of the Hardman proposals, and that he will tell my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for the Environment about the need to regenerate the construction industry.

Liverpool, let alone Merseyside, has many derelict buildings and much industrial dereliction and obsolescence, all of which could be changed if the unemployed construction workers were used. We have a great need for new housing in Liverpool and Merseyside generally and for a new hospital at Skelmersdale and Ormskirk. We have the skilled manpower idle, drawing unemployment pay and social security. Is it not a condemnation of the private enterprise system that while we lack necessary facilities, and there is a great need for more money to be spent on house building, house maintenance and the refurbishing of our derelict industrial structure, there are unemployed construction and building workers? Unfortunately, in the measures he announced last week my right hon. Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer has gone further and will create more unemployment by the increased cuts in expenditure on construction.

All this is highly irrational. It is not just an irrationality of the system but is irrationality of the Government. It is not inflationary to pour money into the construction industry in the way that other public expenditure would be inflationary. That could meet many of the important social needs on Merseyside, while providing much-needed beneficial employment. The real criticism of the private enterprise system is that it does not serve the country as a whole. It has not provided the jobs, productivity, exports or investment and has not served the regions, such as Merseyside. The power to make major decisions affecting our lives is in the hands of a few men, without public accountability or responsibility. It is irrational that that kind of power should still exist in our so-called civilised society.

We shall not solve our employment, investment or export problems, certainly not those of the regions, until we plan our economy and industry effectively. There can be no justification for the discrepancies between Kirkby and Hitchin, no justification for one town being demoralised by 20 per cent. unemployment and the other having an unemployment rate so low that it cannot be counted. Is it an accident that one area must suffer all the handicaps, not only the industrial decline but also the highest rates of infant mortality, bad housing, low pay and all the other social evils? If it is an accident, cannot we put it right? Private industry cannot do it, or refuses to do it. We can achieve a fair distribution of our economic resources and the direction of necessary investment to the regions only if we take a far larger stake in public and private industry than has been taken so far.

Despite all the homilies of the hon. Member for Hitchin, private industry has lamentably failed the people of this country, and particularly the regions. It has been on trial for far too long, and it has failed to produce an adequate defence. The National Enterprise Board needs to become what it was supposed to be. The Industry Act needs to be amended along the lines of what it was intended to be. We want compulsory planning agreements and buying into private industry, so that firms can be directed towards the regions and investment can be directed to where it is needed and will be most beneficial.

We must remember that when we talk about industry we are talking not only about profits but about the people who serve industry and are supposed to be served by it. Unfortunately, the vast majority of the people of this country, including my constituents, have not adequately been served by industry. Let us consider pay, holidays, overtime and productivity in the United Kingdom compared with other countries. Why must the British worker be lower paid than his German or French contemporaries? Why does he have to work longer hours in worse working conditions? Why does he have to work with inadequate capital equipment behind him, and with fewer holidays, perks, pensions and all the rest? It is because British industry has failed to sustain the kind of life, productivity and enterprise that its apologists pretend it sustains.

We shall achieve the conditions we seek only when we have the courage of our convictions and the Government act as a proper Socialist, Labour Government. We must acknowledge that we can have a fair, rational, efficient and just society only when we take into our hands the ownership and control of industry and direct it to ends determined by social criteria and not the whims of irresponsible private entrepreneurs, certainly not the vagaries and exigencies of a market that puts profit before the interests of people.

5.16 p.m.

It is rare for the growing weight of government to be defended from the Back Benches, but the hon. Member for Ormskirk (Mr. Kilroy-Silk) made that attempt early in his speech, though for most of it he addressed himself not to the excellent motion, moved so effectively by my hon. Friend the Member for Hitchin (Mr. Stewart), but to trying to deflect attention from it.

The hon. Gentleman talked about industry's not showing faith in the future. It is no wonder that it does not when the fact or threat of nationalisation hangs over every industry and when people hear the sort of speech the hon. Gentleman has just made.

The hon. Gentleman spoke for a long time. Perhaps he will be good enough now to listen for a few minutes.

The hon. Gentleman also talked about industry's failing the nation. It is the Government who have failed the nation, as we can see from last week's mini-Budget, the record levels of inflation, unemployment and bank lending, and all the sensitive economic indicators. The way in which industry has been clobbered is the source of the trouble, and the responsibility is that of the Treasury Bench, not the work people and management in industry and commerce.

The hon. Gentleman said that we must plan. Who are the all-seeing individuals who will produce the plans and solve the problems? The Government should concentrate on the things that only they can do and leave industry and commerce a great deal freer to get on with the job that only they can do effectively.

The House is greatly indebted to my hon. Friend for putting the parliamentary spotlight on the growing burden of government on industry and commerce. Bureaucracy hangs like a heavy cloud over every work place and many homes where work is done. The ever-growing torrent of Acts, regulations, forms, questions, rights of entry and inspections adds up to an onerous and oppressive burden on businesses, especially smaller businesses and the self-employed.

Too much effort is deflected from wealth production, exporting, after-sales service and good management. Too much energy runs into the sand in unproductive paper work and in complying with regulations that make the law look an ass and almost invite evasion. Too many people have given up in despair, taking the view that if they cannot beat bureaucracy, they had better join it. Far too many of us are minding each other's busines on behalf of Government instead of producing wealth for the community as a whole.

It is only fair to put the blame where it belongs. It does not lie with officials, who are carrying out Government instructions, although it is fair to note that it is impossible for officials to be adequately supervised when there are so many of them and when their work is so wide-ranging. Basically the blame lies with Government and with Parliament.

There was one point in the speech of the hon. Member for Ormskirk with which I agreed. He said that when a problem arises it is almost automatic to say" What are the Government going to do about it?" It is almost automatic and it may well be right that as Members of Parliament we table Questions. We adopt that approach and ask what action the Government propose to take. It may be that that is right, and in many cases it is, but we must recognise that in so far as Governments respond to that pressure it probably means a new regulation, a new Act, or more officials to carry out the action that is decided.

By far the biggest offender is the Government. That applies especially to the Government now in office, who have an irresistible urge to meddle, to interfere, to control and to direct. As my hon. Friend the Member for Hitchin said, it is not so much each individual act that produces the burden, but the cumulation of them all.

There is also the natural momentum in the machine itself. Once it starts rolling, it is difficult to stop it. I wonder how many of the hundreds of regulations now in operation are still relevant to modern conditions. How many of the forms that go out from Government Departments have been considered carefully in recent years to see whether they are necessary? What happens to all the questionnaires that are completed in ever-growing numbers? We are told that many of them are used for forecasting. As my hon. Friend said, if there is a classic case against questionnaires being used for forecasting it is to be found in the almost total inaccuracy of the forecasts in recent years.

My hon. Friend illustrated his theme by mentioning a number of problem areas, including VAT, the Price Code and the problems of the Employment Protection Act, especially for small firms. I shall illustrate my remarks about the growing weight of government with two examples. One relates to the construction industry and the other concerns pensions, to which my hon. Friend also referred. I have selected different areas but my two examples illustrate two of the main dangers that are inherent in over-government.

The first danger is the threat to individual freedom and the ability to choose how to earn a living within the law. In this context I refer to the construction industry. The second danger is the complexity and the multitude of regulations that can frustrate the intention of Government policy and legislation. It is in that sense that I wish to refer to pensions.

In speaking of the construction industry I am thinking especially of the independent sub-contractor and the new tax certificates that will come into operation in April 1977. No reasonable person would complain about the Government's cracking down on tax evasion, but are they taking a sledgehammer to crack a nut? There is some disturbing evidence in the construction industry, especially when we recall the background against which the new regulations are coming into operation.

There is a severe recession in the building industry. There is a higher level of unemployment than the industry has suffered for many years past. It is important that we should not do anything more to make a grim situation even grimmer. We have also to take into account that there is a long and honourable tradition of self-employment and sub-contracting in the construction industry. That is essential in an industry that requires such flexibility and mobility.

There are also the political overtones to be remembered. Sub-contractors see a threat to their independent existence in the Government's proposed direct labour Bill, which will extend the powers of local authorities to engage in construction work. They suspect that subcontractors will get squeezed out of all public contracts through the twin pincers of the closed shop and the so-called voluntary registers. They remember the Labour Party's pledge to nationalise companies within the construction industry and so to extend still further the tentacles of the State.

Against that background there is no wonder that the sub-contractors are suspicious. It is no wonder that they suspect the Government's motives. It is no wonder that they are reacting against the requirement to produce photographs on the tax certificates.

Let us consider the facts and the evidence. The facts are provided inHansard.On 7th December I received a reply from the Financial Secretary to the Treasury. He told me that
" At the most recent count on 12th November, 268,669 applications had been received, of which 185,730 had been approved and 20,960 refused. It is not possible to estimate how many more applications will be received. —[Official Report, 7th December 1976; Vol. 922, c. 117.]
That Answer had a misprint in it that the Minister subsequently put right.

The main point that I wish to pick on from those figures is that over 20,000 certificates have been refused. From the evidence that I have so far, it appears that some of them may be refusals without good cause, where there is a previous tax record which is in order. Some, it appears, refer to British subjects returning from abroad who, by definition, do not have three years' tax records but who are prepared to show their good faith in meeting their tax obligations now that they have returned. That is one of the disturbing factors.

Another disturbing factor is that there appears to be delay in the hearing of appeals. A third factor is that local authorities and others are requiring the certificates as a condition of contracts. It looks as though the certificate is becoming not merely a tax collection instrument but a certificate to work. If that is happening, that is contrary to the pledge given by the Financial Secretary in an Answer to me on 11th November.

I am grateful to the Minister for agreeing to my request to receive a deputation so that these matters can be discussed, but I wish to refer to the disquiet about the new arrangements. I refer to the danger to livelihood and employment of genuine sub-contractors and the likely high cost of vetting applications and maintaining a register of up to 400,000 firms. I give this as an example of the new regulations posing a potential threat to fundamental rights and to the freedom and right to work.

My second example concerns pensions, and I declare an interest in the subject of pensions and insurance. I wish to refer to the complexity of the situation which frustrates the intentions of policy. After years of political in-fighting in pensions in which some of us were involved in trying to get an agreed scheme and to maintain some stability in pensions, we saw the advent of the Social Security Pensions Act 1975, which was a compromise. Since that compromise was produced the official Opposition have many times said that we would accept it and work it.

As a result, a heavy sigh of relief went out in the firms concerned with pensions. They thought that here at last was a chance of political stability. There is no doubt that the Act is complex and that the regulations are even more complex. There are a mass of specialist things to be done, consultations to be undertaken, and decisions made on every one of about 65,000 pension schemes. It is a formidable task, particularly against the background of a grim economic situation. Time is short, but the Government are making the task still more difficult by their own ambitions and by imposing restrictions on pensions improvements as part of the pay policy. I believe that that is a mistake.

It is not the purpose of my remarks this afternoon to dwell on that matter. I wish to point out that the Government pensions policy cries "Forward" while the Government pay policy cries "Backward". This creates an impossible dilemma. I must warn the Government that their pension policy is in danger of not getting off the ground. There is a danger that the deadline of April 1978 will not be met unless they make an early announcement removing restrictions on pension improvements.

A further example of the Government making a complex situation even more difficult lies in the announcement in June this year outlining the Government's intention to introduce legislation for employee participation in the management of occupational pension schemes through the agency of the trade unions. To introduce a new element in an over-burdened programme was bad enough, but it was worse when this was a highly controversial measure. The approach through legislation was contrary to the advice given by the Occupational Pensions Board, which preferred a code of practice to legislation.

There is broad agreement to the concept of employee participation, but there is strong opposition to its being done ex-explicitly through a trade union agency. Again, it is my purpose not to argue the merits of the matter but to point out that in an already over-burdened programme this amounted to a spanner in the works. It added a new controversy, new complications and new delaying tactics. The Government are risking their own policies and deadlines by over-burdening employers, trade unions and pension practitioners.

Those are two further examples to be added to the list already given by my hon. Friend the Member for Hitchin of the sheer overweight of Government legislation. I have tried deliberately in my remarks to be non-controversial. I recognise that the weight of legislation has been growing over the years under Governments of varying complexions. However, it tends to be more oppressive under the present Government because of their desire to interfere in so many affairs. It is a problem that has grown over the years.

If we wish to restore the economic health of our country, as I am sure we all do, sooner or later—and sooner rather than later—we have to tackle this overburden on industry and commerce through the sheer weight of Government legislation and the regulations that flow from it. Until we are prepared to do that, industry and commerce will operate with one hand tied behind their backs and we shall find far too much productive effort— effort that should be channelled into new enterprise and increased production—going into unproductive, and in some ways counterproductive, activities.

I hope that, whatever else happens as a result of today's debate, note will be taken of this important and growing problem. It concerns us all, and I emphasise that this problem is not of a party-political nature.

5.36 p.m.

This debate is mainly concerned with the burdens of small businesses in industry and commerce. In present conditions that is where the shoe pinches most harshly.

In the last week I have taken the opportunity to speak to large numbers of small business men in my constituency, which geographically is very large. Most of it, however, is centred on Nantwich town. There are 300 firms in that small area.

I asked the business men to whom I spoke how much of their working time was spent in filling in VAT forms and various other documents. The average figure was about 17 per cent. of that time—in other words, the amount of their time taken up in acting as unpaid tax collectors for the Government.

Those concerned bitterly resent that activity, whatever may be the reason for it. In any case there is a higher proportion here of tax collectors directly employed by the Government than in any other comparable country. I understand that we have four times as many tax collectors in proportion to our population as there are in the United States. Hence there are enormous hords of unofficial tax collectors who should not be doing this work themselves.

The people to whom I spoke believe that the reform of the rating system is urgent. Many people employ members of their own family: and, as well as paying rates as small businesses, they are also taxed as individuals. They believe that the tax burden has fallen particularly heavily upon them in the past three years. Many of the rates paid by this section of the community have risen by 100 per cent. or more within a very short period.

In Nantwich town several businesses are up for sale if a purchaser can be found. One shop is closing completely because the owner feels that he can do better if he retires, sells his business and lives by investing whatever money he gets from that source. There are many shopkeepers in my constituency who feel that, if and when they can sell their businesses, it will be simpler for them to invest their money in a building society or in gilt-edged securities, or in some form of fixed security that will bring them in, say, 15 per cent. per annum return and enable them to retire into tranquility, rather than having the worry of all the problems that confront them in a small business. The present legislation tends to lead people to become dishonest in order to escape the extreme rigours of the present burdens that weigh on small businesses.

The new town of Winsford lies in my constituency. It caters for the Liverpool and Manchester overspill. It is a town of about 17,000 voters, with about 27,000 people in all. Set up 10 years ago, it has not been a great success, having relatively high levels of unemployment, a shortage of jobs, a general depression and a lack of amenities. A few years ago there were about 100 shops on the High Street. Then the High Street was redeveloped. The shopkeepers were forced—or certainly heavily persuaded—to move into the new shopping precinct in the town. Many of the shopkeepers went to other parts of the town where there were fewer customers but where the accommodation was cheaper. About 10 of the 100 or so small shopkeepers moved into the new precinct three years ago. Now only two remain.

The main reason for this fall in numbers was the high rent and the enormous increase in rates over a short period. The other shops have been taken over by the large multiples. The situation is depressing, unless one thinks that the future lies with the big battalions and there is no future for the small business man. That is a depressing view because we are talking of a section of the community which in the past contributed much to the greatness of the British nation.

One of the sad features is that in the past so many towns and councils took the view that the centre of their towns should be redeveloped. This pushed the small shopkeepers away from their traditional positions.

I believe that there is a case for aiding the small business men who have been so badly hit in the past few years as a result of these enormous imposts by means of differential interest rates. Nowadays there are many handouts, grants and other indiscriminate forms of aid, some of it going to large firms. Perhaps a small proportion of this money could be used to subsidise interest rates for small businesses.

I am told that in Nantwich these business men pay 3 per cent. to 4 per cent. above base rate because they are officially classified by the banks as not being particularly prime borrowers. Perhaps a few tens of millions of pounds a year could be used to help these people who contribute so much to the economy.

The big employers do not have the same difficulties, on the whole. They do not face the same cash flow problems. The answer is to have lower rates of taxation, less prying into privacy and less employment of these people as collectors of taxes. There should be greater incentives for enterprise and a reduction of the cash flow problems which were unforeseable, unforeseen and undeserved.

5.43 p.m.

This debate, launched by my hon. Friend the Member for Hitchin (Mr. Stewart), is more important in terms of the future of our economy than, for instance, tomorrow's debate on the Chancellor's latest proposals. When it comes to what the country will look like economically and politically in ten years' time, the short-term remedial macro-action which the Chancellor can take does not have very much effect. Certainly the proposals of last week will not have very much effect next year, because most of the economic forces which will shape next year are already in the pipeline. We are heading for 15 per cent. inflation, high rates of unemployment and absysmally low growth rates. Nothing that the Chancellor can do in a mini-Budget is likely to have much effect on that.

What will determine the future of our economy and our society is the attitude we adopt as a country towards business and the creation of wealth. We do not claim that over-bureaucracy—the burden placed upon business by red tape and form-filling—is the only deterrent to the efficient running of businesses and suc- cessful investment. We make the point that it is an inhibiting factor. Anyone who thinks that the multitude of red tape is an irrelevanace as the hon. Member for Ormskirk (Mr. Kilroy-Silk) seemed to imply, should attempt to export to Japan. It is becoming almost a truism to say that in attempting to export to that country it is not overt barriers which present problems but the amount of red tape. Clearly, this multitude of red tape is an important factor.

There are other factors which affect business, too. For instance, our managers are more highly taxed than any other set of managers in the Western world. In addition, when we aggregate all forms of taxation, business in this country is taxed more heavily than practically any other industrialised country. Those are added factors but the bureaucracy item is a most important element in all of this. I hope that the Minister will at least accept this and move on from there to discuss what can be done.

We accept the need for accountability when public money is provided. We accept the need for a certain amount of form-filling in connection with taxation. The problems arise when the Government begin to practise heavy discrimination by means of the questions they asked. This whole process of discrimination was aggravated by the introduction of selective employment tax—the attempt to distinguish between two sectors of the economy one of which was called "services" and the other "manufacturing" That was the beginning of a most slippery slope. We now have VAT, which is a continuation of the SET idea.

We find as a result of all this that rebates in connection with export services are treated differently from those arising from manufacturing. A whole compendium of questions arises. Anyone trying to export services is rapidly made aware of the heavy hand of bureaucracy as he seeks to discover which aspects of his services are zero-rated, which aspects are exempt and which carry VAT, which, incidentally, acts as a form of discrimination.

Would the hon. Gentleman like to tell us what representations were made to the former Tory Government when there were a whole series of regulations interfering in the most minute detail with company administration by means of the prices and incomes policy'?

This is a personal opinion, but I believe that a prices and incomes policy is a perfect example of what I mean. A prices code is one of the costs to industry which the hon. Member discounted. He never tried to quantify those costs in terms of jobs lost. A prices and incomes code is a perfect example of a bureaucratic operation that does not further the ends the hon. Gentleman claims he wishes to further—namely, the creation of more jobs and greater prosperity. I was not in the House at the time of the Conservative Government's prices and incomes policy and cannot answer the question in personal terms. But we have here a perfect example of a legislative framework which results in the most appalling discrimination and bureaucracy, particularly concerning prices.

I am very glad that the hon. Member for Ormskirk has returned to the Chamber. He was allowed to open up a very interesting and, I believe, rather fundamental chain of argument which is entirely relevant to the debate. As I said in my opening remarks, the attitude that the Government take to this question—symbolic as it is of a general attitude towards industry—is entirely relevant to the future course of this country. The hon. Gentleman did us a great service by opening up this topic. He seemed to be saying that because industry had let us down, we should put increasing burdens upon British industry with the aim of driving free enterprise out of business, as a result of which, following whatever philosophy he subschibes to, he would replace private enterprise by State enterprise.

That is a perfectly logical point of view for the hon. Gentleman to put forward. But if he were to take it to its logical conclusion—as he is bound to do and, I think, wishes to do—he would have to pay the price in terms of personal freedom. Under any truly Socialist system, such as he was advocating, there has to be direction of labour. This is implicit in what he said. We are far too coy on the Conservative side about this. Under true Socialism the first institution to be abolished is the free trade union as we know it.

If the hon. Gentleman is not prepared to pay the price in terms of personal free- dom, the only alternative is to have a mixed economy motivated to a large extent by free enterprise. During the hon. Gentleman's speech I asked him how he would get all the money that he wished to spend. Obviously, it is his right to try to get more money spent in his constituency, but where is it to come from? Certainly in the kind of society to which I subscribe ultimately it can only come from freely motivated enterprise and industry.

The hon. Gentleman cannot have it both ways. Many of his hon. Friends wish to abolish the free system of conducting business and of providing labour. Either the hon. Gentleman wishes to abolish that system or he and the Minister must accept that the only alternative is the one I have just mentioned.

Why has industry not invested in this country? My answer to that question is very different from that of the hon. Gentleman. In a multitude of different ways, an atmosphere has been built up which militates against industry. It is represented in a multitude of different policies towards industry.

All successful Western industrialised countries have Governments which have worked on behalf of their industries in different ways. The Japanese have done it in their way, the Germans in theirs and the Americans in theirs. It has been the misfortune of our country progressively to have had Governments which worked against industry. This has been assisted by the kind of point of view that the hon. Gentleman was putting forward.

The hon. Gentleman asked, from a sedentary position, what was the threat to industry in 1970 and why industry did not invest then. The reason is that breathing down the Government's neck were a whole set of people who were basically anti-industry. There was the fear that one day they might come to power, as they did, and introduce legislation against the interests of industry.

The Minister may not be able to accept the full import of what we are saying on the Conservative side. He may not be able to renounce his own legislation. But I ask him as a Minister of State representing a Government who ostensibly believe in the mixed economy whether he will say something to discount the views being put forward from Left-wing Members on the Government Back Benches. Unless he does so—and it may take him great courage to do it—he will be adding yet further to the anti-industry atmosphere which is at the root of the lack of investment.

Investment is not turned on and off by a mini-Budget here and a mini-Budget there. It is something much more profound. Successive Governments have not accepted this and have not realised their peril. People invest not for tomorrow but for 10 years ahead, and therefore they judge investment in terms not of the handouts or subsidies but the kinds of things which are being said by Ministers and by other politicians. That is the atmosphere which either builds up or diminishes the level of investment. In this country we have not had the atmosphere of militant support for industry which has been present in other Western industrialised countries. For this reason they have had investment and to a large extent we have not.

It is not a question of trading off the costs, as the hon. Gentleman was prepared to say, against subsidies. Subsidies are totally different. Governments have them in their wisdom or otherwise, as they wish. But we on the Conservative side believe in something totally different. As has been said, we have not only the indiscriminate burden or red tape but the fiscal and, above all, the verbal burdens that militate in this country against industry as a whole and against investment in particular.

Until we get a consistent approach from Governments of all persuasions in favour of industry and the creation of wealth, the investment will not flow. For these reasons I have enormous pleasure in supporting my hon. Friend on this specific subject which is of great importance, even more important than the sort of subjects we shall be discussing in general terms tomorrow.

5.59 p.m.

The speech by the hon. Member for Worcestershire, South (Mr. Spicer) was a potent example of the sort of paranoid attitude which we on the Government side have come to expect from Conservative Members. Every time an industry goes wrong, they blame the Government —unless they happen to be in power themselves, in which case they blame foreign Governments, or anyone other than themselves.

In this country industry has got itself into the frame of mind of never accepting responsibility for what it does wrong. I have seen in the past six years some mismanagement in private industry that has been hideous. But, equally, there are some enormously successful and productive industries with managements that have produced very fine results.

Many of these industries are under pressure—those who work in them have to be especially careful, energetic and intelligent to survive and to flourish. On the other hand those industries which blame everyone else, and indulge in the sort of self-pity which we have heard from the last three speakers, tend to go down.

I have a vivid memory of a company in my constituency which went bust in the week before the General Election before last. I telephoned the acting managing director and asked him why he had said nothing to me—the local MP, when 1,800 constituents were about to be thrown out of work. In effect, his reply was "What business is it of yours?" I told him that it was very important to a Member of Parliament that his constituents should have work.

I urged him to tell me what I could do to help. His reply was " Have a word with Tony Benn". He spat it out as if it were an invocation of the devil, but which might nevertheless produce something useful. I suggested that he should have made that suggestion three months earlier and run his business properly, instead of as a family misery. Then the Government might have been able to assist, because it is the job of any Government to help industry.

I remember well the "lame duck" speech made at the beginning of my time in this House by the then Minister for Industry, who was rescued from the CBI, the right hon. Member for Knutsford (Mr. Davies). After he said that the Government would not help lame ducks, Rolls-Royce was saved, and rightly so. However, when we do it the Conservatives call it interference with industrial freedom, or nationalisation of the worst kind, or propping up those who do not deserve to live, and therefore imposing burdens on those sections of industry which remain in operation. There is paranoia and schizophrenia in the Opposition's approach. They have double vision on these matters. If they do it, it is good and right; if we do it, it is wrong and a burden.

I specialise in employment law—I lecture on it and write books—and I was concerned to hear the hon. Member for Somerset, North (Mr. Dean) talking about the burdens of the present. What about the burdens of the past? I shall give an illustration of this. The managing director of a firm in the construction industry told me that the trouble with that industry was that in the past people had been treated like pigs. Now that they were treated decently, they just did not believe it.

It is very difficult to create a new atmosphere. For example, in the car industry the industrial relations burden of the past is a bitter one, and it is not possible to throw it off in a matter of months. It takes years to do something like that. The burden of the past affects both sides of industry, and it is something which must be taken account of in considering worker participation in decision-making. t hope that the Minister will take this opportunity to say something about this matter and tell us what the Government hope to do.

As far as management is concerned, too many managers are totally authoritarian and take the attitude that their job is to manage, the workers' job to operate the machines, and that each side should shoulder its own burden. They have had this arrangement for so long that many union leaders—fewer now, I am glad to say—are saying that they prefer to be on their side of the bargaining table and to have no information and to take no part in decision-making.

The future for our industry lies in sharing the responsibility between both sides and the creation of trust. This is not impossible. It exists in many industries, firms and sections already, and not only in the private sector. It exists in both private and public sector industries that are well run. Being well run is not a monopoly of the private sector, and the public sector is not all badly run, as the Opposition suggest. Unfortunately, we have some bad management stretching throughout the spectrum.

In winding up the debate my hon. Friend the Minister should pay attention to the special burdens being carried by traditional industries such as those in my constituency—boots and shoes, textiles and hosiery. These industries have survived the depression and the recession in the thirties and now today they are faced with drastic problems. They are industries within which there are some sections which are still flourishing because of superb management. But through no fault of their own they are faced with competition with which they cannot contend, and they are finding life becoming increasingly difficult.

I pay tribute to those sections of industry in Leicester and elsewhere which are building in spite of the problems and increasing employment in spite of general unemployment. In Leicester we happily have a lower unemployment rate than many other places, but it is still the highest we have ever had. I hope that the Minister will bear in mind the burden on traditional industries faced with competition at home and overseas, the efforts they are making to face that competition, and the fact that they have managed to retain a high level of employment and a high production rate.

Finally I refer to the traditional attack on this Government and on Socialist policies generally which has come from the Opposition. They say that we impose huge burdens of legislation on those who are unable to carry them. I can speak with an enormous degree of knowledge of one area only—the area of employment law. The trend for legislation was started by Conservatives in the Industrial Relations Act of 1971, the most important and least controversial parts of which—those concerning unfair dismissal rights—have been carried on in the Trade Union and Labour Relations Act and strengthened in the Employment Protection Act. I suggest that those industries, companies and firms which already have and have had the highest standards of management are very little affected by this legislation. They are potentially affected if a manager makes a mistake and dismisses an employee unfairly, and that is only right. But where they are already exercising humanity, kindness and decency by giving plenty of warning of redundancies and where they care about health and safety of employees, they have little need for the Health and Safety at Work Act with its huge potential penalties on managers, directors and secretaries.

On the other hand where employers do not come up to normal decent minimum standards, it is right that the law should intervene and enforce those standards on them. That is what the law is for—to set up minimum standards with which people should comply and with which, unfortunately, too many do not comply. Therefore, I suggest that these laws should not be regarded as a burden on industry, but should be welcomed by industry as providing the best environment in which to produce better treatment and conditions for and relations with their own work forces.

I end with the case of the safety regulations which are to be implemented before long. Here the CBI and TUC have combined to say that these are minimum standards which should be enforced with the weight of criminal law. However, the Government are saying "Not yet." It is not the burden which matters in this case, but the concern for life, limb and decency. I believe that these objectives have the blessing of people on both sides of industry, who understand that they are necessary for industry, they will enable people to work together, and industry to survive, flourish and be successful. So long as people go on blaming this or any other Government for introducing minimum standards for industry and blaming other people for their own failures, industry will not flourish as it deserves.

6.10 p.m.

I hope that the hon. and learned Member for Leicester, West (Mr. Janner) will forgive that I do not follow him, but he heard none of the opening speeches and what he said contributed little to the debate. I appreciate his position, but I, too, know a fair amount about employment, because I am a professional personnel manager. The unnecessary burdens upon employers did not begin with the 1970 Government, but were the result of such legislation as the Industrial Training Act, the Redundancy Payments Act and so forth. I do not say whether the burdens were necessary or unnecessary, but they did not start with the 1970 Government.

In view of the hon. Member's compliment to me, perhaps he will now say whether he regards the Redundancy Payments Act, the Industrial Training Act and the unfair dismissal protection as necessary.

If the hon. and learned Member stays for the rest of the debate, he will hear me deal with those matters in my