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Commons Chamber

Volume 927: debated on Wednesday 9 March 1977

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House Of Commons

Wednesday 9th March 1977

The House met at half-past Two o'clock

Prayers

[Mr. SPEAKER in the Chair]

Message From The Council Of State

Local Government (Scotland)

The VICE-CHAMBERLAIN OF THE HOUSEHOLD reported to the House That their Address of 25th February relating to Local Government (Scotland) had been presented to Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth the Queen Mother and Her Royal Highness the Princess Anne, Mrs. Mark Phillips; and that Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth the Queen Mother and Her Royal Highness the Princess Anne, Mrs. Mark Phillips, had been pleased to receive the same very graciously and to give the following Answer:

We, Counsellors of State, to whom have been delegated certain Royal Functions as specified in Letters Patent under the Great Seal of the Realm dated 3rd February 1977 have received your Address praying that the Lothian and Strathclyde Regions (Greenrigg and West Graigs) Boundaries Order 1977 (S.1., 1977, No. 107 dated 5th January 1977, be annulled.

On Her Majesty's behalf we will comply with your request.

Leicester Prison (Security)

Return ordered,

Address for Return of the Report of an Inquiry by the Chief Inspector of the Prison Service into Security at Her Majesty's Prison Leicester, and the arrangements for conducting prisoners to Courts. (Escape of William Thomas Hughes on 12th January 1977.)— [ Dr. Summerskill]

Oral Answers To Questions

Transport

Freight Costs

1.

asked the Secretary of State for Transport what was the average cost in terms of ton/miles of moving bulk freight by each form of inland transport in each of the past two years; and what is his estimate of likely changes in cost in the immediate future.

Statistics in this form are not readily available. There are some figures of comparative expenditure on road and rail goods transport in paper 1 of volume 2 of the transport policy consultation document.

Does the Minister realise that he did not mention inland waterway transportation? In view of the fact that it is potentially the least expensive form of movement of freight, will he consider it, and will he express a view on whether inland waterways should be the responsibility of his Department?

This is a very popular idea. My hon. Friend the Member for Rotherham (Mr. Crowther) suggested something similar when we last had transport Questions. However, I should point out that it would entail an enlargement of the transport empire, and there. fore I cannot possibly encourage it.

Is the Minister aware that at present competition is very unfair, because his Department has instructed British Rail to phase out its subsidy to the freight services, while at the same time juggernaut lorries in this country are being subsidised to the tune of £70 million a year on the motorways and roads? What does he intend to do about it?

My hon. Friend has hit on a subject of great current interest. I know that it is a matter of considerable concern that we reach a sensible conclusion on it. I am convinced that we muse look at the allocation of costs and get them right, and we shall do that in the White Paper.

Is the Minister aware that the fact that the figures are unavailable in the terms of this Question demonstrates the need to have specific figures, particularly for British Rail's various services, in order to assess where the taxpayers' money is going and where the losses and the gains are? Will the Minister keep this important fact in mind?

I understand the hon. Member's point, but it is not as simple as it sounds. There are a lot of figures on this subject and it is a question of which ones one chooses and which ones are relevant. Figures for freight transported by road, rail and waterways are relevant only if they are compared for a particular journey between specific points. If one compares figures for these three methods of transport generally, one brings in a number of other factors—for example, lorries tend to make shorter journeys than the railways, and that does bias the figures. This is a very complicated question, and these are some of the points that must be sorted out.

Car And Rail Travel

2.

asked the Secretary of State for Transport what account he is taking of the comparative cost of family travel by car and rail in his White Paper proposals for transport.

In drawing up our White Paper we shall take full account of the needs of people and families, and of how far they can be met within the resources available.

I am grateful for that reply. Does the Minister realise that this will take some effort on his Department's behalf? To travel from Custom House to Stratford and return for a family—assuming that that means two and a half fares—means a cost of £.1·38 for six miles. Does he also realise that, taking the House of Commons car allowance, the journey could be done for nearly half the cost by car? If this is true of short urban journeys it must also be true of longer journeys. Has the Department taken account of these facts in drawing up the White Paper?

I am aware of the concern arising in connection with services between North Woolwich and Stratford, in my hon. Friend's constituency. It does seem to be a striking example of a marked increase, because there were certain anomalies before. In the context of inner city problems we shall certainly look at commuting and the rôole that rail can play.

Following that supplementary question from the hon. Member for Newham, South (Mr. Spearing), will the Minister confirm that a family going by car pay their own way, unsubsidised by the taxpayer, whereas a family going by rail may be subsidised by up to 50 per cent. of the fare charged?

That bears again on the general question of the allocation of costs. Of course it is true that the car owner pays a bigger share of road costs than, for example, does the lorry owner. I agree with the hon. Gentleman to that extent. Nevertheless, this begs the question of how far we have properly allocated or accounted for environmental costs, for example. We do not really do that at the moment.

European Community (Transport Ministers)

3.

asked the Secretary of State for Transport when he will next preside at the Transport Council of European Ministers.

On that occasion, will my right hon. Friend urge his fellow Ministers to implement EEC Commission proposal 336 last year for specific Community aid for transport infrastructure? Will he bear in mind in so doing the fact that the then EEC Commissioner for Transport said that a Channel Tunnel project would be within the terms of reference of such aid?

Certainly I shall bear in mind my hon. Friend's suggestion. I know that there has been a revival of interest in the prospect of the Channel Tunnel. If EEC funds were to be available it would be wrong not to look at it.

Does the right hon. Gentleman appreciate what that last statement means? A number of my constituents are having great difficulty selling houses because they can get no advice from the Government about whether the Channel Tunnel project is on or off. Will he make it clear that he has no intention of reintroducing that measure in the near future?

The Channel Tunnel project is clearly off in the terms in which it was discussed some years ago, but, as I told my hon. Friend, if the EEC is making proposals about infrastructure it would be discourteous of us not to look at them.

When my right hon. Friend next meets the Council of Ministers will he reflect that he is investing less in the railway system than any of his three counterparts with equivalent population, and that he is investing no more than his opposite number in Belgium, which has one-fifth of Britain's population?

As my hon. Friend knows, it is easy to draw broad conclusions from narrow facts. However, I agree that the questions of investment in rail and the relationships between road and rail are suitable subjects for discussion within the Community. I have been hoping that we would be able to find time to look at them.

May I take the Secretary of State on to another problem? Is he aware that the enormous success of the British road haulage industry in developing routes overseas and in Europe, particularly to the Middle East, is now being seriously jeopardised by the difficulty of getting sufficient international permits') Will he point out to the other Ministers that this is now a major source of concern in the British road haulage industry in an area in which we would hope for and expect considerably more generous treatment from them than we have hitherto received?

I am happy to pay tribute to what the road hauliers have done in this respect. I do not think that their success so far has been jeopardised by problems with permits, but I agree that this is a cause of concern. However, we must understand the problems of countries with a large volume of transit vehicles, which involve substantial costs on their roads.

Lorries (Maximum Loads)

4.

asked the Secretary of State for Transport what representations he has received from the Civic Trust on EEC proposals to increase maximum lorry weights.

I met representatives of the Civic Trust on 26th January. We discussed the environmental problems of lorries generally and the current EEC proposals on weights and dimensions in particular.

I am sure that my right hon. Friend appreciates that the environmental and social consequences of granting an increased lorry load to 40 tons would be very serious, but does he agree that if 40-ton lorries are permitted in this country the road hauliers will get an even greater advantage over rail freight, which will not only damage the latter system but will create tremendous problems throughout the country?

My hon. Friend makes important and relevant comments on the matters involved in increasing the weights of lorries. I have made it clear that I would not agree to such an increase unless it could be reconciled with the needs of safety and the environment. However, my hon. Friend's supplementary question also brings us back to the problem of how far heavy vehicles meet their true cost, which is a matter of concern to my hon. Friend and to the House generally.

Will the Secretary of State confirm that the Lorries and the Environment Committee is still in existence? Is this not a matter that could be referred to that committee, so that it could report generally to him?

Does the Secretary of State expect an early decision to be reached on this matter? Would he wish the House to have an opportunity to express its views on the matter before any such decision is reached?

The answers are "No" and "Yes". This is something that the House should discuss.

Does my right hon. Friend agree that this considerable increase to 40 tons cannot really be reconciled with the needs of the environment, in view of the hazards that it presents? Is he aware that at Avonmouth, in my constituency, serious hazards have been caused recently by these large tankers? Can he assure us that, on behalf of hon. Members on the Government side anyway, he will oppose the increase to 40 tons which the EEC would like to impose on us?

As my hon. Friend knows, it is not simply or even mainly the overall weight of a vehicle which matters but its axle weight. On this, we have been able to make some satisfactory progress in the Community. However, I have certainly made my position clear and I recognise that there is real concern on both sides of the House, for a number of different reasons.

Public Transport (Inter-Urban Journeys)

5.

asked the Secretary of State for Transport what progress has been made in the study of future long-term demand for, and provision of, public transport for inter-urban journeys as proposed in the transport policy consultation document.

Preparatory work continues, but final decisions await my White Paper.

As the study is not seeking to draw a conclusion from a narrow fact but is considering the wider implications of investment and development strategy for all transport industries, would it not be helpful to my right hon. Friend and to the House to have that report before the White Paper is published? Will he also say what arrangements he will be making for interim consultations with the Leitch Committee, since its consideration of the allocation of costs will be germane to the debate on his White Paper?

I do not think that I could give the promise for which my hon. Friend asks, because that would probably mean postponing the White Paper for two or three years, for the very reason that he mentions. This is a complex and important subject, but I hope that the conclusions that will emerge will help to determine policy for a long way ahead. It will not be prejudiced by the publication of the White Paper. As for the Leitch Committee, my hon. Friend knows its terms of reference. I hope that it will report quickly, but I do not think that I should consider asking it to undertake different tasks.

Bearing in mind the views of the Secretary of State for Social Services about smoking, will the right hon. Gentleman be looking at the modern Inter-City carriages, with a view to separating smokers from non-smokers by means of separate carriages rather than the half-and-half carriages which are used at present?

That is an attractive and interesting suggestion. I am afraid that it is really for the management of British Railways, but I am sure that they will note what the hon. Gentleman says.

When he is considering the provision of future investment, will my right hon. Friend please ask British Railways when they will put investment into rolling stock on suburban journeys? If something is not done quickly for the journeys between Preston and Colne, the rolling stock there will disintegrate one of these days.

I think that that question goes rather wider than the main one, but I am sure that the Chairman of British Rail will note what my hon. Friend has said.

M23 (Extensions)

7.

asked the Secretary of State for Transport what review he is conducting of the proposed further extensions of the M23; and when he expects to be able to announce the results of such review.

Following my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for the Environment's statement of October 1975 on the Greater London Development Plan, the Greater London and Surrey County Councils are participating with the Government in a survey of the possibilities for the termination of the M23. The outcome of this study is unlikely to be known before the end of the year.

Does my hon. Friend not agree that the further that trunk routes are extended into inner cities the more traffic they generate? As—I understand—the earliest date upon which it is possible that this road will be started is 1981, with completion, presumably, not until 1983, by which time oil supplies will again be becoming a serious problem, does he not agree that it is crazy for us to allow the blight and misery that this causes to continue? Will he not cut through the red tape and declare now that this road will not be extended beyond Mitcham Common?

The relevant question here is whether there is a proper terminating point for the sort of radial route about which my hon. Friend is concerned. As he knows, there is a terminating point on the M25. One could stop the M23 roughly at Hooley and go no further north. Nevertheless, there are many complications in just deciding the matter like that: that is why this study is being set up. I am sorry that it cannot report more quickly, because I understand the blight problem that concerns my hon. Friend and all of us, but I am sure that it will report as soon as possible. I shall certainly see that it does.

Integrated Transport Policy

9.

asked the Secretary of State for Transport what he understands by the term "integrated transport policy".

An adequate reply would require not a sentence but a speech, which would explain how the thoughtful planning of transport resources can contribute significantly towards meeting the country's economic and social needs.

Does the Minister realise that that reply is like saying "Lord give me chastity but not yet"? Does he agree that an integrated transport policy must be constantly sought but that it can never be final because the parameters are changing and being up-dated all the time? Does he further agree that urgently required transport needs, such as the completion of motorway schemes, should not be delayed while the Government, of what- ever complexion, are searching for a will-o'-the-wisp integrated transport policy?

That was an ingenious question and, rather to my surprise, I was trying to find a point with which I disagreed. What the hon. and gallant Member said about change is absolutely true. We must recognise the changing needs in transport and the need for a flexible system. At the same time when we are pursuing major policy questions we should not delay necessary steps to solve current problems.

When working on an integrated transport policy will the Minister consult Mr. Jack Jones, who believes that the case for road transport has not been put strongly enough?

I have frequent consultations with all the transport unions. It is important to preserve a balance between investment in road and rail and between the different modes and types of transport. When we discussed these matters in the debate recently my hon. Friend made an important contribution.

Does the Minister agree that an integrated transport policy that ended the competition between the different modes of transport would be likely to increase transport costs?

That might be true in certain circumstances, but calculations are not as simple as that. An element of consumer choice in transport is important.

Does my right hon. Friend agree that an integrated transport system that was designed to meet the total needs of the community would require the public ownership of the ports, for instance, and, indeed, of the whole of the transport industry? Does the Minister agree that one cannot plan an integrated transport system unless it is publicly owned?

I do not entirely agree with my hon. Friend. I am well aware of his views about the extension of the public sector to the transport industry, and he has made an important point, but in a mixed economy we cannot assume that we can have more thoughtful planning of our transport system or any part of our industrial system simply by waiting for changes in ownership. We must act sooner than that.

Does the Minister agree that it is urgent that we should complete the motorway routes to our ports, particularly where there are gaps? Does he agree that that should be the first priority?

Yes, with some qualifications, and given that the completion of the motorway network must come within the available resources, which, as the hon. Member knows, have been constricted.

Rail Commuters

10.

asked the Secretary of State for Transport whether he will meet representatives of the National Association of Rail Passengers to discuss the problems of commuters.

My right hon. Friend has no plans at present to meet representatives of the National Association of Rail Passengers.

Can the Minister assure us that he understands that rail commuters, by and large, are not wealthy people with bottomless pockets? Is he aware that they have to pay higher fares with constricted incomes, on which they have been taxed? There is a special problem in commuter operations, because of the intensified use of rolling stock and of staff. As we are all workers now, if British Rail were to reintroduce a workers' fare would he support it, and will he institute a new Government campaign for staggering work hours?

We understand the problems of commuters and, with the squeeze on incomes in the last few years, that fares have gone up faster than retail prices and most other prices. That is the cause of the problem. I cannot undertake to give even more subsidies by way of a workers' fare, especially as we are all workers now, if that is what the hon. Member is suggesting. Nevertheless, we must look at the problems sympathetically.

In the context of the White Paper does my hon. Friend agree that much of the subsidy for commuters is another way of saying that we are paying money out there instead of constructing new urban motorways, which would be needed if people could not travel by rail?

I agree, but my hon. Friend omits to mention the enormous environmental and social costs of motorways.

Is the Minister aware that there is deep anger among members of the National Association of Rail Passengers at the refusal of his right hon. Friend to see them? Is he aware that these are people at the sharp end, travelling between London and their home town? Will the Minister undertake to think about the matter again and agree to meet a deputation led by hon. Members from both sides of the House?

I shall consider the hon. Member's suggestion. I understand that members of the association will be seeing the Chairman of British Rail before long. This is a matter for British Rail in the first instance, and under our present system that is the most appropriate way to proceed.

White Paper

11.

asked the Secretary of State for Transport when he expects to publish his transport White Paper; and whether he will make a statement.

14.

asked the Secretary of State for Transport when he expects to publish his transport White Paper; and whether he will make a statement.

25.

asked the Secretary of State for Transport if he is now able to give the precise date for the publication of the transport policy White Paper.

I thank the Minister for that answer. In view of the importance of the White Paper and the normal problem of finding sufficient time to debate transport matters in the House, does he agree that there is a case for setting up a Select Committee on Transport? Would not that help to reassure the public on contentious matters, such as the national road programme and the level of support for public transport, and enable this matter to be fully discussed and investigated by Parliament?

My instinct is to say "Yes", because for a long time I have been a strong supporter of the workings of Select Committees. However, if I said "Yes" I might be unpopular with my colleagues, since I have not consulted them.

Will the White Paper refer to road safety? If it does, will there be a reference to seat belts? Since, each week, 20 people are killed on the roads who would have survived had they been wearing seat belts, and since the House, on a free vote, supported the seat belts Bill by a majority of over 100, will the Minister take advantage of the reduced pressure on parliamentary time and reintroduce the Bill?

The White Paper will refer to seat belts and to road safety in general. I agree that a reference is not enough. The Government are committed to find time to reintroduce the seat belts Bill. However, the use of parliamentary time is not a matter for me, although the hon. Member may assume that the issue is very much in my mind.

In the first paragraph of the White Paper will my right hon. Friend give a definition of an integrated transport policy? Does he agree that we have an underused rail system and an overused road system? Is he aware that the Severn Bridge had to be closed because its fabric was being destroyed by juggernaut lorries? Surely the same must be happening on our roads in general.

My hon. Friend is wrong about the reason for the Severn Bridge being temporarily closed. I am hesitant to seek to define an integrated transport policy, in view of earlier exchanges. My hon. Friend makes an important point. The maximisation of resources, bearing in mind questions of costs, choice and need, is central to the White Paper.

Will the White Paper cover the system of the tapering of bus fares in rural areas by the National Bus Company? Is the Minister aware that some of the fare increases for short journeys have infuriated my constituents?

I am not sure that it will go into that much detail, and some of these matters are really for the manage- ment of the company or of the appropriate industry. But I am sure that the point put by the hon. Gentleman will be noted.

That is a very interesting question, to which I am not sure that I yet have the answer. But my guess is that there will be reference in it to them.

Before publishing the White Paper in May, will the right hon. Gentleman have a look at the licensing functions of the traffic commissioners, as set out in the Road Traffic Act 1960, particularly in view of the co-ordinating rôle that local authorities, particularly the county councils, now have under the Local Government Act 1972, as there is an awful muddle?

I think that there is a more specific reference to this matter in a later Question. However, this matter is in our minds, and it is an important question to be considered in the White Paper.

Driver And Vehicle Licensing Centre

12.

asked the Secretary of State for Transport whether he is satisfied with the efficiency of the Swansea Driver and Vehicle Licensing Centre.

13.

asked the Secretary of State for Transport whether he is satisfied with the efficiency of the Swansea Driver and Vehicle Licensing Centre.

That is an extraordinarily complacent reply. The hon. Gentleman must be aware, as the House is, of the very large number of complaints that we are getting, particularly about delays in the offices out there. Has he been able to satisfy himself about the causes of these delays? What steps are being taken to eliminate them? That is what we are interested in. Does the hon. Gentleman know what the defects are in the operation? Will he publish in the Official Report figures showing the levels of staff, part- and full-time, and the cost of the organisation?

I shall consider the hon. Gentleman's last request and see whether I can meet it, but I remind the House that the Automobile Association, which is not backward in the interests of motorists, has given the Swansea centre a pretty clean bill of health. There were initial problems, but the situation is improving. I was there recently and was impressed by the improved standards of efficiency.

Is the hon. Gentleman aware that many of us would regard the place at Swansea as a disaster area? Is he further aware that many of my constituents have found themselves in trouble with the police, as well as in trouble over hire purchase, and so on, and have suffered great personal inconvenience, because of the lack of activity at Swansea? The complacency of his reply is insufferable.

There was no complacency in my reply. I was impressed by the set-up. The situation has improved, and the fact that an independent body such as the AA can say so is clear evidence that the hon. Gentleman's remark that this is a disaster area is totally inaccurate. Vehicle licences are now turned round in two days flat, registration documents within eight or nine days, and driving licences within eight to nine days flat. That is extremely good going.

Is my hon. Friend aware that most of us on Labour Benches are disappointed with his reply? If he is satisfied with the Swansea centre, let me assure him that there are many thousands of constituents all over the country who are not. What is he going to do about it?

and there is independent testimony to the fact—that the situation is improving at the centre. I have looked into it extensively, and I am confident that the staff are doing all they can. As my hon. Friend knows—and he should give them credit for it—they have set up special arrangements to deal with problems that occur, and these are dealt with quickly.

Is the hon. Gentleman as satisfied as the Treasury that it is sensible to continue with both the vehicle licence tax and the petrol tax? Would it not be a good idea to combine the two?

There is something to be said for that, but that is a matter for my right hon. Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer.

As the Scotland and Wales Bill is in limbo, will the hon. Gentleman devolve responsibility for driver and motor vehicle licensing to Scotland, so that at least he may get that right?

I certainly would not wish to cast aspersions on the Welsh, to whom the centre was devolved for very good reasons. I am sure that to transfer it to Scotland would not meet with the approval of my colleagues.

Public Expenditure

15.

asked the Secretary of State for Transport whether he will make a statement on the annual percentage growth of public expenditure on transport since 1973.

Public expenditure on inland surface transport in Great Britain, excluding loans to nationalised industries, increased by 13 per cent. between 1973–74 and 1974–75 and by a further 1 per cent. in 1975–76. It has declined by about 3 per cent. in 1976–77.

I thank the right hon. Gentleman for that reply, but is he aware that it is the massive switch since 1973 from investment to subsidy that has created such long-term problems in the economy of the nation? What is he going to do about it?

One of the problems in recent years is the consequences of the period when natural price increases were held back, in the early 1970s, but I acknowledge the point that if investment were to be neglected, and if revenue support were to be open-ended, we could not have improvements in the transport system. These matters will be discussed in the White Paper.

Has my right hon. Friend had representations from British Railways about the investment programme? Are British Railways satisfied with it since 1973, and even with the forward projections for the next three or four years?

I have had no specific representations from British Railways about the investment programme, but it is a matter that I discuss with them from time to time, and I was pleased to make a decision, in advance of the White Paper, some weeks ago to let the £80 million investment in the Bedford-St. Pancras line go ahead. But the level of investment is certainly central in considering the future of the railways.

May I support the point put earlier by my hon. Friend the Member for Wellingborough (Mr. Fry) by putting to the right hon. Gentleman that one of the most effective ways of controlling and continually surveying public expenditure is by Select Committee of the House? I know the right hon. Gentleman's difficulties over this, but does he appreciate that there is much support for that proposition, or at least much thought about it on both sides of the House? Does he also appreciate that there is lack of debating time for transport matters and that a Select Committee would largely get over that fact, which is frequently used to criticise this House by various protest lobbies in transport?

I think that the hon. Gentleman is unwittingly confusing two possible functions for a Select Committee. There is the Select Committee on Expenditure, which has had a distinguished record since its establishment. It is open to the House to decide whether and in what way it might be used for some of the purposes that the hon. Gentleman has in mind.

British Railways (Accounts)

16.

asked the Secretary of State for Transport whether he will give a general direction to the Chairman of British Railways to provide accounts which show the costs of the different services properly apportioned.

I refer the hon. Member to the reply that I gave to the hon. Member for Christchurch and Lymington (Mr. Adley) on Monday.

Does the right hon. Gentleman agree that unless full financial information and a total breakdown of costs are available, the British Railways management will not be able to do the job properly and public dissatisfaction will increase, because there will be no basis on which one can assess whether one is getting value for money? If the taxpayer is to foot the bill for British Railways, should their position not be fully itemised?

I have a great deal of sympathy with that view, but these matters have been discussed for over 30 years in the House and it is not easy to find a solution entirely satisfactory to everyone. The British Railways Board discussed this question in response to the consultation document, but it is difficult to find a method of apportionment that is wholly satisfactory and that would be endorsed by everyone. I am sure that the board will be anxious to publish as much information as it can, and I agree that it would help for the purposes of planning.

If my right hon. Friend decides to do what is asked of him, will he, on grounds of consistency, look at the costings of different categories of road user, since it is generally accepted that private motorists cross-subsidise the commercial road users?

If it were within my power to do so I would succumb to my hon. Friend's suggestion, but, in replying on Monday to the hon. Member for Christchurch and Lymington (Mr. Adley), I made it clear that it would not be appropriate for me to give a statutory direction of the kind suggested.

Does the right hon. Gentleman agree that at a time when the House is discussing the provision of £45 million to British Railways for their freight deficit, some figures about the actual costs of those freight services should appear in their annual report?

These are matters which, having been discussed in the House, can be pursued in the Committee now sitting. I am not quarrelling with the argument that information should be made available if it is meaningful, but we should be aware of the problems of providing information which is not meaningful and significant and which could mislead.

Does my right hon. Friend agree that, for example, when British Rail claims that a line is becoming increasingly uneconomic and the service to passengers on it is therefore liable to withdrawal, and one adduces the cost of track maintenance when it is found that the track is to remain open for freight, people are right to be suspicious that British Railways have perhaps first thought up the strategy and then produced figures that will support it?

I do not think that British Railways normally approach their problems in this way. My own view is that at every level in British Railways there is a tremendous commitment to the future of the railways. However, they have to do their work within the framework set by Parliament and within the resources available. If my hon. Friend has any specific instance in mind, I shall pass on the information. If that is done, I am sure that British Railways will have an answer.

Written-Off Cars

17.

asked the Secretary of State for Transport if he will seek powers to prevent cars written off by insurance companies going back on to the road without an inspection.

18.

asked the Secretary of State for Transport if he will seek powers to ensure that motor vehicles which have been written off by insurance companies are not put back on the road.

My right hon. Friend is studying the evidence that the hon. Members for Essex, South-East (Sir B. Braine) and Sutton Coldfield (Mr. Fowler) recently put to him. We should be clear about the real extent of the problem before embarking on legislation for this purpose.

That reply is most unsatisfactory. Is the hon. Gentleman aware that since the old system was ended in 1971, whereby insurers voluntarily informed licensing authorities of seriously damaged vehicles, no effective system of safeguarding the public interest has been introduced? Is it not clear that the Government must insist on obligatory testing before 50,000 written-off vehicles are put back on the road? Has the hon. Gentleman begun his activities in this regard by discussing the matter with the British Insurance Association?

Indeed, and the British Insurance Association would not necessarily support the hon. Gentleman's arguments. More relevantly, we are having discussions with the Vehicle Builders and Repairers Association. We have begun our investigations in the interests of establishing whether, in practice, this is a serious cause of road accidents and whether we can do some statistical sample work to give us some greater evidence.

Does my hon. Friend not feel that it is the Government's duty to avoid accidents and save lives by introducing legislation? Is he aware of the massive campaign in favour of that approach by the Evening Echo of Hemel Hempstead? Does he not feel that the sooner something is done the better?

I am delighted that the campaign has percolated even to Hemel Hempstead. I am glad to know that. I think that the Government should take every matter of road safety extremely seriously. Indeed, that is the approach that we take. The fact that we are looking into these matters carefully in view of the evidence given by the hon. Members for Essex, South-East (Sir B. Braine) and Sutton Coldfield (Mr. Fowler) is an indication of that.

To revert to the point made by my hon. Friend the Member for Essex, South-East (Sir B. Braine), is it not possible that in the immediate future the most likely remedial steps lie in an agreement between the British Insurance Association and the hon. Gentleman's Department? Why was the agreement dropped in 1971, in the first place?

It was dropped by the hon. Gentleman's Government because it was not thought to be an effective way of dealing with this problem. Further, there was no evidence at that time—there is still no evidence—that this was a serious cause of accidents. That is why we are looking at the problem again. Clearly, the Shadow Secretary of State for Transport, the hon. Member for Sutton Coldfield, has changed the Tories' tune on this issue.

Will my hon. Friend consider the matter again? We insist on a three-year car undergoing a test, yet a new car can be completely written off in a smash-up but can come back on the road without a test. Where is the logic in that?

As I have tried to make clear, new cars, imported cars, repaired cars or secondhand cars—indeed, all types of cars—can cause accidents if not properly maintained. The fact that there is a test at a certain time does not guarantee that the car is adequately maintained thereafter and will not cause an accident. We must be sure that the measures that we take—for example, the MOT test, or what is now proposed—are effective in preventing road accidents.

The Minister must recognise that this is not a matter of party politics. Is he aware of the mounting public concern that is shared by motoring and consumer protection organisations, and the demand for Government action? At the very least the Government should measure the size of the problem. Surely what is needed is a simple system of inspection before these cars return to the road. Will the hon. Gentleman show more urgency in tackling this matter than hitherto?

There is no question of a lack of urgency. It is necessary to establish the facts. As I have said, we are having discussions with the Vehicle Builders and Repairers Association, which has brought evidence to us. The Transport and Road Research Laboratory has been asked to examine these matters fully. We need statistical evidence that this is a significant cause of road accidents. Until we get that evidence it would be senseless to propose legislation having no proper basis.

Public Transport

19.

asked the Secretary of State for Transport if he has any plans for attracting an additional number of passengers to public transport.

I am considering how best to ensure that public transport plays its proper part in the course of preparing my White Paper.

Does my right hon. Friend agree that one of the most effective ways of conserving energy supplies is the greater utilisation of public transport? With that in mind, will he set about reducing the cost of public transport?

I agree with my hon. Friend about the importance of public transport. I am glad to say that the resources devoted to it in recent years have been increased. The real problem is how we pay for improved public transport services. If they are not paid for by increased fares, which are unpopular, they must be paid for by taxation and rates, which are also unpopular. There is no easy way of providing a public transport system that does not make considerable demands, direct or indirect, upon those who enjoy its services.

Does the right hon. Gentleman agree that the large rise in fares in recent years has had a serious effect on many hundreds of thousands of people? Will he consider the experience of foreign countries in Europe and experience in the United States of America and Canada before coming forward with his White Paper? In many of those countries extra help is given to commuters in other ways.

I shall consider overseas experience. However, we must face the facts. If fares are not to rise, services must be cut, or from taxation and rates there must be additional support for our public transport system. That means increases in public expenditure. We cannot have it both ways. That does not mean that public transport is not important. I recognise its importance and in my White Paper I shall be dealing with the issues that my hon. Friend the Member for Chorley (Mr. Rodgers) raised in his initial Question.

Is my right hon. Friend aware that the latest swingeing increase in bus fares, especially in the Northern Region, is one of the most major disincentives in the use of public transport yet devised?

I am sympathetic to what my hon. Friend says. However, if fare increases are not to take place other services must be cut, and cut severely, or there must be additional allocation of resources in our public expenditure totals at a time when, by common consent, there can be no increase in ceilings. If we are to spend more in subsidising buses and railways, however justified that may be, where are we to find the money to do so? Is it to be done by reducing provision for schools, house building and the Health Service? Where is the money to come from? It does not grow on trees.

In seeking to attract custom, will the right hon. Gentleman get someone to look into the question of catering facilities on trains? Bearing in mind the services provided and the quality of what is sold, is the right hon. Gentleman aware that there is profiteering on a grosser scale than in any other method of selling food that I know?

I have never seen, on the railways, profiteering of the sort that the hon. Gentleman describes. His experience is very different from mine. Considering the difficult circumstances, the railways now make available first-class food. However, this matter is wholly unrelated to the demands for public transport.

In view of my right hon. Friend's statement, is he not assuming that the elasticity of demand for transport is constant at every price range? May it not be true that we are now getting into price ranges where the demand for public transport is becoming more and more elastic?

My hon. Friend is absolutely right, but I am not sure what conclusion he expects me to draw. It is true that public transport can price itself out of the market with fare increases. That is a grave risk. However, if fares are not to increase we must subsidise to a greater extent. I ask the House to face this reality. Where is the money to come from? Are other programmes to be cut for this purpose?

Bearing in mind British Railways' old-fashioned approach to the carrying of cycles, does the right hon. Gentleman accept that they have not understood the advantages of the modern bicycle? Will the right hon. Gentleman have a word with British Railways and bring them up to date?

National Bus Company

20.

asked the Secretary of State for Transport what is his latest estimate of the profit or loss which will be made by the National Bus Company during the current financial year.

The Chairman of the National Bus Company has told me that he expects to announce a small profit of about £3 million on revenue account for 1976. A similar result is expected in 1977.

Has not the Secretary of State failed to answer the Question? That is so because he has given an answer dealing only with revenue account. Bearing in mind the loss of £19 million made by the NBC in 1975 and the 12 million made in 1974, what is the right hon. Gentleman's estimate of the profit or loss for the current year, based on the same criteria for accountancy?

I am afraid that at this stage I have no information other than that which I have just given, but I wish the hon. Gentleman would be less grudging. I realise that he proposed a Bill to denationalise the National Bus Company in August and also that it was lost by a majority much larger than the difference between the two sides of the House.

The National Bus Company does an extremely good job in difficult circumstances. This relates to the previous questions. The NBC receives revenue support from the counties, but in 1976–77 it is likely to receive 20 per cent. less than its entitlement in terms of the allowance made to the counties in TSG for revenue support.

The Secretary of State has taken the words out of my mouth, and I agree that it ill becomes the House to continue to abuse the National Bus Company, which is fighting difficult problems. Should not some reassurance be given about its future by both sides of the House? The National Bus Company has devolved power throughout the country. Is that not an example to other parts of the transport services?

I am sure that the NBC will appreciate the hon. Gentleman's kind and understanding remarks. It would be better if the House examined in more detail some of the problems faced by the NBC in its attempt to maintain services when the necessary revenue support, particularly in rural areas, is lacking.

Does the Minister agree that while we refer to the National Bus Company as a national company, it is in fact a collection of private companies brought together? Is there not a great opportunity for greater public control of this form of transport?

I agree with my hon. Friend's description of the origins of the National Bus Company. It has had a considerable task in developing a single company and, at the same time, allowing for local option and control. There are also problems in integrating the services of the NBC with those of municipal transport authorities. But here, again, progress is being made and there is scope for further useful developments.

The Minister said that this Question was related to the previous one. Is he aware that that is particularly so in relation to NBC and other buses running with many empty seats, especially during off-peak periods? Has the Minister yet discussed with NBC the sale, or other means of availability, of reduced fare concessions, or any of the other schemes that have been put to him as a means of increasing the revenue of NBC during off-peak services and assisting old-age pensioners and others without increasing public expenditure?

I understand that the NBC is looking into some of these ideas, and it has my encouragement in doing so.

Motorways (Salting)

21.

asked the Secretary of State for Transport whether he is satisfied with the effectiveness of the present polices for salting motorways.

Is the Minister aware that there is a considerable body of scientific opinion that says that the amount of salt being applied to motorways exceeds the optimum by two to four times and that this is causing considerable environmental damage, because of the concentrations of salt in the surrounding run-off of the motorway? Is the Minister also aware that his Department has authorised the use of an anti-caking element in the salt, which allows a considerable amount of cyanide into the water culverts around motorways?

I was aware of some of those points. The hon. Gentleman obviously knows a great deal about the subject. I was not aware of his last point, but I shall look into it and write to him.

Does the Minister realise that there is evidence to suggest that when excessive amounts of salt are used it makes the surface dangerous? If the Minister really wants to save money throughout the country, he should note that there is a disparate programme being carried out and that in some areas salt is thrown down on the road in shovelfuls.

Order. The hon. Gentleman is giving advice when he ought to be asking a question.

Does the Minister realise that those are the facts? Will he get the Road Research Laboratory to study the problem immediately, because this would save on the cost of salt, damage to vehicles and accidents?

I always welcome advice from my hon. Friend, especially when it is so extensive and forceful. If my hon. Friend has any evidence, perhaps from his own area, of salt being improperly spread, I shall look into it. My advice is that if salt is spread properly—and I concede that this begs the question asked by my hon. Friend—it results in a reduction in accidents.

Has the Minister any figures about the cost of maintaining roads arising from the use of salt during the past winter?

Approximately 50,000 tons of salt was spread on motorways in England in each of the last three years at an approximate cost in 1974 of £337,000, in 1975 £383,000 and in 1976 £400,000.

Rural Transport

22.

asked the Secretary of State for Transport what recent representations he has received, as part of the consultations on transport policy on the provision of rural transport.

32.

asked the Secretary of State for Transport what recent representations he has had about rural transport; and whether he will make a statement.

We have received many such representations in response to the consultation documents on the transport policy review.

Is the Minister aware that those on the Government side of the House who have rural constituencies welcome his decision to experiment with new forms of transport in rural areas, but does he appreciate that time is of the essence in this matter, as the problem is chronic? Will he give the House some information about how long the experiment will last and when he will be able to present recommendations to the House?

I certainly appreciate that time is of the essence. I strongly support my hon. Friend's view on that. The experiments are expected to run for 18 months, but we could obtain results on an interim basis, and they will be a basis for decision taking. However, we do not rely merely on experiments to lead us to conclusions. In the White Paper we are, in addition, looking at the whole matter of the traffic commissioners and licensing, and our conclusions will not necessarily rest on the results of the experiments.

Why is it necessary to have experiments, since experience is self-evident and there has been only too much experience of the deteriorating state of rural transport? Is the Minister not in a position to draw conclusions here and now and take action, rather than spending time on experiments?

That is partly true. We can draw general conclusions from the experience of the last few years, but we are dealing with a situation of extraordinary fragility, and it has reached a stage where, if we arc not careful, we could end up with a worse situation than that from which we started. However, in those rural areas where there is bad, or even no, public transport the experiments will be welcome.

The Opposition agreed to take the Second Reading of the Rural Transport Bill in Committee upstairs because of representations made to us about the pressure of business on the Floor of the House. As this is no longer one of the major problems faced by the Government, may we have an assurance that the Second Reading will take place on the Floor of the House, especially in view of the interest that has been expressed by my hon. Friends?

Rail And Bus Services

23.

asked the Secretary of State for Transport what proposals he has received from the British Railways Board and the National Bus Company on the possible replacement of rail passenger services by bus services following the transport consultation document; and if he will make a statement.

I have received no proposals, although the Railways Board developed ideas on these lines in its response to the consultation document published some months ago.

Is the Minister aware of the less-than-perfect record of bus services that took over from rail services and, after a relatively short time, ceased to function, thus depriving poorer communities of any transport? Will the Minister, when considering these matters in future, look into the ability of the bus company to maintain a service, and do so before the rail service is stopped, the route demolished and a community deprived of all transport, because no rail services can then be brought back?

I am aware of that point. My hon. Friend is right in saying that there has been a less-than-perfect record on previous occasions. If we are to have any form of integrated transport system we must approach the matter in an open way, examining how we can best meet needs with the resources available. Therefore, it is perfectly reasonable that British Rail should discuss these matters with the trade unions, if that is its wish and judgment.

In connection with the representations made by the British Railways Board, will the right hon. Gentleman assure me and my constituents that we shall still be able to travel to Birmingham by express bus and that it will not be withdrawn at the request of the board, thereby involving us in more expense?

It is not for me to give assurances or not to give them. As I said earlier, I have received no representations of the sort implied in the initial Question. I think that the hon. Gentleman will understand the difficulties. Our discussions are of a very general sort and I cannot judge the outcome at this stage.

European Community (Council Of Ministers' Meeting)

I will, with permission, make a statement on the meeting of the EEC Council of Ministers which took place yesterday, under my chairmanship.

I am glad to report that after a long discussion we were able to reach agreement on the main elements of an opening statement to be made by the presidency on behalf of the Community on the Common Fund negotiating conference which has just opened in Geneva. There was one point which was not completely resolved concerning aspects of commodity financing on which work will continue this week. It will also be necessary to develop and elaborate the Community's position in the course of the Common Fund conference. The Community has committed itself to working constructively for a productive outcome and my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for Trade made it clear that the United Kingdom would make a positive contribution and would welcome discussion on all aspects of the question.

We discussed the detailed preparation for the next meeting of the European Council in Rome on 25th and 26th March. We discussed also representation at the forthcoming summit conference to be held in London on 7th and 8th May. Differing views were expressed on whether the Community should be represented. No consensus emerged and some member States indicated they would raise the issue at the European Council.

We heard a progress report on negotiations with third countries on fisheries questions. These are on the whole moving ahead satisfactorily, but my hon. Friend underlined the importance which the United Kingdom attaches to a resumption of British fishing off Iceland and it was agreed that the Commission would consult urgently with the Permanent Representatives' Committee on how to take this forward. It was also agreed that work should be pressed ahead on the reform of the Community's internal fisheries regime in the high-level official group which is meeting for the first time today and in the Agriculture Council.

We discussed the adaptation of the 1970 agreement between the Community and Spain to take account of the accession of the United Kingdom and other new members in 1973 and agreed that the Council would return to this issue at its next meeting on 5th April.

The Council agreed that the work in hand on a mandate for negotiation of a second stage agreement with Cyprus should be continued with a view to finalising it at the next Council.

A large measure of agreement was also reached on the Community's handling of the GATT negotiations on the renewal of the Multifibre Arrangement. Work will continue at official level on the outstanding issues in time for discussion in the GATT textiles committee in Geneva.

I thank the right hon. Gentleman for his statement and for keeping up the good habit of making brief statements soon after the Council meetings have taken place. In relation to his observations about the summit meeting and further discussion of the matter at the European Council, is he aware that we hope that he means that the Council, of which he is President, and the Council of Ministers will be exercising their authority to secure representation of the Community at the summit meeting, bearing in mind that particularly the smaller countries in the Community have long looked to Britain to seek to help them in having their view adequately expressed in these international arrangements?

The right hon. Gentleman in his reference to fisheries said that these matters were moving ahead satisfactorily, but do not the Icelandic discussions seem to be bogged down? Can he give some reassurance to the many interests which are concerned about the lack of news of any progress in these negotiations?

The right hon. Gentleman has a particular concern with the problems of Cyprus, so did he make clear to his colleagues how vital it is to the achievement of reconciliation in that island that arrangements between it and the Community should be intensified and made more effective in view of the immense importance of maintaining the island's economy in order to bring about the necessary reconciliation?

On the Multifibre Arrangement, can the right hon. Gentleman assure us that the point is well taken that, against a background of recession in the industry, the automatic quota growth envisaged in the arrangement is unacceptable for the future and that any review of the arrangement must bring about some relationship of quotas to the state of the industry from time to time?

There was no mention of Concorde in the right hon. Gentleman's statement. Did he raise this with his colleagues and point out to them that any adverse decision on Concorde and New York might have the most serious effects for the longterm interests of the European aerospace industry and that, although it might be in the very short-term interests of the United States industry, it could not be in its long-term interests? Did the right hon. Gentleman make these points in view of his imminent departure to Washington?

On the summit, the presidency has sought to forge a consensus. I attempted to do that at yesterday's meeting. Our view has always been that we would go along with a consensus, but it did not emerge. It could be put on the agenda—it is open to any member Government to do that—but formal items on the agenda are usually agreed. This subject was discussed, but there was no agreement on it, although some States made clear that it would be discussed at the Rome meeting.

I agree that "bogged down" is a fair description of the Icelandic negotiations. There has been no progress. My hon. Friend made clear to the Commission and the Council that we were extremely concerned about this matter. We have been promised a further report from Commissioner Gundelach. It is extremely important in view of the whole question of cod and any argument on quotas for demersal fish.

There was agreement on Cyprus. This has been discussed in the Political Committee and it is recognised on all sides that whatever view is taken, whether by the Turkish Cypriots or by the Greek Cypriots, it is in the interests of all communities and of Cyprus as a whole that the economy should go forward.

I can confirm that the MFA is one of the issues which are outstanding and on which there is concern among member States. Further work is needed if we are to reach a common Community position by 16th March.

Concorde was not discussed at the Council, but I raised it in bilateral discussions when I visited Paris a week ago.

Who will take the final decision on whether the Community will be represented at the summit? Will it be the European Council? What view did the Government take? Did they take the view that since there are matters which will affect the Community as a whole, it would be an intolerable setback to the authority of the Community if its President were not present at the summit?

We hope that the Common Fund negotiations in Paris will have a successful outcome. Does the right hon. Gentleman agree that the Government's view should be that stability in raw materials is in the interests as much of consuming countries as of exporting countries and that this is the best way of redistributing wealth between developing and developed countries?

The Government's view on the summit is clear. If a consensus had emerged in favour of the representation of the Commission, we would have been in favour of it. Unfortunately that did not emerge. On the question of decision making, it has been a convention that the European Council is not a formal decision-making body. It produces general orientations for the Council of Foreign Ministers, which is the decision-making body. It would have been possible for a decision to be taken by the European Council if, when the matter was discussed, a consensus emerged. However, no consensus emerged and without that there could be no agreement and therefore no decision was taken. Our position as hosts to the summit was that we would invite whatever representation was agreed by the Council of Ministers. As there was no agreement, we cannot invite anyone. It is not within our gift to determine this matter. We are only one of nine States which have to decide on representation.

On the Common Fund meeting in Geneva, the right hon. Gentleman puts a sound argument, but the question is about objectives and the means of achieving them and how, in some circumstances, they could benefit both the developing and the developed world. But in some circumstances it would be extremely expensive and not helpful to some of the poorest countries. We have expressed a readiness to explore all the issues in a constructive spirit, trying to achieve a solution to a difficult problem. But this is an important area.

I congratulate my right hon. Friend on having led the Council of Ministers to such a constructive decision on the Common Fund. However, will he say a little more about what is meant by the phrase that he used, that the Government would

"work constructively for a productive outcome"
in the negotiations in Geneva? In particular, will he say at what level the further discussions to which he referred will take place and whether it will be necessary to have another meeting of the Council of Ministers before a final Community position is agreed?

The further discussions that I have mentioned relate to a small part of the document, but an important part, since they relate to financial arrangements. This will be pursued in the permanent representatives' meeting, I think on Thursday, where I hope it will be possible to get agreement. But there are further meetings relating to preparation for the CIEC conference in Paris, and it will be possible to discuss the whole position on the Common Fund in the negotiations. There will be an evolution of positions. We need to look at the relationship of the Common Fund to some important aspects under discussion in the CIEC—the whole question of debt financing arrangements and other things.

What is important is to make some movement in the whole area of the North-South dialogue. The Common Fund has been isolated as one of the issues, but it has held up progress. We have not been able to get a Community position on the Common Fund, although that was advanced when we were getting very close to getting one yesterday.

On the fishery negotiations, will the right hon. Gentleman comment on the negotiations with Russia, and particularly the reports that there have been certain procedural difficulties over getting an agreement? It would be a pity if progress made so far were to be hindered on procedural grounds now.

Secondly, what progress does the right hon. Gentleman now envisage for the working out of the internal regime of the EEC? What discussions is he having with the Eire Government in relation to the rather interesting proposals that they have put forward?

Taking the last part of the question first, we have had very close contact with the Irish Government throughout the negotiations, because to a great extent we have a common interest in these aspects. Their position and their proposals are under discussion in the Community at present. Of course, there are strong feelings among some member States that they are discriminatory, but the Irish Government are putting them forward to protect their coastal industry, and their interest in this is very close to ours.

It is true that there are procedural difficulties over the Russian negotiations. We have made considerable progress in dealing with January, February and March. There are quite big issues of recognition and the relationship of the Soviet Union to the Community. I am not unhopeful that we shall make progress. I had a brief meeting myself with Minister Ishkov yesterday in Brussels.

How are the negotiations with Norway proceeding? Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that no internal fisheries regime can be worked out until such time as we know what tonnage of fish is to be available in Norwegian waters? On the wider aspects, does he not agree that so long as the common agricultural policy is allowed to take up a disproportionate amount of the Community budget, we shall never be able to get on with worthwhile projects? Does he not agree that the sooner the CAP is disbanded and member nations are allowed to work out their own food and agricultural policies, the better?

On the last point, the Government have never made any secret of the fact that they think that there need to be substantial changes in the CAP. We have worked for that with some success over the last few years. We hope to build on that success.

Concerning Norway, there is no doubt that we cannot have an internal regime until we can get some agreement on quotas. There are still arguments on the technical quotas of fish that would be available in our waters. These negotiations are taking time, although they are being conducted in a very friendly spirit. At present there is no difficulty in extending arrangements while we forge agreement with the Norwegian Government. But this is a relationship between the Community and the Norwegian Government.

While welcoming the progress outlined on the Common Fund, may I ask my right hon. Friend whether he could go some way to correct the impression that the British Government intended to lead on these negotiations rather than be in the rear? Would not the situation be improved if a more positive statement were made by the British Government welcoming the concept of the Common Fund?

I think that we made a very positive contribution in the debate. Without going into all the positions of the different member States, let me say that the presidency was cast in the rôle of trying to bring together two fairly substantially differing views. We were able to do that. The British Government had no difficulty in going along with what was initially the presidency draft on which we forged this. Therefore, it would be wrong to say that we are in the rear on this. I would not say that we were in the lead, because I think that there are serious issues which involve the future of the poorest countries in the world, and, badly introduced, a Common Fund could be damaging to their interests. We are prepared to look at this serious issue—it is serious—in a spirit of trying to reach a productive agreement.

Was there any discussion at the meeting of the situation in Romania? In particular, has the EEC decided to offer support in any way?

Was discussion entered into about the manner in which policing of the 200-mile exclusive fishing zone will be arranged?

No discussion took place about Romania, although we discussed some aspects of Yugoslavian policy. We did not discuss the earthquake problem. That is currently a matter for individual member States to respond to. As the House knows, I made an announcement yesterday concerning the British response.

The policing of the 200-mile limit is a national governmental responsibility. We have always held the view that conservation is an issue for the national Governments, and there the Government's policy has been held. There are some member States with small navies and limited resources. We may need to go into some discussion about policing for them. We consider our own 200-mile zone to be the, British Government's responsibility and we intend to carry out that responsibility.

Is my right hon. Friend aware that it is no surprise to many of us on the Labour Benches that the Common Market Ministers will not agree to sending someone to represent the whole Community at the summit? We have always believed that national interests will be served over and above those of the Community, so why spend much-needed taxpayers' money on direct elections to prop up such a phoney alliance?

As for Concorde, why do the Germans, the Belgians, the Italians and all the others not buy it? Who needs enemies with friends like those?

I shall not follow my hon. Friend into the labyrinths of the support for Concorde. What is at issue there is its range. It is not an intra-European aeroplane. It is basically an aeroplane for going either, as operated by the French, to Brazil, or across the North Atlantic on fairly major journeys.

Concerning Common Market agreement and taking a national position, if one believes in federalism—which I do not—one tends to believe that there should be no national interest. But it has long been the view of many hon. Members on both sides of the House who believe in the idea of Britain being a member of the Community that it is still possible to have a strong national sense within the European Community. That is certainly my position and I would uphold it. I believe the primacy of the Council of Ministers has rightly been upheld, and that is why I believe that if one holds direct elections, for example, under the Treaty of Rome, for the European Parliament, they will not undermine the primacy of the Council of Ministers, nor, in fact, effectively subtract in any way from the powers of the Council of Ministers.

Has the Council of Ministers recently had any discussions about improving the methods of concerting foreign policy? Will the Foreign Secretary say what his own position is on this matter? Does he attach a high priority to that objective, and is he satisfied with the progress being made?

Yes, I am satisfied. I think it could be better. But, as I said in my speech during the foreign affairs debate, the Community has acted as one on over 80 per cent. of the resolutions in the United Nations. That is a significant improvement and is a major yardstick of our achieving, so far as one can, an integrated common view on foreign policy issues.

The political co-operation machinery, which is fairly new, has been working actively. We are currently discussing many issues such as Cyprus, the Middle East and the whole complex of problems in the Mediterranean area with a great deal of identity of view. We shall continue to try to bring about a common position among the nine member States.

My right hon. Friend said that the United Kingdom agrees with the objectives of the Common Fund, namely, more stable prices for producer and consumer nations and fairer prices for the producers. Can he say whether all the members of the EEC agreed with his objective for common funding through international financial means of individual commodity agreements, which will lead to the same results?

It would be true to say that as a result of the meeting yesterday all the member States agreed with the objectives of stability of prices. It is not true to say that there is agreement that the only vehicle towards that is a common fund as we see it. Certainly one member State is interested in a widening of the Stabex system and sees that making a contribution. What has emerged is a readiness among all member States to look at the concrete proposals, and to study them commodity by commodity, while at the same time recognising the strong views held on this issue by the developing countries.

Can the right hon Gentleman indicate whether there was any discussion about protecting European firms from the Arab boycott office? If there was not, will the Secretary of State undertake to raise this matter subsequently?

I do not mind looking at this point. It was not discussed at this meeting. It would probably have been discussed initially under the political cooperation machinery and not in the Council. It is one of the issues that cut across political co-operation and involve trade matters for the Council. It may well come up.

I shall undertake to call those hon. Members who have already been on their feet. As the House knows, I am jealous of the rights of the House to question the Minister on European matters, but I do not propose to call any other hon. Member who jumps to his feet after this.

In the light of the discussions with other EEC Ministers, both public and private and formal and informal, may I ask my right hon. Friend a constituency question? Can he give any indication about the likelihood of a settlement with Iceland over our fishing dispute? As my right hon. Friend knows, this is vital to Humberside.

I well recognise that this is vital. That was one of the reasons why the United Kingdom delegate devoted most of his speech on fishing to the whole question of Iceland and its effect. The situation is that the Icelandic Government told the Commission and the Community, through Commissioner Gunderlach, that they had not refused to negotiate some form of arrangement but wished to have further time to consider the matter. It was hoped that a reply would come back to us by January or early February. We are now in March and we have had no reply. The situation is now getting to be intolerable.

What discussions were held about preventing the export of cheap butter to third countries? Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the people of this country are fed up with the idea of selling butter at 162p per lb. to the Russians while they themselves have to pay nearly 60p per lb?

I am well aware of the strong feeling, which I share. I spoke about this in the House during the foreign affairs debate. This matter will have to be discussed by the Agriculture Council. But it did not come up in the Foreign Affairs Council. I gather that it is being discusssed today in the European Parliament.

Was there any discussion about the practice of keeping the price of milk artificially high in the Community and elsewhere? Does my right hon. Friend agree that the maintaining of high prices can cause some countries to produce milk in excess of their requirements, thus prejudicing their production of grain, which is most essential to them?

This is a matter for my right hon. Friend the Minister of Agriculture. I know that he is concerned about this. Of course, that has been the tradition for many years in this country. In fact it was part of the 1947 agricultural legislation that we would intervene on market prices, and that we would not have a completely free market in agriculture. That has been a basic agreement on both sides of the House. Some intervention gives stability to the farmers planning forward. We have to look at this in the round. There have been advantages in having interventions, but what is wrong is when we get substantial surpluses year after year and then price increases on the existing surplus commodities. That is what has caused concern.

If the summit meeting is genuinely supposed to be a meeting of Heads of Government, would it not be a slight mistake to dilute it by having the President of the Commission there who is the head of a Civil Service apparatchik? Cannot our Prime Minister, who is the head boy of the Community, represent the Community perfectly well?

It does not come as any major surprise to me that the hon. Gentleman takes that view.

May I bring my right hon. Friend back to the question of Romania? Would he not agree that his not inconsiderable influence in Europe ought to be used to ensure that the greatest efforts are made by Europe because of the political implications of such aid being made available?

I share my hon. Friend's concern. All the reports show that this has been a tragedy. We should give every help that we can. We have already expressed our willingness and concrete support with medical aid and in other areas. If there is any way in which the Community can help in the rebuilding of Romania's economy, we shall certainly look at this. We attach a great deal of importance to establishing relations with Eastern European countries. In particular, we have attached importance to our relations with Yugoslavia. Discussions are also going on about the relationship between the COMECON countries and the European Community. I hope that we shall be able to make progress in this matter.

Did the subject of direct elections to the European Parliament come up at the meeting? If so, and in spite of meetings that were held this week, will the Foreign Secretary reaffirm the Government's firm intention of bringing the necessary legislation before Parliament so that Britain's commitment to this can be met?

No, it did not come up. There is nothing I can add to what I have already said in this House.

Does the Foreign Secretary accept the simple proposition that the inability to land Concorde at New York will be harmful to the project and will damage the European aerospace manufacturers, and that the only people who would gain from this would be the United States aircraft manufacturers?

There is no more eloquent testimony to what I think about Concorde and its attributes, and why it should be flown into all the major airports of the United States, than the fact that in a few hours' time, along with the Prime Minister, I shall be taking off in Concorde and flying into Washington.

Ballot For Notices Of Motions For Friday 25Th March

Members successful in the Ballot were:

  • Mr. Peter Mills.
  • Mr. Gould.
  • Mr. Arthur Jones.

Bill Presented

Representation Of The People

Mr. Secretary Rees, supported by Mr. Secretary Mason, Mr. Secretary Millan, and Mr. Brynmor John, presented a Bill to increase the limits on candidates' election expenses at local government elections in the United Kingdom: And the same was read the First time; and ordered to be read a Second time tomorrow [Bill 82].

Statutory Instruments, &C

Ordered,

That the draft County Courts Jurisdiction Order 1977 be referred to a Standing Committee on Statutory Instruments, &c.—[Mr. Ashton]

Corporation Of The City Of London (Abolition)

4.0 p.m.

I beg to move,

That leave be given to bring in a Bill to abolish the Corporation of the City of London as a local government unit and to provide for its resources and functions to be divided between adjacent boroughs; and for purposes therewith.
I think that hon. Members will recognise that the Corporation of the City of London has a long and distinguished history. Its charter was granted by William the Conqueror and was reinforced after the challenge to King John. One should recognise that at that time the City succeeded in winning rights in defence of the liberties of the individual against the threatened tyranny of the monarchs. It defended those rights in the seventeenth century when it firmly placed itself on the side of Parliament against the early Stuarts.

Why, therefore, should a modern Parliament look at the City of London with a view to its abolition? I maintain it is because the City no longer represents the defence of democratic rights but has hardened into a bastion of privilege in our community.

Despite the fact that London has grown to 7 million inhabitants and represents a substantial proportion of the total population of the United Kingdom and a substantial proportion of its wealth, it is still represented to the outside world by a closed and privileged corporation. The Lord Mayor of London stands at the heart of a system which allows a narrow elite to dominate certain aspects of the affairs of London. That system has made absolutely no concession to modern democracy. While Parliament has been reformed during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries and while local government reform has proceeded over a period, the City has been passed by. Therefore, we now have a situation where the reek of the rotten borough and the smell of patronage still rises in London. The arguments of those who are hostile to reform are as invalid as those who resisted the reform of Parliament before 1832.

The franchise of the City of London is based not upon rights enjoyed by its 7 million inhabitants but upon the narrow rights of 13,000 people. That in itself would be absurd enough, but of those 13,000 only 5,000 are residents of the City. The remainder qualify under the property and business qualification which was abolished in the rest of the country in 1969. Nor does the business franchise extend to the almost half-million Londoners who work in the City each day.

To be elected to the Common Council one has to be a freeman of the City. The vast majority are livery men—people represented by the great guilds. In more democratic days the great guilds of the City of London were representative of ordinary working men. That is not so now. For example, the Drapers' Guild now consists of eight banisters, 19 solicitors, 10 chartered accountants, 17 stockbrokers, six company directors, five clergymen, a university professor, 12 Army officers, nine civil servants and, of course, sundry other members of professions and business.

Moreover, not only is the franchise and the qualification to become a councillor of the Common Council restricted, but the wards themselves are historic relics. Two-thirds of the residential voters return only one-eighth of the councillors. One-third of the Common Council is elected by only 150 residents. In three wards the councillors outnumber the electorate.

Beyond the council is the important group of aldermen. Those gentlemen, unlike their counterparts in other local government areas, are elected for life. Nor is there any proposition that that privilege should be abolished. They have considerable control over entry to their own ranks, and they have discharged that power in a particularly arbitrary and reactionary way in the most recent past. Hon. Members will recall the exercise of that power in 1974, lest at that time a woman should be admitted to the ranks of aldermen. Access to the rank of alderman is more like access to the London clubs, to which the vast majority of them belong.

From the ranks of aldermen emerge the Lord Mayors—pillars of the London business establishment, although from time to time some of them display a somewhat brittle base. Their entry into office reflects considerable private funds. It is as well that they have those private funds, because it is estimated that the cost in personal terms of being Lord Mayor of London under this arrangement amounts to as much as £100,000 a year.

However, hon. Members will recognise that the City of London is not entirely bereft of resources. Its ratable value represents 10 per cent. of the GLC area. If the City had been levying rates in recent years comparable with those in Southwark and Tower Hamlets, its neighbouring but poverty-stricken boroughs, it would have produced an extra £14·3 million. It is an island of wealth in a sea of poverty, and that sea of poverty reflects the inner city blight to which many of its surrounding boroughs are inevitably subject. It is in order to aid the problems of Southwark and Bermondsey and other closely adjoining boroughs that I seek to ensure that the rateable value of the City of London is redistributed among those boroughs.

What is more, the rateable value is not the end of the City's wealth. There is also a fund called the City Cach—an unmeasured proportion of wealth, because records are apparently not available to public scrutiny or examination. That wealth is kept for good causes and charities. Of course "charities" tends to be a somewhat elastic term. It certainly includes a public school in London. Ratepayers cannot exercise control over the fund.

Finally, I come to the question of the City of London in terms of its ceremonial rôle. I believe that a more reoalistic assessment was provided by Henry V just before Agincourt when he said:
"And what art thou, thou idol ceremony?
What kind of god art thou…
What are thy rents? what are thy comings-in?"
I accept that ceremony brings innocent pleasure to the citizens of London and further afield—a splash of colour in a drab world. But why should ceremony be associated only with the square mile of the City? Why should it not be associated with the elected head of London government, such as the chairman of the GLC? Should hon. Members opposite find that a difficult proposition to accept, they will be consoled by the fact that this year the chairman is a hereditary peer. At least, it might be possible, under such an arrangement, for the great dinners at which Prime Ministers and notable politicians make their speeches to the nation, often asking for self-restraint, to be addressed to a representative cross-section of London life rather than merely to representatives of finance capital.

I recognise that this is not a wholly uncontentious measure. I recognise that there may be criticism on the ground that the City should remain as an anomaly—that the traditional defence of undemocratic privilege should remain. I maintain that that defence was put up 150 years ago to try to prevent democratic development in this House.

It could be argued that the City's contribution to the nation's wealth might be damaged. I do not think that the men of finance capital in the City are particularly persons of sentiment given to tremendous respect for privilege and historic tradition. What is more, I am not sure whether their contribution should be put on the credit or debit side of our national accounts. For example, the Hudson Institute indicated that the rôle of the City seems to have had disastrous effects on the British economy. Be that as it may, I do not think that this Bill at this time would in any way affect the rôle of the City in terms of its financial position. I leave that to the Commission under the chairmanship of my right hon. Friend the Member for Huyton (Sir H. Wilson).

It is clear that the PR men and the business community have been only too forthright in their criticism of the City of London for its lethargy, stubbornness, pomposity and arrogance. A recent report has been suppressed for criticising the City of London for being representative of too many geriatrics and hard-core reactionaries who seek to sabotage progress.

If I may deal with the subject of ceremony, I believe that it should be linked to the democratic reality of life in London in the same way as the traditional ceremonies of this House are related to the active working of our democracy.

It may strike the House as odd to realise that the legend of Dick Whittington rising to become Lord Mayor of London is infinitely less likely to occur today than in medieval times. I want to see the office of this first citizen of our great capital city, one of the glories of the Western world, firmly anchored in the bedrock of democracy by being an office created by the votes of 7 million Londoners. I would have regarded that as an unexceptionable sentiment, and I confidently predict that all Members of radical mind will support the introduction of this Bill.

4.12 p.m.

I wish to oppose this measure for four reasons. The first is that my hon. Friend the Member for the City of London and Westminster, South (Mr. Brooke) has not yet made his maiden speech. Clearly he would have made the speech I am about to make it it were not such a controversial one. I am proud to stand in for him. Secondly, I oppose the Bill because it is a foolish idea. Thirdly, I oppose it because I am a Londoner and I went to the City of London School. Fourthly, I am against the Bill because I am a freeman of the City, as are the right hon. Members for Huyton (Sir H. Wilson) and Greenock and Port Glasgow (Dr. Mabon) and many others. It is a privilege that is treasured by many in the City.

My arguments are based on the following facts. First, the proposal is spiteful and politically motivated. Secondly, the proposal would substitute a politically-biased civic head of London for an internationally respected Lord Mayor who is above partisan politics. [HON. MEMBERS: "Oh."] I have only to instance Lord Mais, a member of the Labour Party. Thirdly, I believe that the proposal would claw into the GLC or some other spendthrift Labour borough the wealth of the City and squander it, instead of the present system whereby the City pays a vast sum to the rest of London and in addition pays—without any call on the rates—for the rebuilding of structures such as the new London Bridge. That money comes out of City cash. If that job were undertaken by the Department of Transport, it would probably cost twice as much.

Fourthly, the proposal would give Tammany Hall rule to the City. Fifthly, the City was examined only 15 years ago by a commission and was confirmed by a modern Parliament—not by a process undertaken centuries ago, as the hon. Member for Enfield, North (Mr. Davies) appeared to suggest.

If it is suggested that the City does nothing for charity, I must point out that City money goes to the upkeep of Epping Forest, Burnham Beeches, Highgate Woods, West Ham Park and other public amenities, at no cost to the London ratepayers. One must seek to contrast that with the cost of the GLC parks as borne by London ratepayers. City money also maintains the Guildhall School of Music and Drama, again at no cost to rates or taxes—unlike any other music or drama school in the nation.

The cost of the mayoralty and hospitality to overseas visitors is paid for by the City, again at no cost to London ratepayers. That is quite unlike the bun-fight which ILEA has arranged tonight, at ratepayers' expense, to celebrate the abolition of grammar schools.

The GLC rate needs to be examined because the costs of the GLC are increasing and in the past few years expenditure has been three times greater than that of the City. The Greater London Council rate under Labour has increased by 235 per cent. in three years—not a record to inflict on the City.

The whole argument advanced by the hon. Gentleman is based on a phoney, fraudulent and loaded London Labour Party report, but the facts are entirely different. The City is efficient. It was the first authority to become a complete smokeless zone. The City has voluntarily built, outside London boundaries, over 2,200 dwellings to let to people on council waiting lists. The City police have halved the number of street accidents in the last nine years, even in crowded streets. What other police force can claim such a record? Furthermore, the City pays its fair share—and more—to common London services.

To sum up the reasons against the proposals, I believe that the City has been a bastion of liberty in British history. It is highly efficient in organisation and the financial world places confidence in the City's non-political stance. The Tammany Hall squalor exposed by what the GLC has done about the single homeless of London is nothing I want to see inflicted either on the rest of London or on some of the Labour boroughs which might be given the spoils.

The Greater London Council and the Labour Party should be thinking of the television programme last night and should be cringeing in dismay at their heartless inefficiency and absolute

Division No. 85.]

AYES

[4.16 p.m.

Anderson, DonaldForrester, JohnParker, John
Archer, PeterGarrett, John (Norwich S)Parry, Robert
Armstrong, ErnestGarrett, W. E. (Wallsend)Pavitt, Laurie
Ashton, JoeGeorge, BrucePhipps, Dr Colin
Atkins, Ronald (Preston N)Gilbert, Dr JohnRadice, Giles
Atkinson, NormanGinsburg, DavidRichardson, Miss Jo
Bates, AlfGolding, JohnRobertson, John (Paisley)
Benn, Rt Hon Anthony WedgwoodGould, BryanRoderick, Caerwyn
Bennett, Andrew (Stockport N)Graham, TedRodgers, George (Chorley)
Blenkinsop, ArthurGrant, George (Morpeth)Rooker, J. W.
Brown, Robert C. (Newcastle W)Grant, John (Islington C)Roper, John
Buchan, NormanHamilton, James (Bothwell)Rose, Paul B.
Buchanan, RichardHardy, PeterRoss, Rt Hon W.(Kilmarnock)
Butler, Mrs Joyce (Wood Green)Harper, JosephRyman, John
Callaghan, Jim (Middleton & P)Harrison, Walter (Wakefield)Sandelson, Neville
Cant, R. B.Hayman, Mrs HeleneSedgemore, Brian
Carmichael, NeilHeffer, Eric S.Selby, Harry
Cartwright, JohnHughes, Robert (Aberdeen N)Short, Mrs Renée (Wolv NE)
Castle, Rt Hon BarbaraHughes, Roy (Newport)Sillars, James
Clemitson, IvorHunter, AdamSilverman, Julius
Cocks, Rt Hon MichaelJenkins, Hugh (Putney)Skinner, Dennis
Cohen, StanleyJohnson, James (Hull West)Small, William
Coleman, DonaldJones, Alec (Rhondda)Snape, Peter
Conlan, BernardJones, Barry (East Flint)Spriggs, Leslie
Corbett, RobinJones, Dan (Burnley)Stallard, A. W.
Cowans, HarryJudd, FrankStewart, Rt Hon M.(Fulham)
Cox, Thomas (Tooting)Kaufman, GeraldStoddart, David
Craigen, Jim (Maryhill)Kerr, RussellStott, Roger
Crawford, DouglasKinnock, NeilStrang, Gavin
Cronin, JohnLamborn, HarrySummerskill, Hon Dr Shirley
Crowther, Stan (Rotherham)Lamond, JamesTaylor, Mrs Ann (Bolton W)
Cryer, BobLatham, Arthur (Paddinglon)Thomas, Ron (Bristol NW)
Davies, Bryan (Enfield N)Lipton, MarcusThorne, Stan (Preston South)
Davies Ifor (Gower)Litterick, TomTierney, Sydney
Davis, Clinton (Hackney C)Loyden, EddieTinn, James
Deakins, EricLyon, Alexander (York)Tuck, Rapheal
Dean, Joseph (Leeds West)Lyons, Edward (Bradford W)Walker, Terry (Kingswood)
Dempsey, JamesMcCartney, HughWard, Michael
Doig, peterMcDonald, Dr OonaghWatkins, David
Dormand, J. D.McMillan, Tom (Glasgow C)Watkinson, John
Douglas-Mann, BruceMcNamara, KevinWatt, Hamish
Dunn, James A.Madden, MaxWhite, Frank R. (Bury)
Eadie, AlexMarshall, Dr Edmund (Goole)Whitehead, Phillip
Edge, GeoffMarshall, Jim (Leicester S)Willey, Rt Hon Frederick
Ellis, John (Brigg & Scun)Maynard, Miss JohnWilson, William (Coventry SE)
English, MichaelMeacher, MichaelWise, Mrs Audrey
Ennals, DavidMellish, Rt Hon RobertWoodall, Alec
Evans, Fred (Caerphilly)Mendelson, JohnWrigglesworth, Ian
Evans, Ioan (Aberdare)Moonman, EricYoung, David (Bolton E)
Ewing, Harry (Stirlling)Morris, Alfred (Wythenshawe)
Fernyhough, Rt Hon E.Noble, MikeTELLERS FOR THE AYES:
Fitt, Gerard (Belfast W)Orme, Rt Hon StanleyMr. Arnold Shaw and
Flannery, MartinPadley, WalterMr. Bruce Grocott.
Fletcher, Ted (Darlington)Park, George

NOES

Adley, RobertBennett, Sir Frederic (Torbay)Bottomley, Peter
Alison, MichaelBennett, Dr Reginald (Fareham)Bowden, A. (Brighton, Kemptown)
Arnold, TomBenyon, W.Boyson, Dr Rhodes (Brent)
Atkins, Rt Hon H. (Spelthorne)Berry, Hon AnthonyBraine, Sir Bernard
Baker, KennethBiffen, JohnBrittan, Leon
Banks, RobertBiggs-Davison, JohnBrocklebank-Fowler, C.
Beith, A. J.Blaker, PeterBrotherton, Michael
Bell, RonaldBoscawen, Hon RobertBrown, Sir Edward (Bath)

arrogance in claiming any semblance of efficiency. The City should not be abolished to suit the jealous little men of the Far Left.

Question put, pursuant to Standing Order No. 13 (Motions for leave to bring in Bills and nomination of Select Committees at the commencement of Public Business):

The House divided: Ayes 157, Noes 198.

Bryan, Sir PaulHowe, Rt Hon Sir GeoffreyPenhaligon, David
Buchanan-Smith, AlickHowell, David (Guildford)Peyton, Rt. Hon John
Bulmer, EsmondHowells, Geraint (Cardigan)Price, David (Eastleigh)
Butler, Adam (Bosworth)Hunt, David (Wirral)Prior, Rt Hon Francis
Channon, PaulHunt, John (Bromley)Pym, Rt Hon Francis
Churchill, W. S.Hutchison, Michael ClarkRathbone, Tim
Clark, William (Croydon S)Johnson Smith, G. (E grinstead)Rawlinson, Rt Hon Sir Peter
Cope, JohnJones, Arthur (Daventry)Rees-Davies, W. R.
Cormack, PatrickJopling, MichaelRenton, Rt Hon Sir D. (Hunts)
Costain, A. P.Kaberry, Sir DonaldRenton, Tim (Mid-Sussex)
Craig, Rt Hon W. (Belfast E)Kimball, MarcusRidley, Hon Nicholas
Crouch, DavidKing, Evelyn (South Dorset)Ridsdale, Julian
Davies, Rt Hon J. (Knutsford)King, Tom (Bridgwater)Rifkind, Malcolm
Dean, Paul (N Somerset)Kitson, Sir TimothyRoberts, Michael (Cardiff NW)
Dodsworth, GeoffreyKnight, Mrs JillRoberts, Wyn (Conway)
Douglas-Hamilton, Lord JamesKnox, DavidRoss, Stephen (Isle of Wight)
du Cann, Rt Hon EdwardLamont, NormanRossi, Hugh (Hornsey)
Dunlop, JohnLangford-Holt, Sir JohnRoyle, Sir Anthony
Dykes, HughLatham, Michael (Melton)Sainsbury, Tim
Edwards, Nicholas (Pembroke)Lawrence, IvanSt. John-Stevas, Norman
Elliott, Sir WilliamLawson, NigelScott, Nicholas
Eyre, ReginaldLe Marchant, SpencerShaw, Giles (Pudsey)
Fairbairn, NicholasLester, Jim (Beeston)Shersby, Michael
Farr, JohnLewis, Kenneth (Rutland)Silvester, Fred
Finsberg, GeoffreyLoveridge, JohnSims, Roger
Fisher, Sir NigelLuce, RichardSinclair, Sir George
Fletcher, Alex (Edinburgh N)McAdden, Sir StephenSkeet, T.H.H.
Forman, NigelMacmillan, Rt Hon M. (Farnham)Spence, John
Fox, MarcusMcNair-Wilson, M. (Newbury)Sproat, Iain
Fraser, Rt Hon H. (Stafford & St)Madel, DavidStainton, Keith
Freud, ClementMarten, NeilStanbrook, Ivor
Fry, PeterMather, CarolStanley, John
Gardiner, George (Reigate)Maude, AngusSteel, Rt Hon David
Gardner, Edward (S. Fylde)Maudling, Rt Hon ReginaldSteward, Ian (Hitchin)
Gilmour, Rt Hon Ian (Chesham)Maxwell-Hyslop, RobinStokes, John
Gilmour, Sir John (East Fife)Meyer, Sir AnthonyStradling Thomas, J.
Goodhart, PhillipMiller, Hal (Bromsgrove)Taylor, R. (Croydon NW)
Goodhew, VictorMills, PeterTaylor, Teddy (Cathcart)
Gow, Ian (Eastbourne)Miscampbell, NormanTebbit, Norman
Gower, Sir Raymond (Barry)Mitchell, David (Basingstoke)Temple-Morris, Peter
Gray, HamishMoate, RogerThatcher, Rt Hon Margaret
Grieve, PercyMonro, HectorThorpe, Rt Hon Jeremy (N Devon)
Grimond, Rt Hon J.Moore, John (Croydon C)Townsend, Cyrill D.
Grist, IanMore, Jasper (Ludlow)Vaughan, Dr Gerard
Grylls, MichaelMorgan, GeraintWainwright, Richard (Colne V)
Hall, Sir JohnMorgan-Giles, Rear-AdmiralWakeham, John
Hall-Davis, A. G. F.Morrison, Charles (Devizes)Walder, David (Clitheroe)
Hamilton, Michael (Salisbury)Morrison, Hon Peter (Chester)Wall, Patrick
Hampson, Dr KeithNeave, AireyWeatherill, Bernard
Hannam, JohnNeubert, MichaelWells, John
Harvie Anderson, Rt Hon MissNott, JohnWhitelaw, Rt Hon William
Hastings, StephenOnslow, CranleyWiggin, Jerry
Havers, Sir MichaelOppenheim, Mrs SallyWinterton, Nicholas
Hawkins, PaulPage, John (Harrow West)Yong, Sir G. (Ealing, Acton)
Hayhoe, BarneyPage, Rt Hon R. Graham (Crosby)Younger, Hon George
Hicks, RobertPage, Richard (Workington)
Hadgson, RobinPardoe, JohnTELLERS FOR THE NOES:
Holland, PhillipParkinson, CecilMr. Anthony Grant and
Hooson, EmlynPattie, GeoffreyMr. Peter Brooke.
Hordern, Peter

Question accordingly negatived.

Orders Of The Day

Job Release Bill

Considered in Committee.

[Mr. OSCAR MURTON in the Chair]

Clause 1

Financial Authorisation Etc

4.28 p.m.

Before I call Government Amendments Nos. 1 and 2, which have been selected for discussion together, I understand that it would be convenient if the right hon. Member for Lowestoft (Mr. Prior) would agree that we could take at the same time his Amendment No. 3, in page 1, line 14, at end insert—

'(2A) Any scheme made under subsections (1) and (2) above shall be incorporated in a statutory instrument made by the Secretary of State; and no such scheme shall be made unless a draft of it has been laid before the House of Commons and approved by a resolution of that House.'

On a point of order, Mr. Murton. You will see that on the Order Paper a number of amendments standing in my name are starred. I handed them in on Monday night, and therefore I am slightly perturbed to see them starred. Perhaps there has been some delay in the transmission system. Could you give me an assurance, Mr. Murton, that you will not be too strict in preventing me from making mention of these topics, which might serve to broaden the discussion of this ludicrously inadequate Bill?

Perhaps I could comfort the hon. Member for Flint, West (Sir A. Meyer) by saying that he could make some reference to those matters in the debate on the Question, That the clause stand part of the Bill.

On a point of order, Mr. Mutton. What is the explanation for the delay? If my hon. Friend the Member for Flint, West (Sir A. Meyer) is correct in saying that he handed in his amend- ments on Monday night, I think that I am entitled to be informed of what has happened and why they remain starred on the Order Paper.

Further to that point of order, Mr. Murton. I am bound to say that I did hand in the amendments on Monday night. I do not blame anybody, but the fact is that they did not arrive until Tuesday morning, and under the rules if they arrive on Tuesday they are starred.

It could be that the amendments arrived after what is known colloquially as cut-off time.

I beg to move Amendment No. 1, in page 1, line 7, after 'paying', insert:

'during a period for which this section has effect'.
The Bill provides that expenditure on job release is subject to the normal procedures for approval by the House for expenditure proposed in the annual estimates. I understand, however, and I sympathise with, the desire of Opposition Members to subject the operation of job release to more specific scrutiny by the House. The Opposition amendment, however, would entail the introduction of an order containing all the details of any scheme which the Government wished to operate and the order would be subject to affirmative resolution procedure.

I accept that the Bill gives the Secretary of State power which is too sweeping and which ought to be limited in some way beyond what is already provided in the Bill. However, the Opposition amendment itself has limitations. It would prevent flexibility in operation and would stop any Government from reacting speedily to any useful changes which might be suggested.

If the Government had to bring in an order each time they wished to adapt the rules, that could prevent valuable improvements being made and anomalies being removed as they arise. However, I want the Committee to accept the spirit of the Opposition amendment, and the Government's amendments set out to do this.

Our amendments would ensure that the authority contained in the Bill to finance schemes would last for only 18 months in the first instance. It would be open to the Secretary of State to seek to extend his authority for up to 12 months at a time, or to revive it at a future date if a situation arose in which job release was wanted. In each case, he would need to bring in an order subject to affirmative resolution to activate his powers.

This procedure seems well suited to a Job Release Bill. Such schemes must be tailored to meet the needs of the moment, and the House should have the opportunity to discuss their use against the circumstances of the time. I hope that the Committee will accept this proposal as a reasonable compromise between the need for flexibility in the operation of job release, on the one hand, and what could be regarded as too sweeping a measure on the other.

The Minister said when he began that he wanted to meet the spirit of our amendment by moving his own amendment. He will know from the Second Reading debate that one of our major concerns, which was expressed throughout that debate, was the need for parliamentary control of the job release scheme.

We note that in Amendment No. 2 the scheme will run for 18 months from the passing of the Act, and there is then what could be called a 12-month roll-on position, provided that a draft of the scheme has been laid before the House and has been approved by resolution of the House, so that as the amendment is now drafted we shall automatically have a debate on this matter.

I want to ask a couple of questions about subsection (2A) in Amendment No. 2. As I understand it, this means that if a person applied for job release 17½months after the passing of the Act, although the Act might not be rolled forward he would nevertheless be paid for the 12 months after the 18-month period had expired. The leaflet referring to unemployed people that the Department has published states that,
"In addition you must apply two weeks before the date from which you wish the allowance to be paid."
I assume from that that someone whose birthday comes at the end of the 18- month period, even if the Act was not rolled forward, would nevertheless be paid for the year following the 18 months.

Secondly, let us assume that 18 months after the Act was passed the Government decided, in the light of the employment situation, to roll on the procedure for another 12 months. I assume that the same would apply, namely that 11½months after the House had passed the resolution it would be possible for a person to make an application and to be paid for the following 12 months, given that the Government did not operate a further period of the scheme. We want to know more precisely what will happen, since this is something of a new departure from the original Bill. Are the Government proposing to give publicity particularly to the effects of subsection (2A) in Amendment No. 2?

We welcome the fact that the Government are to meet us on the question of having a debate and having the matter scrutinised. I accept the Minister's point that as employment conditions change, either for the better or for the worse, the Government may have to alter the scheme, for example, by extending it to the non-assisted areas as opposed to the assisted areas where the scheme now operates. But we want to scrutinise it very carefully and we certainly do not want to give the Minister a completely blank cheque. That was the reason for our anxiety and why we tabled Amendment No. 3.

Nevertheless, the Government have gone some way to meet us in Amendments Nos. 1 and 2, although some clarification of the points that I have raised about the 17½months and 11½months would be helpful to the Committee.

Since this point may arise throughout the debate this afternoon, I make it clear that there are two separate issues at stake. First, there is the Bill itself. The Bill is designed to give power to the Secretary of State to draw up schemes such as the present job release scheme, but the Bill is separate from the scheme itself.

The present scheme is operating only within the limits laid down in the pamphlet. This amendment in no way alters the present rules of the job release scheme. The scheme is at present a temporary scheme and we shall have to consider whether an extension is necessary.

The importance of our amendment is that it amends the ability of the Secretary of State to introduce such a scheme. It sets a time limit on the power that the Secretary of State is given under the Bill to draw up such temporary schemes. In fact, the amendment makes no difference whatsoever to the terms of the present job release scheme. I hope that that is clear to the hon. Member for Bedfordshire, South (Mr. Madel).