House Of Commons
Monday 8th May 1978
The House met at half-past Two o'clock
Prayers
[Mr. SPEAKER in the Chair]
Oral Answers To Questions
Energy
European Community
1.
asked the Secretary of State for Energy when he next expects to meet other EEC Energy Ministers; and if he will make a statement.
13.
asked the Secretary of State for Energy when he next intends to meet the EEC Energy Ministers.
I will next meet other EEC Energy Ministers at the Energy Council scheduled for 30th May, when the Council is expected to discuss proposals for supporting intra-Community trade in steam coal, demonstration projects for energy saving and alternative energies, and hydrocarbon exploration the problems of the refining industry, and the Community's energy policy objectives for 1985. I hope that we can have a wide-ranging discussion. These issues raise important matters of national interest which must be dealt with by Ministers.
Perhaps my right hon. Friend will try to get the EEC Energy Ministers to buy more British coal instead of importing it from third countries.
Will my right hon. Friend continue to stand firm on the question of North Sea oil against the Common Market demands? Will he confirm, for instance, that the Common Market countries have already got their hands on 10 per cent. of the oil in the event of another Middle East crisis, for example? Is it true that they are making further demands for more North Sea oil? Does not this bear out the views of those of us who, like my right hon. Friend, warned the British people, at the time of the referendum, what some of the Common Marketeers were after?We have pressed very hard for further markets for steam coal. I gave the House the figures showing that Germany, France and Belgium subsidise their domestic coal industries to a very much greater degree than we do—50p per ton in Britain and £15·80 in Belgium.
The agreement that we have reached on oil supplies, in the event of an emergency, is in line with the International Energy Agency proposals, but I have made it clear that the development of sensible co-operation in the Community cannot mean that the Commission takes responsibility for energy policy in member States, including Britain.Will my right hon. Friend accept that some of us on the Labour Benches are seriously concerned at the attitude that the EEC Energy Ministers appear to be taking in relation to North Sea oil? Will he make it clear to them, when he next meets them, that in the event of a crisis in relation to oil supplies in the future they will be able to obtain supplies from the North Sea but that the price will be fixed by the British Government and that it will relate to world prices?
I have thought it sensible that we should agree to co-operative arrangements of a kind which would be neighbourly and good in the event of a supply crisis, and I gave evidence recently to this effect to the Select Committee on European Legislation, &c.
The price of oil will always be an international price. Indeed, North Sea oil attracts a premium price because it is a low sulphur oil. But I have made it clear, as I said a moment ago, that having co-operation in the EEC does not mean and cannot mean that the question of oil policy is transferred from this country to the Commission.As the Secretary of State will be discussing EEC oil refining on 30th May, what line does he intend to take on this specific issue, in view of the importance that we place on this subject on the Opposition side? Will he come clean on this?
It is not a matter of coming clean. I could hardly have been more explicit. The Comission's proposals have not been properly worked out, and I have had difficulty with Commissioner Brunner about the presence of British Government representatives when the British oil companies are met by the Commission. What I have said to him, and to everybody else with whom I have discussed it, is that there must be a wide-ranging political discussion between Ministers before any proposals are brought forward, and also that we attach great importance to the imports of refined products. Before any question of a Common Market discussion about refinery policy is developed, we must look at the import position, which is a factor in the situation.
Does not the Secretary of State agree that it is in the long-term interests of the British coal industry that we have EEC agreement on a common coal policy, if not a common energy policy?
I agree with my hon. Friend, and I have urged most strongly—so far, I fear, without success—that markets should be found in EEC countries for coal which is produced in Britain, Germany, France and Belgium, which are the main coal producers. I wish that I could report more progress, but I have so far been unable to get an agreed proposal with that object in mind.
When the right hon. Gentleman next meets the EEC Energy Ministers, will he do whatever is possible to give stronger British backing to the Commission's idea of Community investment in demonstration projects, particularly in such vital spheres as energy storage and heat pumps, which badly need developing quickly?
I think that if the hon. Gentleman looks again at the text of my principal answer he will find that demonstration and alternative technologies are included. I regard co-operation in projects of that kind as sensible, so long as they are under ministerial control so that we are able to supervise the development of these projects.
Is it not clear from these exchanges that many hon. Members on both sides of the House see great scope for co-operation with Europe and great benefits for Britain's energy industries, not least the coal industry, in closer co-operation in Europe? Is it not clear that there is a better chance of achieving that benefit if we seek to work with the Community and the Commission rather than sniping at them at every possible opportunity?
I am on the record many times, both in the Council of Ministers and in this House, as saying that I am in favour of co-operation. I think that co-operation is very beneficial. But that is different from saying that the form in which a Community energy policy should develop should be the transfer of responsibility for prime decisions from this country to the Commission.
North Sea Oil (Price)
2.
asked the Secretary of State for Energy what consultation he has had with the Chairman of the British National Oil Corporation about the selling price of crude oil from the North Sea.
I am in constant touch with the chairman of the British National Oil Corporation on all important North Sea oil issues, including North Sea crude prices.
Why is it that in certain cases BNOC has undercut the price of crude which was established by the BNOC's partners in the North Sea?
I know that the hon. Gentleman is quoting from certain reports in the Press. In fact, the commercial operations of the corporation are a matter for the corporation. The corporation and its partners—particularly if the hon. Gentleman is referring to Thistle—have a common interest in obtaining full market value. If there is a dispute between the partners, it is quite right that they should seek expert determination of price. In one case this has happened. I should like to make clear that there is no question of BNOC seeking to undercut. The hon. Gentleman must remember that the market is very sluggish and it is very difficult always to arrange these matters in a perfectly fair and reasonable way.
Have the Government asked the chairman of BNOC to refute in public, in detail and with conviction the recent innuendoes that have been made about BNOC?
I am not certain which innuendoes we are talking about. If my hon. Friend is referring to the report in the Sunday Post regarding some question of misdoing, that is a matter to be reported to the proper authorities. I understand that the chairman is making a full investigation with regard to the rumours. If my hon. Friend is referring to other matters, such as the speech by Mr. Keller or the internal memorandum which was unfortunately duly leaked by one of the employees of another company seeking to criticise BNOC, that is another matter and we can deal with it quite easily.
If the Minister is worried about the sluggish price in relation to oil, would it not be much more effective if he had meetings with OPEC rather than BNOC about oil production world-wide? Would he not consider it worth while to take the advice of the TUC about having an effective depletion policy so that when oil is imported at very expensive prices in the 1990s, as estimated, there will be oil available from Scotland's resources in the North Sea?
That is a very easy question, the answer to which is that it is simply not the policy of the Government to be party to the OPEC arrangements, even if that was a club which was willing to have us a member. Nevertheless, we have active contacts with all the oil Ministers, but we take the view of the Western countries that it is better that the price of oil is stabilised for the present until the world economy revives.
In view of the fact that the price at which oil is acquired by BNOC is set in advance, sometimes by a panel agreed with the oil companies and BNOC, and in view of the fact that oil prices—as the Minister himself said—are sluggish, how will BNOC avoid making a loss on transactions in oil?
BNOC must seek to behave commercially. That means looking after the interests of the shareholders, namely, ourselves. At the same time, as I have indicated, it is important that BNOC maintains a very good relationship with all its partners.
Oil Exploration
3.
asked the Secretary of State for Energy if he is satisfied with the current level of onshore oil exploration in the United Kingdom.
Yes, Sir. The level of survey work on shore under exploration licences is satisfactory. Further production licences which I hope to issue later this year under arrangements now being considered should lead to increased drilling activity, and hopefully production.
Can the Minister be a little more forthcoming? Since the uprating of the Dorset oil field, which now puts it in the small North Sea category, can he tell us where new oil is likely to be found and also what environmental guidelines are being laid down by the Government for onshore discoveries which could have quite a serious effect on the environment?
The second part of the hon. Gentleman's question is primarily a matter not for me but for my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for the Environment. I shall write to the hon. Gentleman about that so that we can spell it out. With regard to the New Forest area itself, which is an area of possible prospection, there are six existing licences. Seismic studies have been done, not on all of them but on some, and it is up to the companies concerned to decide where they want to drill. With permission, I shall send the hon. Gentleman a map of the areas in his constituency that are affected.
Will the Minister tell the House what assurances, if any, have been given to those who wish to explore for oil about the future price of oil into perhaps the next 10 years? Will he tell the House whether the Government have offered any assurance that they will help to try to keep up the price of oil?
It certainly would not be in the interests of the United Kingdom if the price of oil was, say, to be halved, because North Sea oil would then be entirely uneconomic. But no one country, even the great Saudi Arabia, could ever absolutely influence and determine the price of oil in the next decade. Only someone with a magnificent crystal ball would be able to give the assurance that the hon. Gentleman seeks.
Offshore Oil Industry
4.
asked the Secretary of State for Energy when he next expects to meet trade union representatives in the offshore oil industry.
My right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for Energy and I meet frequently with trade union representatives to discuss all aspects of the offshore oil industry. We attach great importance to the role of the unions in safeguarding the health and safety and improving the conditions of those who work in the oil industry.
Will my right hon. Friend discuss with the trade unions what action can be taken to stop the unfair discrimination by employers against British divers in the North Sea? Is it not absolutely intolerable that many British divers are finding it difficult to get work because employers are prepared to employ divers from other countries, such as America and South Africa, who come over here without work permits and who are willing to accept longer spells of duty and more stringent work conditions than British divers?
I must confess that British divers have been very active in pointing out the disadvantages which they suffer as against other divers in the North Sea. My hon. Friend knows that the Secretary of State and I, with other members of the Government, have worked very hard in looking at the anomalies and to seek to make sure that British divers are encouraged in their work. That has been achieved. I must confess that my hon. Friend's letter to me raises a matter of concern. He has raised it again today. I am looking into it and we shall be discussing it with OILCO—the Offshore Industry Liaison Committee—in a month's time.
Will the Minister remind his hon. Friend the Member for West Stirlingshire (Mr. Canavan) that the divers as a profession do not wish to become union members and that they have achieved by their own private enterprise means a return to their original status as self-employed persons? It is unlikely that they would have achieved such a satisfactory conclusion if they had been union members.
The hon. Member must recognise that whether a person is employed or self-employed does not necessarily mean that in the former case he is in a union and that in the latter he is not. It is an entirely free decision of any diver whether or not to join a union. All I say is that the divers' collective representations on diving to me and my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State were successful because they were collective.
May I declare an interest? When will the Government introduce the regulations which they have been talking about for the last four years to safeguard the training of divers so that we do not have people coming in from other areas who are able to take away jobs from British divers who have the right specification of training?
That is a very reasonable point.
But when?
Wave Power
5.
asked the Secretary of State for Energy what progress is being made with the development of wave power; and whether any additional funding by the Government is contemplated in the near future.
Research under the present wave power programme, due to finish later this year, has been making encouraging progress. Two of the devices under study have now progressed to trials in open water, at one-tenth of the working scale. We are considering views recently put to my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for Energy by his Advisory Council on Research and Development on the next steps in the programme, and we expect to be able to announce a decision shortly.
In view of the importance of this infinitely renewable source of energy, which is acknowledged by the Government, is it not time that we had a much more powerful financial stake by the Government in this work? Is it not also time that we began to look at the four or five different systems and to concentrate our energies on one or two of them rather than trying to go in all directions at once?
If my hon. Friend had listened to the very last point that I made in my original reply, he would have heard me say that we were about to make a decision shortly even in relation to finance. As for looking at all the different kinds of devices, wave energy is a new technology and, therefore, I think that it is right that, since the Government have announced already that they attach a great deal of importance to wave energy, we should look at all avenues of opportunity.
Electric Vehicles
6.
asked the Secretary of State for Energy what representations he has received concerning the development of electric vehicles; and if he will make a statement.
The Government's interest in electric vehicles is co-ordinated and led by the Department of Industry but the Department of Energy is closely involved. My right hon. Friend the Minister of State has recently met representatives of the Electric Vehicles Association of Great Britain Limited led by Lord Ironside and we have received correspondence on the subject.
In view of the development by the early 1980s of new batteries capable of providing more than 200 miles from each charge, and the subsequent off-peak use of electricity, why is there such a divergence of view between the Department of Energy, whose Advisory Council on the Conservation of Energy has recently produced a forecast that seven out of every 10 vehicles should be electric, and the Department of the Environment, whose spokesman said only a week or so ago that the future for transportation lay in synthetic fuels?
I do not think that there is the difference that the hon. Member maintains. Most people are agreed that the long-term future in transport lies with electric vehicles and synthetic fuels from coal. Both are seen as very important developments. The hon. Member is slightly mistaken when he refers to the Advisory Council on the Conservation of Energy. Energy Paper No. 26 was from the Working Group on Transport of the advisory council. The advisory council has not as yet reported to my right hon. Friend. When it does, we shall consider its recommendations.
In addition to my hon. Friend's consultations with the Department of Industry, will he have much closer consultation with the Minister responsible for the disabled? Is he aware that there are a number of different electric vehicles which, for paraplegics and the disabled, could give much more service than they get at the moment? There is not enough variety, and production and maintenance costs are too high. In view of that, will my hon. Friend set in train a more strenuous research programme to ensure that vehicles of this kind are provided to the people who need them most?
I take my hon. Friend's point. Perhaps I could make some inquiries and write to him about it.
In connection with seeking greater economies in transport and energy use in which electric vehicles could play a part, why do the Government still persist with a situation in which we are the only country in Europe in which there is a positive disincentive, through the tax system, to move to the use of diesel as a fuel for vehicles?
We persist with that because the House of Commons refused to authorise proposals in the Budget last year which would have changed the position.
Heat And Power Schemes (Power Stations)
7.
asked the Secretary of State for Energy how many proposals he has approved for heat and power schemes at power stations.
In February this year my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for Energy gave consent for the Midlands Electricity Board to initiate a combined heat and power scheme in Hereford. This will be an economic and efficient use of the energy consumed.
May I congratulate the Secretary of State? Is it not imperative that in order to give credence to its national campaign for saving energy the Department should take the lead by reducing the waste of energy at the point of its creation?
My hon. Friend has an important point. Currently we are awaiting the final report of our Working Group on Combined Heat and Power. That report has been delayed slightly. When it is to hand, the Government will give it urgent consideration.
What plans are in hand to make Drax B a combined heat and power station; or do the Government intend to stand by yet again and allow the electricity industry to build another power station which will waste two-thirds of its energy?
I am not aware of any proposals to make Drax B a combined heat and power station. As the hon. Member knows, many of the large power stations which are already producing electricity cannot easily or readily be so converted.
Energy Sources
9.
asked the Secretary of State for Energy what progress he is making in plans to develop alternatives to nuclear energy.
I must apologise to the House for the length of this reply.
Among work being done on alternatives to nuclear energy is that covered by the Coal Industry Tripartite Group's Research and Development Working Party. This has considered a number of proposals from the National Coal Board and the British Gas Corporation for the conversion and utilisation of coal. My Department is considering its reports which contains some important proposals. It is expected to be published later this month. In the field of renewable sources of energy, such as wave, wind, tidal, solar and geothermal, assessment studies have been made and their results published. My Department's research programmes are now well under way in all the main fields. Progress, particularly on wave energy, has been encouraging, but we have a long way to go before any of the renewable sources is likely to make a significant contribution to the country's energy needs. For 1977–78, the expenditure on nuclear research and development in the public sector is estimated to be about £130 million and that on all other fuels about £100 million. Energy research and development outside the public sector, including that of the oil companies, is additional to this and involves substantial sums of money.I am grateful to my hon. Friend for that long and detailed answer. Will he say whether any of these proposals is likely to prevent the development of a dependence by this country upon nuclear energy, with all the dangers that that entails?
I am afraid that I cannot give my hon. Friend an answer to that question. There are far too many uncertainties involved. All I can say—and it is implied in my orginal answer to my hon. Friend—is that we are looking at all options in relation to energy. We believe that any country which wishes to become an industrial nation must have adequate, secure, safe and preferably indigenous sources of energy.
Is the hon. Member aware that apology for the inordinate length of a reply is no substitute for concision?
Does not my hon. Friend agree that, with the maximum possible development of alternative energy sources allowing for a reasonable growth of the economy in the future, it will still be necessary, once the oil runs out, to fill the gap with nuclear energy, and that that is the view taken in every advanced industrial country?
Certainly the indications are that, if we are to depend on what is described as alternative or renewable sources of energy, all that we can expect to get in terms of coal equivalent is roughly 10 million tons. However, in answer to my hon. Friend the Member for Putney (Mr. Jenkins), I referred to the fact that we were looking into the question of research and development into other uses of coal. These are exciting and challenging, and some of us think that they can be very helpful to the nation in the present century.
Rather than seeking alternatives to nuclear energy, which must always have a part to play in our energy mix, is it not more important that the Government should seek alternative approaches to energy policy based on some of the new thinking about forecasts and assumptions put forward by Chesshire and Surrey, for example, at Sussex University, and Gerald Leach at the International Institute for Environment and Development?
I am not sure whether the hon. Member is talking, about conservation or alternative sources of energy. I have indicated already that the Government are concerned about alternative sources of energy. My right hon. Friend has announced programmes on conservation. We are aware of the need to look for alternative, renewable sources of energy, and the Government are investing money in that direction.
May I invite my hon. Friend to a wet and windy weekend in a tent at Torness? Will he ask these 3,000 people to explain where they can get electricity from for their sons and for their grandchildren, even if they themselves are prepared to do without it?
In a previous answer I explained to the House that it is important that the country should have adequate, safe and secure sources of energy. This must be explained to all people who are protesting against various types of energy, whether it be on pollution grounds or any other grounds. We must have energy: without it we freeze, we die.
In view of the percentage of energy that is expected to be received from alternative sources by the year 2000—about 10 per cent.—will the Minister agree that it is simply not responsible to talk about alternatives to nuclear energy but that we must talk only of ancillary sources which will supplement nuclear energy?
I do not think that it is responsible to try to deceive people into thinking that in this century we will get enough alternative sources of renewable energy to sustain our domestic economy, let alone our industrial economy. All our answers have tried to illustrate that, although alternative renewable sources of energy are exciting and challenging, they will not solve the problems of energy provision in this century. Perhaps they will do so a little more in the next century. But it is our duty and responsibility as Members of Parliament to try to explain that to the electorate.
Offshore Oil Licensing (Sixth Round)
10.
asked the Secretary of State for Energy if he will outline the principal terms and conditions from earlier offshore oil licence rounds which he intends to include in the forthcoming consultative document on the sixth round of licence applications.
16.
asked the Secretary of State for Energy when he expects to publish his consultative document on the detailed proposals for the sixth round of licensing for North Sea oil exploration.
I hope to publish a draft showing the proposed terms for the next round of licensing on Wednesday. These will provide a basis for consultation with the companies and the unions. My intention is to strengthen national control over offshore oil resources.
I thank the Secretary of State for that reply. I do not expect an answer to this now, but may I urge him to consider seriously the possibility of the independent companies, if they are allocated licences, becoming operators?
I shall certainly consider what the hon. Member has said. There are a number of independent companies involved, and there has been no discrimination by the Department of Energy in considering applications. Since there will be an opportunity for consultation over this period, I take it that any representations which it might be wished to make will be made during that period.
Will the Minister confirm that BNOC has already had seven or eight new licences granted and that in the meantime there are two or more applications in the private sector which have been held up by him? Is not this discrimination and an attempt further to nationalise the North Sea rather than providing a mix with BNOC and the free enterprise sector?
I do not know what the hon. Member has in mind. I announced in the House on 5th April that nine blocks would be given to BNOC on a sole licence basis and that this had no bearing on the new licensing rounds, one of which I have referred to in my answer. It is one of the conditions that we laid down that BNOC should be a partner in the fifth round, and we believe that that is right. If such an arrangement is not made, the extent to which there is national access to, or control of, these resources, will be very limited. To that extent we are filling in a gap left by the previous Conservative Government.
Will the Secretary of State bear in mind that the North Sea is already over-regulated? Therefore, when he comes forward with his proposals on Wednesday, will he strike out what I understand might come into the operation—phased development programmes—and also the other suggestion of carried interest, whether it be voluntary or compulsory, which would only hold up operations in the North Sea?
I cannot anticipate the statement that I will make or the document that I will publish on Wednesday. That would be wrong. The hon. Member says that the North Sea is over-regulated. He must be aware that when the present Government came to power there was no legislation, no participation, and no petroleum revenue tax, and very little interest was taken in British domestic industry or the trade unions. We have filled a very important gap here without in any way checking the flow of investment or technology.
Under whose authority is BNOC telling oil companies to which it wishes to sell oil that it will arrange that they have exemption from export licensing controls?
The hon. Member puts forward a statement and embraces it as his own without any justification for it. The regulation powers granted by Parliament are granted to the Secretary of State and not to BNOC. BNOC has no powers of regulation whatever. I have made this clear again and again in the House. The hon. Member, for reasons best known to himself, speaks of BNOC as a regulatory agency, which it is not. The hon. Member has not produced any evidence to the effect that such a statement has been made. If he will produce evidence of what has been said, I am prepared to look into it. But I am saying that only the Government have been authorised by Parliament. That is the legal position, and to that we have adhered.
Wood-Burning Stoves
11.
asked the Secretary of State for Energy what research he is undertaking into the use of wood-burning stoves.
The Government are not at present paying for research into the use of wood-burning stoves.
Is not the Minister aware of the vast and increasing amount of residues in our forests which are very bulky? Would it not be a good idea for the Government to investigate the possibility of some sort of compressed briquette, similar to peat in Ireland, so that these residues could be burnt?
I understand that a number of studies have been undertaken, but they all suggest that the nation would be hard put to produce much more than 10 per cent. of its timber requirements by the turn of the century. There seems no way in which the country could become self-sufficient in timber for industrial purposes, even for building furniture, let alone providing a significant contribution towards our energy needs. May I point out to the hon. Gentleman that in the sixteenth century, if one committed three offences in Scotland relating to the destruction of wood, they carried the death penalty.
Does my hon. Friend realise that the clear inference behind the Question is that an independent Scotland, run by the SNP, would be filled with wood-burning stoves?
Gas (Supply)
12.
asked the Secretary of State for Energy what derogations have been allowed to the British Gas Corporation from its statutory duty to supply all potential customers.
The British Gas Corporation's duty to supply potential customers is defined by the relevant Acts of Parliament. There is no ministerial involvement in day-to-day decisions on such issues.
Is the Minister aware that it is very annoying for people who want to have gas appliances to find that they cannot get a gas supply? Is he satisfied that the derogations from the statutory duty to supply gas are correct? Is he satisfied that these have kept in line with changing circumstances? I have received more complaints in the last three months from constituents about this than in the previous seven and a half years that I have been a member of the House.
It is quite clear that gas for domestic purposes is very competitive, but the main qualification to which the hon. Member refers is that British Gas is not obliged to give supplies to premises more than 25 yards from an existing main unless the recipients are willing to enter into an agreement with the Corporation about the cost of installation.
Is the hon. Gentleman aware that it has been the lack of availability of gas supplies that has contributed to the building of a number of all-electric estates, especially in Northumberland, by local authorities and by the Ministry of Defence? Is he aware that on such estates problems of high heating costs and dampness have arisen? Will he encourage gas boards to supply to rural communities wherever possible and to co-operate as fully as possible with local authorities which want to convert from electricity to make gas available?
I do not accept the hon. Gentleman's assertion that people are living in all-electric houses merely because gas was not available. It is the local authorities which decide the sort of houses they want to build. If they wish, they can build solid fuel heated houses. There is plenty of coal and solid fuel to be burnt in Britain. As for taking the line that British Gas must supply gas to rural communities wherever they are, nothing would please me more if that were so. I happen to represent a constituency which covers 500 square miles of rural communities. However, British Gas must operate economically and within the statutes laid down by Parliament.
How much similar latitude is given to the electricity supply industry?
That is another question. If my hon. Friend cares to table such a Question, I shall answer it.
Coal Industry (Productivity Schemes)
14.
asked the Secretary of State for Energy whether he is yet in a position to report on the effect that productivity schemes in the coal mines have had upon production.
The National Coal Board has reported that the effect of the local productivity schemes in the coal industry has been to produce additional output of about 1½ million tons of coal in the year 1977–78. During the first three quarters of the year, output was on a declining trend. This was reversed with the introduction of the incentive schemes, and an underlying and continuing improvement has been evident since its introduction.
I am sure that the figures will be welcomed on both sides of the House. Will the hon. Gentleman confirm that they have been achieved without any significant change in the safety record? Has it had any effect on the cost per ton extracted, either up or down?
I should like to write to the hon. Gentleman in detail about that. My information is that the schemes have had no impact on safety and no impact on cost.
Has the increase in productivity had the anticipated effect on miners' pay? Is my hon. Friend in a position to say whether there is any prospect of selling British-produced and Welsh-produced coking coal to the British Steel Corporation in greater amounts than at present?
There has been an average increase for face workers of about £20 a week, £10 a week for other categories underground and £8 a week for those on the surface. As for my hon. Friend's question about producing coking coal for the British Steel Corporation, my information is that we have coal that is more than suitable for the BSC's undertakings. If he cares to table a Question on that matter, I shall be able to give him the details.
Reverting to the Minister's answer to my hon. Friend the Member for Beeston (Mr. Lester), does the hon. Gentleman recognise that the introduction of productivity schemes has had beneficial effects on production and pay and that there is considerable good sense in relating the two factors?
Contrary to what has been going abroad, the productivity schemes are self-financing. As for making projections, I have always said that it is too early to do so. The additional money that the miners are getting is being earned on the basis of increased productivity.
Let us get the facts straight. Does my hon. Friend confirm that in the past three months of the financial year, when the bonus scheme was introduced, the overall output in British deep mines has fallen by ·2 million tons over a comparable period and that the make-up has been achieved by an increase in opencast operations? Does he accept that even in some of the high productivity pits there are payments as little as 24p a day for the so-called bonus?
Yes, there is a variation in payments throughout the whole of the coalfield. Deep mine output in 1977–78 was 104·4 million tons, 2·2 million tons less than in the previous year. The board estimates that without the effect of the productivity scheme in the last quarter production would have been 103 million tons.
Is the hon. Gentleman aware that we share his view that it is probably too early to judge the real effect of the scheme and that its value will be over the longer term? However, the scheme will have no real benefit unless there are markets where the increased output can be sold. That is why we attach great importance to the development of European markets for coal.
I can only agree with the hon. Gentleman. We attach great importance to markets such as the European market. I take the view that, as a member State of the EEC, we are entitled to a share of the market of between 30 million tons and 40 million tons of coal that comes from third countries. The hon. Gentleman will be pleased when he reads the report of the working party, which I had the privilege of chairing, which deals with coal technology and other uses for coal. Other markets will be provided if we can put the terms of the report into practice.
Overseas Development
Aid Budget
33.
asked the Minister of Overseas Development what criteria she uses in deciding the distribution of the aid budget as between different categories of recipients.
Our criteria are explained in Chapter II of the White Paper "More Help for the Poorest", Cmnd. 6270.
As well as the obvious need, will the right hon. Lady consider giving higher priority to those countries that look like importing more from Britain, which is one way of ensuring that we get a good return on the money that we quite rightly spend on aid to the countries concerned?
Certainly, but I amplify my answer by saying that within the context of the policy of aid to the poorest it is essential—we are trying now to do this—to identify more of the larger infra-structural projects, which, incidentally, have a larger export component for Britain.
Is my right hon. Friend satisfied with her monitoring of the allocations that she makes within her criteria? Is she aware that very often there are inordinate delays and that as a consequence, because of the nepotism and other factors within the countries concerned, the desire to improve the economic structure of a country does not always come to fruition? Where her monitoring proves that there is a shortfall, will she take that into consideration in future allocations?
We do that. We have been making a close examination of our procedures within the Ministry in the past few months in order to reduce some of the delays. However, if a delay occurs, that does not mean that the country concerned fails to receive the amount of aid allocated to it, although it might have to stretch over another year.
Although the criteria are bound to be complicated and controversial, will the right hon. Lady consider the longer-term prospects of certain areas, especially perhaps in the Falkland Islands, and ensure that because of the potential wealth there a proper airfield is constructed?
I recently answered a question on that topic. Of course, we totally appreciate the needs of the Falkland Islands. Construction of an airfield involves a study of the sort that has not yet been undertaken.
Crown Agents
34.
asked the Minister of Overseas Development whether she is satisfied with the current operation of the Crown Agents.
Yes, Sir.
In the interests of open government, will my right hon. Friend ensure that from time to time a statement is made about the operation of the Crown Agents during the course of the parliamentary year so that they do not fall into the same trap into which they fell previously by allowing to move in rather sleazy operators? It may be that we can turn this loss-making activity into a profitable operation such as coal, gas, electricity, rail, the Post Office and many of the other 40 nationalised industries.
I ask my hon. Friend to allow me to consider that. We are within Government committed to a greater degree of open government. There are certain documents that my Ministry has been able to make available on request to the general public and the Members of Parliament. Will my hon. Friend allow me to consider how far we can make further information available in between the annual reports that are presented to me and Parliament?
Does the right hon. Lady remember that way back in early December she announced that the Government felt it necessary to bring forward proposals, or measures, to ensure that in future the Crown Agents were fully accountable? I am becoming rather bored with asking the question, but when will the proposals come forward?
As soon as we can fit them into the legislative programme.
Has my right hon. Friend considered with the Crown Agents the possibility of lending money to develop in desert areas the jojoba plant, on which I have written to her and on which there is to be a conference in May in London? Would it not serve both the purpose of producing much-needed foreign exchange for some of the very poorest desert areas and saving from extinction the sperm whale that produces oil for the leather industry?
This is more a matter for the Ministry directly than for the Crown Agents. Since my hon. Friend wrote to me, the matter has been fully under investigation by our scientific advisers.
Developing Countries (Educational Opportunity)
35.
asked the Minister of Overseas Development whether she intends to take any new initiative to improve educational opportunity for people in developing countries.
With the help of the British Council and others, we are developing initiatives in several areas, including an expansion of English language teaching, distance teaching systems, and techniques of non-formal education.
These are designed to strengthen present Government-to-Government programmes which give priority to basic, vocational and technical education.As there are now a large number of vacancies in colleges of education in this country, will my hon. Friend consult the Department of Education and Science and the Scottish Education Department about the possibility of offering some of these places to overseas students, especially those from underdeveloped countries?
As my hon. Friend readily recognises, the responsibility for that matter rests primarily with my right hon. Friends the Secretary of State for Education and Science and the Secretary of State for Scotland. However, one of the greatest needs of the developing countries in relation to education is for educational provision inside the developing countries. We shall continue to have close liaison with the Ministers responsible for education in this country on the best use of our resources.
Will my hon. Friend consider widening his field slightly and talking to the Department of Health and Social Security about the chances of exchanging young doctors who have just finished their training in this country, but are still in their pre-registration period, when they are of most use to underdeveloped countries in which they could not only teach but practise medicine before returning to this country for full registration?
I am sure that my hon. Friend will recognise that that is a matter that is primarily the responsibility of my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for Social Services. I shall make sure that his attention is drawn to my hon. Friend's remarks, and if he has any observations no doubt he will want to contact her.
Since it is in the interests of Britain as well as of the developing countries that we should provide further education facilities in this country, including technical facilities for students, surely the introduction of discriminatory fees for foreign students is inimical to British interests.
The question of fees policy is under study. There are now 10,000 officially sponsored overseas students per year. We recognise the importance of doing our best to meet all the demands made upon us, but we should not underestimate the fact that there are 10,000 official sponsored students.
Does not my hon. Friend agree that the number of privately financed students from overseas is much greater than 10,000, and that the effect of the fees charged to overseas students is to discriminate against the poor in the developing countries and in favour of the wealthy?
I recognise what my hon. Friend has said. These questions are being considered. We are at present considering how financial assistance can best be channelled to students from poorer developing countries, and all these matters will be taken into account in those considerations.
Bilateral Aid Programme
37.
asked the Minister of Overseas Development how much of the bilateral aid programme is being made available to projects of commercial importance; and what balance will be maintained between commercial criteria and aid criteria.
We decided last year that about 5 per cent. of the bilateral aid programme should be available to give higher priority to the commercial or industrial importance of developmentally sound projects. Commercial criteria are, of course, taken into account in the rest of the bilateral programme, but developmental objectives must come first.
Recognising that the development of the economy is the essential purpose of aid, may I ask why there was a specific earmarking of this 5 per cent.?
On the whole, it was to prevent a lot of hassle. There can be a lot of detailed arguments about how much developmental content and how much commercial content particular projects have. My hon. Friend will not be unaware that certain other countries have found ways of practising similar strategies. The 5 per cent. of the aid programme devoted to this matter could not be allocated to anything that did not have some genuine developmental purpose. However, provided that the project has a developmental purpose, the 5 per cent. is all about considering how far one might stretch the corners a little to accommodate considerable British industrial and commercial and export interests.
In order to maximise the effectiveness of our bilateral aid programme, it not there a case for looking again at the number of recipient countries, which has risen to 128, and considering whether the Government can concentrate their efforts on slightly fewer countries to better advantage?
That question relates very much to the CPRS review. The hon. Gentleman has been asking me some questions about the details of bilateral aid. He will find from my answers that a great many of the countries receiving aid are receiving only small amounts of aid, which is basically English language teaching administered through the British Council.
Therefore, the precise long list is not entirely indicative of the priorities. There are about 20 countries receiving the predominant amount of our bilateral aid. I do not want to cut that. Nor do I want to cut the tiny bits of aid that go to other countries. Sometimes such aid goes to a country in which aid is declining and we are phasing it out. Sometimes it goes to a country in which we are beginning and phasing in aid. One has to consider this matter extremely carefully.Grenada
38.
asked the Minister of Overseas Development if she proposes to continue with aid to Grenada in view of the fact that police from that country are being trained in Chile.
The Government have taken no decision on whether to commit further capital aid to Grenada, for use when the current commitment has been spent. Before we do so we shall wish to consider a wide range of economic and other factors, including that to which my hon. Friend refers.
Will my right hon. Friend tell Sir Eric Gairy, when he next makes his aid application, that, whilst no one wants to play Big Brother or, in that context, Papa to the people of Grenada, there is no question of the £500,000 or so which goes to Grenada at the present time being continued if his police forces are, even in small part, being trained in the art of torture by those who have been taught by Nazis in Chile?
I am grateful to my hon. Friend. I note what he says.
Does the Minister appreciate that this question goes very far? What is the position about the granting of aid being conditional on the observance of basic human rights, as is mooted in the case of the renegotiation of the LoméConvention?
I cannot give the House much detail about the human rights element of the LoméConvention now, as the hon. and learned Gentleman will appreciate. We are only barely beginning the renegotiations. However, whether in bilateral aid or in multilateral aid, we are, rightly, anxious that human rights considerations, particularly when there is a gross and persistent violation of human rights, should influence what we do and how our taxpayers' money is spent.
My right hon. Friend has referred to the effect of the proposed Chilean aid to Grenada. Is she in a position to make any comment about the effect of the Government's action with regard to E1 Salvador and Bolivia and say whether that had any good results?
As my hon. Friend is aware, although this was not a matter for me, the Government did not supply arms to E1 Salvador. We have a minute technical assistance programme there, and we have not discontinued it.
In the case of Bolivia, it is difficult to assess the consequence of our actions or those of other countries such as the United States which followed our own. All that one can say as a matter of fact is that there is to be this summer a democratic election in Bolivia which has been brought forward by one or two years.If the Minister suggests that human rights is an important factor in the provision of bilateral aid, how can she justify the provision of nearly £2 million a year to the Ethiopian regime?
As the hon. Gentleman knows, there is a later Question on Ethiopia on the Order Paper, but clearly we will not reach it. The precise amount of aid is £1·6 million, and most of it relates to a rural water supply project which has been under way for some time. There are tiny bits of technical co-operation. I have looked at this very carefully in the light of the events of the last few months There are questions which relate human rights to the provision of aid. While aid may be cut off completely—and there have been only two such instances under this Government, Uganda and Chile—fortunately, in the case of Cambodia we do not have an active aid programme. In the case of Ethiopia and one or two other countries which are particularly sensitive in terms of human rights, we have to make a judgment as to whether the small amount of aid that we are continuing is likely to benefit the poorest and most humble people—
Order. I had hoped to call another hon. Member to put a question. The answers have been inordinately long. However, I shall call Mr. James Johnson.
May I revert to the original Question? Does not the Minister think it would be a sad day for this House if she and the Government were to judge the needs of starving people in the Third world on the basis of the behaviour of their leaders?
That is where the delicate balance of judgment has to be exercised. I entirely agree with my hon. Friend.
Port Of London
(by Private Notice) asked the Secretary of State for Transport whether, in view of the critical financial position of the Port of London Authority, as revealed in its annual report published on Friday, he will make an immediate statement on the future of the Port of London.
On 6th April, Mr. John Cuckney, whom I appointed chairman of the Port of London Authority in the autumn of last year, reported to me a rapidly deteriorating financial situation in the Port of London. He had previously expressed concern about the PLA's ability to manage within its existing financial resources and the need to agree a comprehensive strategy for the port in the form of a corporate plan.
In the last month, the gravity of the situation has been fully apparent. On 4th May Mr. Cuckney told me that, in the event of no change of policy, mounting losses would total £76 million by 1982, the loss for 1982 probably being £17 million. The full picture is not yet established. The chairman has set out his explanation of this state of affairs in his annual report, published last week, of which copies are available in the Library. In brief, the chairman says that although the fixed costs of the port have been reduced over the years by dock closures, the disposal of surplus property and the severance of personnel, reductions have not kept pace with the decline in trade. Since 1974, losses and costs have reduced the PLA's reserves by £52 million. A major contributory factor has been the cost of maintaining uneconomic facilities and a dock labour force much in excess of need. The chairman believes that if costs can be cut and productivity raised the port can adapt by building on the positive aspects of its business. I have no reason to dissent from this broad analysis. Mr. Cuckney is continuing his urgent examination of the financial situation and is in the closest touch with me and with my Department. I have also arranged for Price Waterhouse &Co. to advise me on the Authority's financial forecasts. I have made clear to Mr. Cuckney that any proposals from his board should be designed to chart a path to viability and a secure future. The Government have no executive authority over the PLA, but I am considering with my ministerial colleagues whether and by what means the Government can assist the PLA in its task. We are very fully aware of the industrial, social and environmental aspects of the problem. No solution will be easy. I will report further to the House in due course.Clearly the position at the Port of London is both urgent and critical for those who work in it. Therefore, does the Secretary of State appreciate that the House will expect to be kept fully informed of all developments?
I have three short points. Does the Secretary of State agree that the proper starting point in consideration of this issue is that the nation's major port is now on the edge of bankruptcy and that unless steps are taken it will become bankrupt in the next few months? Do the Government accept the view of the chairman of the PLA that over the coming months the Port of London will have to be slimmed down substantially, but that if that is done there is no reason why the port, based on Tilbury, should not prosper? Above all, do the Government accept that this is a time for decisions and that, although these decisions may clearly have to be tough, that is the only way of ensuring the future of the port, which includes the employment prospects there?
Yes, I shall keep the House fully informed, as it is entitled to be, of developments. I shall let it know when the Government have had an opportunity of considering fully the figures which are now available and any others that the chairman may set before me. For that very reason it would be wrong for me to indicate any policy views until they are determined, either concerning the question of slimming down or any others that have been raised by the chairman in his annual report.
The hon. Gentleman is right to say that this major port is on the edge of bankruptcy, and it is right that we should make decisions as quickly as possible. But they must be decisions that are fully considered, because the implications both for the port and for those who live and work there can be considerable.As the representative of some of those who at least live there, if not work on the port, may I say that we now face a situation in which mile upon mile of the greatest river highway in the world lies derelict and bankrupt? Is the Secretary of State aware that the PLA's record on this is not admirable?
Is he further aware that some of us think that the time is long overdue when the whole question of the use of the river—not necessarily by the PLA, but for other purposes, too—should be considered in order to react as any country would in this situation to bring life back to this river, not necessarily by use of the PLA, but perhaps through the use of smaller units and in other ways? It is a disgrace that the river is devoid of traffic when our roads are packed and jammed tight. What about that for lack of policy?My right hon. Friend vividly expresses the strong feelings not only of those who live and work in the Port of London and represent the constituencies around it but of many others, too. The decline we have seen on the River Thames and in the Port of London has been tragic and has had far-reaching consequences, to which my right hon. Friend has referred. I am sure that any analysis and any decisions on the current problem faced by the Port of London must take account of our wish to see the river flourish and to regain as much traffic as it can, traffic which it has lost over the years.
As with British Steel and British Leyland, why do the Government take no action until all is collapsing around them? It is now two years since this problem last arose, and since then it has cost £16 million in extra losses alone, quite apart from the expenditure of the PLA's reserves. Will the Secretary of State take it on board that the hereditary docker, like the hereditary peer, must now at least contribute towards earning his living? Will he confirm and reiterate to the House that any future programme of reconstruction is monitored and is accountable to this House and that it has a specific purpose?
I do not think that the hon. Gentleman has made a helpful contribution to solving a difficult problem. His question shows some lack of understanding of the nature and responsibilities of the trust ports. They are not nationalised industries but are established under statute. The Port of London was established under the 1968 statute.
I therefore have limited powers. It is the job of any Minister to rely upon the evidence placed before him by the chairman on behalf of the board and then to take the necessary action when he is required to do so by knowledge of the circumstances. This situation has been developing, but it was brought sharply into focus only by the present chairman, who was appointed last autumn and who revealed to me within the last month the current state of affairs.Is my right hon. Friend aware that the proposed closure of the Royal Group of Docks and the West India and Millwall Docks would be a body blow to the economic and social life of East London and also to the Government's policy on inner urban areas, a policy supported by the Opposition? Is he aware that last year over 2 million tons of cargo went through these docks, and Lloyd's List put 25 ships as being in those docks this morning? Is he further aware that the PLA says that it wants to get rid of 1 million tons of cargo? Will he say something about the Government's attitude to the competition of near Continental ports which receive State and municipal aid?
In reply to the latter part of my hon. Friend's supplementary question, I wish to say nothing on policy matters until we have had a fuller opportunity of digesting the facts set before us and any new facts that will emerge. I am fully aware—and if I were in doubt my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for the Environment would remind me—that any steps taken involving the upper docks will have consequences for the inner urban areas of docklands about which the Government are concerned.
Will the Minister bear in mind that those of us, such as the right hon. Member for Bermondsey (Mr. Mellish), who represent riverside constituencies want the Government to take action to use this apparently abandoned river? Will he spell out in detail how he proposes to do this?
No, I am afraid that I cannot spell out those matters in detail. Even if I were to try, it would be a dishonest attempt, because we must examine the new situation which has now emerged. If there is unity on both sides of the House that the river must be revived irrespective of its present problems, I think that is the best guarantee that we shall find a way out of the situation.
The Minister comes to the House and makes a statement saying how terrible things are but adds that he can do nothing about the situation. Will he please now say that he will do something about it? Will he first give a guarantee—a guarantee that he did not give in his original statement—that the trade unions will be brought in and that discussions will take place with them? Will he also ensure that Members of Parliament for the areas involved will be drawn into those discussions, including local authorities and publicly elected representatives, rather than the Port of London board, which is composed of appointed people? Will he see that the elected representatives are drawn into these discussions?
I did not say to the House that I could do nothing about the situation. What I said was that I was not proposing a solution today. I propose no solution not only because I want to discuss matters with my colleagues, as I shall properly do, but for the very reason which my hon. Friend men- tioned—that if we were fully to inform and bring into consultation the trade unions, Members of Parliament and local authorities—which is a matter primarily for the PLA and not for me—it would be impossible for me to make a substantive statement on policy today.
Is it not true that at the same time as the fortunes of the Port of London have been declining, the fortunes of the Port of Rotterdam have been in the ascendant?
Because Rotterdam is subsidised.
Would it not be a good idea for somebody to visit Rotterdam to see whether its success is due entirely to Government subsidy, as is being implied, or whether there is a degree of efficiency in the Port of Rotterdam which to some extent has been missing in London?
I am sure that many people have examined the varying fortunes of different ports, and some of those fortunes have risen and others have fallen from time to time. I am sure that the experience of Rotterdam is relevant. I do not think we should draw any easy conclusion from that kind of superficial analysis. We must examine the problem in considerable depth and make comparisons not only between this country and others but between ports in this country which are seeking to meet the needs of those who use them and ports elsewhere.
rose—
Order. This is a Private Notice Question. I have given hon. Members a good run, but I shall take three more questions from each side of the House.
Will my right hon. Friend investigate allegations from Tilbury Docks that work is being turned away from Tilbury and ships being sent to other ports, despite the fact that the dockers there have achieved a faster turnround of ships than previously?
I shall draw my hon. Friend's comments to the attention of the chairman of the PLA and ask him to give me his view on the matter.
Will the Minister give an undertaking that in considering the financial position of the Port of London he will make it clear that there will not be a takeover of the Medway Ports Authority, which is well run, prosperous and increasing its trade?
Certainly no such proposal has come across my desk.
Will my hon. Friend confirm whether the PLA board in its report last year gave any indication of its financial plight? Does he not agree that great damage might be done to the recrudescence of river traffic which is now, at long last, picking up, if the argument about the Royal Group of Docks were confused with the case of the riverside?
In reply to the first part of my hon. Friend's supplementary question, this has been a developing situation but, as I said in reply to the hon. Member for Sutton Coldfield (Mr. Fowler), the present figures are new and I had no idea, nor did the PLA hint at this a year ago, of a situation as serious as that which has now been revealed.
I agree with the second part of my hon. Friend's comments. We must do all we can to ensure the future of the river and a better life and better prospects for it, despite the obvious anxieties and the problems we now face on the PLA, including the upper docks.Is the Minister aware that those of us who work with Mr. John Cuckney, both in public and in private life, have great confidence in him? Therefore, will he back the chairman in recognising that this is a structural problem which has been under discussion ever since we were considering the Maplin project? Will he also back the chairman in getting greater productivity, and particularly in the work he is trying to undertake in redeveloping the London docklands for the benefit of the area as a whole?
I am grateful for the hon. Gentleman's comments about Mr. John Cuckney, who commands a great deal of confidence in all parts of the House. It is very reassuring that he has responsibility for the PLA. His responsibilities are plain, and I shall take into account any proposals he sets before me. The Government will examine those proposals in the wider context of the social consequences as well as the industrial context.
Will my right hon. Friend confirm that this is the same John Cuckney who ran the Crown Agents, resulting in a loss to the taxpayers of £200 million, and, rather than place confidence in the man, would it not be better to put him out to grass?
With respect to my hon. Friend, I am afraid that on this occasion he has got it wrong. Mr. John Cuckney was brought into the Crown Agents to deal with a very difficult situation indeed. I must emphasise, even if I do not carry my hon. Friend with me, that there are many hon. Members on both sides of the House who believe that he did a first-class job in dealing with a very difficult situation.
I do not agree.
Is the Minister aware that, in the face of the clearest and most positive report from the Port of London Authority, he has no study to undertake and that the decisions make themselves? Is he aware that the upper docks will be closed and that the question is when?
I do not agree with the hon. Gentleman. The decisions are for the Port of London Authority, and I have no proposals before me. I would not wish to indicate to the House at this moment that I am wholly satisfied with the situation as it has emerged. I shall need to be surer of the facts before I am in a position to consider any proposals. I shall consider them when the PLA makes them to me.
Oil Pollution (East Anglian Coast)
(by Private Notice) asked the Secretary of State for Trade whether he will make a statement on the oil slick now affecting Norfolk and Suffolk beaches.
The Greek tanker "Eleni V" and the French bulk carrier "Roseline" collided in fog at about 12.15 p.m. on Saturday 6th May, some eight and a half miles east of Happisburgh and six miles off the coast of Norfolk.
I am glad to be able to inform the House that no lives were lost and that there were no serious injuries reported. The 39 crew members of the tanker were taken aboard the "Roseline" and have been taken to France. The "Eleni V" was cut in two about one quarter of the way from its bows. The larger after section is under tow and is off the Hook of Holland, awaiting entry to Rotterdam. The smaller forward section tilted through rather more than 90 degrees, to leave the bows almost vertical with about 20 feet above and some 80 feet below water. Given the condition of the forward section and in view of some deterioration in the weather outlook at about Sunday midday, it was decided to attempt to beach the forward section off Yarmouth, in a reasonably favourable position for further salvage operation. Unfortunately, the forward section swung on touching the bottom this morning, and the tow line parted. The last report I have is that, after drifting south, the section is on Corton Sand, about three miles off Lowestoft. A Trinity House vessel and four tugs, including two equipped for spraying, are in attendance and are seeking to secure a line to that section. The "Eleni V" was carrying some 16,800 tons of heavy fuel oil from Rotterdam to Grangemouth, including approximately 5,000 tons in the forward section. My Department's anti-pollution organisation was activated immediately after the collision. A helicopter reconnaissance on Saturday afternoon, in poor to moderate visibility, located only one oil patch of any size. Reconnaissance flights are continuing. By midday on Sunday, eight spraying vessels were in operation off Yarmouth, with a naval vessel acting as on-scene commander, and succeeding in breaking up the patch into smaller slicks. Ten spraying vessels are there at present. Some oil has come ashore this morning on 15 miles of coastline between Winterton and Lowestoft. At worst it is about 25 feet wide but in most places it is in patches. The local authorities are satisfied that they are coping with this oil. I am very conscious that the remaining oil on the forward section—perhaps 3,000 to 4,000 tons—represent a potential pollution risk. Our objective is to remove this threat of pollution as soon as this can practicably and safely be done. The French authorities have put in hand an inquiry into the conduct of the master and crew of the French ship and it is also hoped to take evidence from the personnel of the Greek ship. I have only just been advised that the Greek authorities are proposing to undertake a public inquiry.I should like to thank the Minister, first for his statement and secondly because his Department, I think, has worked well and as hard as it can—both his local people and he himself and his people in London. I pay tribute to the work done by the coastguards and the other services on the spot, who have worked splendidly, and to the personnel on the ships which were prepared and got out to sea yesterday to try to cope with the oil slicks.
I should like to ask three or four questions to which answers are urgently necessary. First, would the Minister consider revising his plan for decision-making in London? In other words, immediately something of this nature happens, wherever it be on the shore of the United Kingdom, the key personnel should be dispatched to the area to see what is happening and to make decisions on the spot. Had the decision been taken yesterday morning when I was there at 10 o'clock instead of at 12.40, the weather would still have been moderate and we might have got hold of this wreck. As it is, the wreck is careering up and down the coast of Norfolk like a rogue elephant on the loose, and they cannot get a line to it—as the Minister has just confirmed. Speedy decisions are absolutely essential. Second, will the Minister ensure that an immediate instruction is given to the salvage people to salvage the wreck? That is the only thing which will get things moving. Will he now leave it to local people and the salvage people between them to make their own decisions about what they will do with the wreck when they can get hold of it? Thirdly, what control will the Minister try to get over foreign ships? It is ludicrous that we have no control at all over ships which have just collided within our territorial waters. It is disgraceful and we must do more about it. Lastly, will the Government be prepared to assist the local authorities there to get the mess cleared of our beaches within the next four weeks before the summer season starts?The hon. Member has asked a number of interesting questions. First, I thank him for his tribute not only to my Department but to all those who are involved in this difficult operation. On the need for speedy decisions, I assure not only the hon. Gentleman and the House but all those involved near the coasts which are or might be affected that there is no reason to suppose that speedy decisions will be impaired. The chain of authority has been well thought out. There is a principal officer on the spot, and if an emergency arises he has full authority to take a decision without reference to London. If there is no such emergency, he will of course refer the matter to London.
We are trying at the moment, of course, to put lines on the wreck so that it can be salvaged and the oil pumped out or dealt with in some other appropriate way. That is not an easy operation. It is difficult, protracted and expensive, but the first priority is to get hold of the wreck. I cannot accept what the hon. Gentleman says about control of foreign ships. This collision appears to have occurred in international waters. The only way in which one can take appropriate action in those circumstances is with the authority of international law and through the responsible international organisation, IMCO. As the hon. Member knows, IMCO is seized of that matter, particularly in the light of the "Amoco Cadiz" incident. Government assistance to local authorities is a matter for my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for the Environment.My hon. Friend must surely be sick and fed up of appearing with monotonous regularity at the Dispatch Box to explain his actions to deal with yet another spillage of oil into our seas, due either to a collision or to the running aground of a vessel—no doubt because of the incompetence of the crews involved. Is it not time for him to give up waiting for the ratification of international conventions and ask the nations bordering the North Sea and the South Atlantic approaches to convene an IMCO regional conference to reach an agreement on greater safety standards, salvage rules and compulsory traffic lanes, especially for tankers—enforced by the denial of access to our ports for those who ignore them?
I take no delight, I assure my hon. Friend, in coming to the Dispatch Box in order to make statements of this kind, but the House is entitled to know what is happening when a situation like this occurs. My hon. Friend must not try to put me in the position of prejudging inquiries which are to be held in France and Greece concerning the competence or otherwise of the crews concerned.
As for international action, my hon. Friend knows very well that a conference was held by IMCO in February to deal with tanker safety and pollution and that agreements were reached. I hope that action will be taken with considerable speed internationally to implement those agreements. A vital conference is to be held by IMCO in June and July to deal with the training and certification of officers. That goes to the heart of my hon. Friend's concern. Traffic separation schemes or routing schemes for tankers are peculiarly difficult in this area because of shifting sands. I do not believe that it would be possible with international authority to have an authorised traffic separation scheme in that place.May I associate myself with the remarks made by my hon. Friend the Member for Yarmouth (Mr. Fell) and ask the Minister whether he can confirm that so far the pollution has been nothing like as bad as might have been expected and that, provided that there is no further pollution, there is no reason to think that there will be further damage to beaches?
May I ask the Minister to say whether he has been in touch with his right hon. Friend the Minister of Agriculture, Fisheries and Food about any implications for the local fishing industry? Lastly, will the Minister consider carefully about what his hon. Friend the Member for Kingston upon Hull, East (Mr. Prescott) said with regard to the training of crews and the routes that these ships should follow? It seems that the British should take a lead in this matter, because the position round our coasts is very vulnerable at present. Many people regard the present position as highly unsatisfactory in that other people are not training their crews properly and are employing very poor quality personnel to man their ships, with disastrous consequences to us. The truth of the matter is that these people want a jolly good clobbering.I confirm the right hon. Gentleman's view that the pollution that has occurred thus far is not particularly serious, but of course it still leaves some costs to be borne by the local authorities which, it is hoped, will be compensated through insurance schemes. But the damage is nothing like as serious as that which occurred just a few weeks ago off the French coast. However, I do not think that that is any reason for being complacent.
It goes without saying that there is consultation with my right hon. Friend the Minister of Agriculture, Fisheries and Food. There is consultation to consider the ecological consequences, not only of the effect of oil but of the effect of spraying that has taken place. I understand that there is no reason for anxiety in this regard at present. 1 have already given an answer on the question of the training of crews and routes. It is that to take decisive action in this matter it is necessary for there to be international authority behind it. It would be useless for us to act unilaterally. That is why Britain was in the forefront of those arguing for a conference to be held—as it is now to be held in June and July—by IMCO this summer. Considerable gains were also obtained as a result of the April meeting of the maritime safety committee of IMCO following the "Amoco Cadiz" disaster.I wonder whether the Minister will look into the fact that it cannot be difficult to have compulsory fitting of radar on all ships that use the Channel. I wonder, secondly, whether the Minis- ter will consult his right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for the Environment when it comes to giving financial relief to the local authorities. It is essential that such relief be realistic and not conditional.
On the last point, I do not think that the pollution that has occurred should cause us too much alarm. Although my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for the Environment will consider these matters, I do not think it right to make a judgment at present. It is very early hours, let alone days.
On the question of radar aids to avoid collision, at the February conference to which I have referred it was resolved that all ships between 1,600 and 10,000 gross tonnes should be fitted with radar, while all ships of 10,000 gross tonnes and above should have two radar systems each capable of operating independently, on the date of the coming into force of the protocol to the 1974 SOLAS Convention.Does not my hon. Friend realise that if this had happened a few miles further north there would have been oil in the Humber estuary, which would have meant that oil would have gone as far up as Goole and right down into Lincolnshire? These incidents happen over and over again. Some of us find my hon. Friend's attitude very complacent. There is now a case for limiting the use of large tankers in the North Sea and the Channel and allowing only very small tankers to operate there and then only when there are no other vessels around. We must tackle this problem before there is a real disaster on a monstrous scale, for it will then be too late.
I hope that I have not conveyed to the House any attitude of complacency. It was certainly not my intention so to do. I have tried to establish a proposition which I think is undeniable, that the only way to get effective action is through international authority.
In reply to my hon. Friend's specific question, this was a very small tanker—Then make the limit apply to even smaller vessels.
We must get the matter into perspective. More than 1 million tons of oil a day are carried through the Channel. That is equivalent to about 20,000 "Amoco Cadiz" vessels since the "Torrey Canyon" incident. During that time we have had two major incidents and a few smaller incidents. There is no reason for complacency, but I repeat that effective action can be taken only under international authority.
rose—
Order. With the co-operation of hon. Members, I will call those hon. Members who have risen. However, there is an application under Standing Order No. 9 and also a personal statement to follow.
May I ask the Minister to enlarge a little on his answer to the first question asked by my hon. Friend the Member for Yarmouth (Mr. Fell) about the chain of command in regard to decision-taking? Is he aware that further north than the Humber there are some of the finest beaches in the United Kingdom, on the North-East coast of England? He said that there is an emergency officer on the spot to take immediate decisions. Will he give the House an idea exactly how many emergency officers there are around our coasts and where they are situated?
I understand that there are nine principal officers around the coasts. Without notice, I cannot tell the hon. Gentleman their exact location. The principal officer concerned was sent to Gorleston with great expedition. He has the authority that I have outlined.
May I put a question which has been put by some of my constituents, for whom this cargo was in fact destined at Grangemouth? Why is it necessary for a cargo from Rotterdam to go so near a coast on its way from Rotterdam to Grangemouth?
Generally, at the next IMCO conference, cannot the Government look into the possibility of regulations being made which would make it much more difficult, as in the case of the "Amoco Cadiz", for any of these tankers to go gratuitously so near coastlines?The difficulty about this particular coastline, as I think the hon. Member for Yarmouth and the right hon. Member for Lowestoft (Mr. Prior) will be able to confirm, is that there are shifting sands which make it very difficult to have a regulated internationally authorised traffic separation scheme. As to the particular incident, I cannot at this moment come to any conclusions what either of these vessels was doing in those positions.
Does the Minister realise that although everybody at present sympathises with the problem in East Anglia there are many places round our coastline—I think particularly of Lyme Bay—where super-tankers transfer cargo to smaller ships every day of the week? The population's fear is that accidents are likely to occur and that the beaches will be inundated.
Does the Minister remember that his predecessor, the present Lord Greenwood, gave an assurance to the House, when he was Minister of Housing and Local Government, that he would ensure, first, that there was a massive amount of British relief always available to deal with any spillage so that it would never be on the level of the "Torrey Canyon" disaster again and, secondly, that oil companies would set up a fund so that local authorities would never have to be called upon again to meet any of these costs? This was British initiative. It does not need international control or authority. What has the Minister done to honour those assurances?The hon. Gentleman, who has been a Minister should know that compensation schemes have been established—not only TOVALOP but also another one which rejoices in the name of CRISTAL—and there is also an international convention. It cannot therefore be said that the matter has been left to drift. As regards the adequacy of the British response on this occasion, I do not believe that it can be said—nor do I think that the hon. Member for Yarmouth suggested—that our response was inadequate. On the wider issue, of course we have lessons to learn in the light of the "Amoco Cadiz" situation, and these matters are the subject of internal inquiry as well as being considered internationally, too.
As regards lightening operations off Lyme Bay, I have told the hon. Member for Torbay (Sir F. Bennett) that I am prepared to receive a deputation from the local authority concerned. However, I do not believe that there has been any serious oil pollution recently. The matter was raised in the House some two years ago, and since that time, although there has been some concern recently following the "Amoco Cadiz" incident, there has not, I believe, been any serious cause for concern.Having had responsibility in the last Conservative Government for dealing with pollution in Cornwall, the Humber and elsewhere, I assure the Minister that he has my sympathy in being caught in the middle of this one. However, can he answer three questions? First, if there is a Greek inquiry and a French inquiry, will there also be a British inquiry into why it happened that radar was not available on these ships, and secondly, why, when those involved started to tow one end of the vessel towards land, they took it into shallow water and caused the tow lines to part? We need an answer to that. Next, will the Minister tell us exactly what sort of help the hard-pressed Suffolk and Norfolk County Councils can expect in their rate support grant?
The hon. Gentleman knows that that latter question is for the right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for the Environment, who is on the Front Bench and has heard the question. In reply to his point about the inquiry being held by the United Kingdom authorities, I must tell the hon. Gentleman that we simply have no locus here. It was a collision on the high seas between a Greek vessel and a French vessel. The master and crew of the tanker have been taken to France. We could not, therefore, hold a meaningful investigation involving the calling of evidence. We have no power to subpoena in the United Kingdom, and we have no powers under the Merchant Shipping Acts to hold an investigation. Therefore, although I should not have minded holding one, I am afraid that I have no power to do so.
I join my hon. Friends in paying tribute to those who have been involved in the operation so far, and at this point I ask the Minister two questions. It is not clear to me—I do not think that it is clear to the hon. Member for West Lothian (Mr. Dalyell), either—why, when there was a traffic separation scheme operating in this area about three years ago, it is not now possible to have one in the future.
I understand the problem of shifting sands, but why do the vessels have to be so close inshore? That was the question asked also by the hon. Member for West Lothian, and I do not think that the Minister has answered it. The shifting sands were shifting three years ago, and I wonder why we cannot have a fresh separation scheme. Secondly, we are concerned about progress in IMCO. Can the Minister say when the French proposals, which were made following the "Amoco Cadiz" disaster, will be considered in full by the maritime safety committee of IMCO? When will IMCO make decisions on the full French proposals? As the Minister says, international action here is crucial.IMCO is seized of the urgency of this matter. It considered the situation in a preliminary way at the April conference of the maritime safety committee, and further meetings are to be held. I cannot off the top of my head give the exact dates, but these matters are being dealt with urgently by the appropriate committees. The matter involves the legal committee as well to deal with questions of salvage and so on. There is a variety of questions to be considered here.
On the question of a routing scheme, the difficulty is that such schemes require international authority—if they are outside territorial waters, we cannot impose a scheme ourselves—and the problem created by the shifting sand banks is that permanence cannot be given to any routing scheme, which is another difficulty to be contemplated. Charts covering this area are frequently updated. There is no reason why the masters concerned should not have had—for all I know, they may well have had—the most up-to-date charts covering the area. But I repeat that I cannot make a judgment while inquiries are being put in train.Supplementary Benefits
I beg to ask leave to move the Adjournment of the House, under Standing Order No. 9, for the purpose of discussing a specific matter concerning a constituent of mine which also raises general principles of great public importance which, in my opinion, should be examined as a matter of urgency, namely,
The matter concerns an unmarried mother who is a recipient of supplementary benefit and who has been since her unemployment benefit failed. She was summoned to the Bradford Street offices of the Department of Health and Social Security last Wednesday, and there she was confronted by what I can only describe as a social security storm trooper in the form of a female interrogator, who proceeded to abuse and threaten her in the following manner. This interrogator accused my constituent of neglecting her baby, on no evidence at all, never having seen the child. She talked in terms of—here I quote—"people like me who have to pay taxes to keep people like you"—her victim—and she asked impertinent questions about my constituent's private life. Secondly, she threatened my constituent in so far as she threatened to have her fiancé, the father of the baby, sued, and she also indicated by way of threat that she could have, or arrange to have, her baby taken away from her. Finally, this interrogator had my constituent's benefit reduced from £14·50 a week to £10·50 a week and gave her no explanation at all of why this was being done. The House will recall that Professor Donnison, the chairman of the Supplementary Benefits Commission, early last year announced or indicated that, so far as he was concerned, incidents such as this would not be allowed to happen again. It seems from this incident that Mr. Bumble is alive and thriving in the Bradford Street offices of the DHSS, and in my opinion the bitch who committed this atrocity against my constituent should be fired. But, much more important, the principle of allowing subversives to infiltrate the social security systems deserves the immediate attention of the House, since the purposes which the British people willed in creating the Welfare State are being frustrated and subverted by such people as this."the treatment of a supplementary benefit claimant, an unmarried mother, by an official of the Department of Health and Social Security at the Bradford Street, Birmingham, office of that Department, and the implications of this case in the administration of the supplementary benefit system".
The hon. Member seeks leave to move the Adjournment of the House for the purpose of considering a matter that he thinks should have urgent consideration, namely,
I listened carefully to the hon. Gentleman, but I cannot accede to his request."the treatment of a supplementary benefit claimant, an unmarried mother, by an official of the Department of Health and Social Security at the Bradford Street, Birmingham, office of that Department, and the implications of this case in the administration of the supplementary benefit system."
On a point of order, Mr. Speaker. I raise this matter not on behalf of the Opposition Front Bench but in a personal capacity. May I ask you, Sir, whether the procedures of the House, and, indeed, the absolute privilege which we fortunately enjoy, are to be used as a cloak to call members of the Civil Service "bitches", which was the term used? To what extent is the House to be used—our proceedings are now often broadcast—for such purposes? I think it intolerable that the Standing Order No. 9 procedure should be used in this way.
Further to that point of order, Mr. Speaker. It is my privilege to raise these matters under the Standing Order, as it is the privilege of every other Member. As a distinguished Member said only last week, it is our privilege to use those privileges as we see fit on behalf of our constituents.
I must say to the House that there has been a report from the Select Committee on this very question of the use of Standing Order No. 9 and the request for an emergency debate, and the sooner we discuss that report the better.
Personal Statement
Last Thursday evening, towards the end of the debate on Southern Rhodesia, I was prompted by a momentary surge of annoyance to make a vulgar rejoinder to a comment from the right hon. Member for Knutsford (Mr. Davies) about hon. Members not having been to Africa. As you will appreciate, Mr. Speaker, in my earlier profession we indulge in exchanges which are more often candid and colourful rather than precise and parliamentary. But my importation of such phraseology into the Chamber was inexcusable.
Unfortunately, I cannot expunge the offensive words, but I have already written to the right hon. Member for Knutsford apologising to him, and now I wish to extend my apology to you, Sir, and to the House for my regrettable lapse.Hear, hear.
The hon. Member has heard the response of the House.
Orders Of The Day
Finance Bill
(Clause No. 11; new Clauses relating to stamp duty on house purchase, indexation for capital gains tax deferred payment of duty on whisky or interest on repayments of overpaid tax.)
Considered in Committee.
[Mr. BRYANT GODMAN IRVINE in the Chair.]
Clause 11
Charge Of Income Tax For 1978–79
4.20 p.m.
I beg to move Amendment No. 1, in page 10, line 13, leave out '34' and insert '33'.
With this it will be convenient to take Amendment No. 2, in page 10, line 13, leave out '34 per cent.' and insert '32 per cent.'
The Committee will appreciate that this amendment provides us with an opportunity to discuss in the first instance the appropriate level for the basic rate of income tax, and then to look, some four weeks on, at the impact of the Budget which the Chancellor introduced just a month ago tomorrow. The Committee will have the opportunity of taking a decision, as we close this debate, about the level of taxation proposed by the Government in the Budget.
I dare say that the Chancellor of the Exchequer will once again repeat the performance with which we are not now unfamiliar—that of diverting attention from the merits of his own Budget and from the merits of the proposals that we are considering—the appropriate level for the basic rate of income tax—and will launch into one of his celebrated histrionic attacks on the Opposition, thereby doing some service to his reputation as a robust, bullying Chancellor but doing very little service to the merits of the issue. I hope that I can bring the right hon. Gentleman to consider the response to his Budget in the light of the economic policies which the Government have been following over recent months. We have seen, to put it mildly, a somewhat erratic attitude towards the management of the exchange rate—if "management" is the right word—with the Government having robustly defended a low rate until last autumn, when they were obliged to surrender to the movements of the market, with consequences at that time for their capacity to control the money supply, now followed by a reverse in direction, whether willed or inadvertent is not entirely clear. But the effect of all this was, towards the end of last year, a substantial rise in the exchange rate accompanied by a substantial expansion of the money supply, giving rise to concern in this country and elsewhere as we came to the turn of the year. Now the scene has changed very remarkably and the Chancellor should take care lest the economic legacy that he bequeaths to the next Government catches up with him before he has actually expired. The signs are not looking at all propitious. The international exchange value of the pound has fallen since it reached its peak—whether that was an inadvertent peak or not—by more than 8 per cent., that is, by about 7½ per cent. over the last three months and by about 1½ per cent. since the Budget was opened. The exchange reserves, of which the right hon. Gentleman was boasting in his Budget Statement, have fallen by almost $4 billion since January. The balance of payments surplus, in which the nation, led by a beneficient Labour Government, was entitled to revel for years of affluence following the flow of North Sea oil, is shrinking before our eyes. The decline in the value of the pound means that imports will become and are becoming more expensive quite quickly, and the response in relation to our exports will be nothing like as quick. Thus, the estimate for the balance of payments surplus contained in the Red Book, already revised down only about a month ago, could be down to nothing by the end of the year, while, of course, inflation, the economic factor about which the right hon. Gentleman is currently crowing most loudly, is also likely to respond adversely to what is now going on. If the exchange rate has fallen by 7½ or 8 per cent. since the beginning of the year, the impact on inflation domestically by the end of the year could be as much as 2½ per cent. upwards. The right hon. Gentleman boasted about all these things in his Budget Statement. He boasted also about the low levels to which interest rates had come, yet not only did we have the increase of 1 per cent. in minimum lending rate on the very day of his Budget but we have since had the further increase announced only last Friday. So we are going through a period where the interest rate structure is certainly higher than it need have been or higher than it would otherwise have been, where the cost of the public sector borrowing requirement for that reason is likely to be higher than it would otherwise have been. The consequences even of that could well exceed the cost of the cut in income tax that we are now discussing. In short, the history of the month since the Budget Statement confirms the immediate judgment of the market and the judgment made by my right hon. Friend the Leader of the Opposition, expressing real anxiety about the scale of the Government's proposals. We well understand that the Chancellor is taking risks with the nation in order to avoid if he can, following the example of his predecessor, Mr. Roy Jenkins, in failing sufficiently to expand in order to secure the return of a Labour Government and, if he cannot do that, at least to secure his reputation among future Labour Party historians. The public sector borrowing requirement projected in the Budget was, if anything, too high, and should, if anything, be reduced. That is the foundation, as we have made plain, of the way we criticise the Budget and the basis on which we criticise the particular composition of the taxes and tax reliefs proposed. I am therefore moving for the reduction of income tax by 1p on the basic rate, and I do so on the firm foundation that we seek no increase in the public sector borrowing requirement—on the contrary, we seek movement in the opposite direction. The Chancellor may snort arrogantly—I am laughing.
The right hon. Gentleman may laugh, but he is no more attractive when he laughs than when he snorts. He must learn, whether he laughs or snorts, to pay some attention to the judgment and decision of the House on his Budget proposals. If the Committee carries the amendment he has a number of clear alternatives that he will have to face.
Either the right hon. Gentleman can decide to reduce public spending in whatever way he thinks most appropriate, or he can decide to raise the revenue which the Government regard as necessary and which they want to spend by seeking to raise it in another way, or—and this is more probable—he can seek to try to bully and bluster and bluff his way out of it by bringing threats and great noises to bear on other parties in the House. I see some hon. Members nodding robustly, and more power to their elbow. The hon. Member for Cornwall, North (Mr. Pardoe) will remember what happened last year when the Liberal Party sought to oppose the increase in petrol duty. Within 48 hours of the Budget Statement, the Chancellor went on to that distinguished public platform, the Jimmy Young Show, and threatened the Liberals with dire penalties. He said that if they proceeded with their opposition to the increase in petrol duty, he would increase the duty on beer by, I think, about 3p a pint. The Liberals quaked and trembled for 48 hours and did not actually vote with us on the Budget Resolution on the following Monday. But that is characteristic of the way the Chancellor is likely to react to this amendment. The right hon. Gentleman will threaten the most dire consequences and will choose alternatives likely to be least acceptable to the Scottish National Party or the Liberals in order to suggest that it would be quite intolerable for them to have the courage of their convictions in voting for a reduction in the basic rate of income tax. That style of argument, characteristic of the Chancellor though it may be, is neither attractive nor would it be legitimate. He is able to resort to it only because of the back-to-front way in which the House and the Committee sets about the consideration of the Government's plans for spending and taxation. 4.30 p.m. It is worth reminding ourselves of the principles governing these matters. The resources which the Government, kept in office by the favour of the House, can spend depend in the first instance upon how much Parliament is prepared to authorise to them by way of taxes on the people of this country. The Government may seek to go beyond that to a limited extent—the discretion is entirely the Government's—by seeking to borrow more resources than the House makes available to them through taxation. There is no direct parliamentary control over the borrowing of the Government. It is the responsibility of the Government. But the Government must start and finish their consideration of their plans for expenditure by considering how much the House will allow to them by way of taxes imposed on the people. That constitutional point is symbolised by the fact that the basic rate of income tax is fixed from year to year. The Government come before the House proposing a rate of income tax and it is not only Parliament's right, it is Parliament's duty, to consider whether to allow the Government the rate of income tax they seek. That is the framework within which they consider the matter. If the Government are denied a particular tax or a tax at a particular level by a vote of the House because they cannot command a majority for that proposal, it is for the Government to consider either how far to reduce their spending to bring it into line with the resources Parliament has allowed them or to consider other means of raising revenue. The same majority in the House which has refused, or may refuse, the Government the rate of income tax which they require could equally well refuse approval of other alternative ways of raising the same revenue. That is the right Parliament has if it has any right in this situation. Obviously, if this amendment is carried today, the Government will need to consider what they should propose next. The Committee will also want to consider what should happen next in the light of the vote. The Government would certainly have to consider their position. They could proceed, as we suggest, to cut spending. If they insist on hanging on to their spending programmes complete and unabated and seek authority from the House to pay for them by higher taxes and if they do not receive authority for such increases the responsibility for making that choice rests upon the Government's shoulders and upon the shoulders of no one else. If the Government cannot command the support of Parliament for the taxes they propose and need, they have an alternative ready to hand, which is to seek the authority from the people of the country which the House of Commons is perfectly entitled to deny them. If that is what they would do we should welcome it.Is the right hon. and learned Gentleman saying that in putting forward certain tax proposals the Opposition have no responsibility to say where the resources should come from?
I have made clear in our previous debate and shall make it clear again what are the alternative ways of dealing with this matter. There is no escape, whether below or above the Gangway on the Labour Benches, from the central proposition that it is the Government who come to the House of Commons and seek authority to impose taxes at a certain level. If the House denies that authority the Government's spending power and resources are, or must be, correspondingly reduced.
If the Government wish to defy the decision of the House and press ahead with irresponsible or larger spending programmes they can do so only by going to the country for support. They cannot spend, responsibly, money which the House refuses to give them by taxes on the people. I shall address myself to alternative ways of dealing with the matter in a moment. I wish to say something about the cost of this proposal for a reduction of 1p in the basic rate. There has been some disputation about the arithmetic. The full-year cost of this proposal is agreed at £370 million. It is also agreed that the cost of such a proposal in the first year would be less than that because of the delay in payment of income tax that takes place. The question is how much less would be the first year yield. When we put forward our figure a fortnight ago suggesting that the first-year cost would be £300 million we were proceeding on the arithmetic contained in the Red Book of the previous year. The Committee will remember that a year ago the Government proposed to knock 2p off the basic rate. The Red Book set out the arithmetic for the first-year cost and the full-year cost of that. That showed that the first-year cost would be 83 per cent. of the full-year cost. On that basis we arrived at our figure of £300 million for the first year. That is a not unreasonable calculation. If anything, it errs on the side of caution because, with the introduction of the reduced rate, the percentage should, if anything, be rather smaller. The Financial Secretary has written to me trying to amplify the figures he gave in the debate a fortnight ago and setting out the Government's view that the figure for the first year would be £340 million. I have pressed him to explain that a little further. I confess that I find it difficult to understand why the percentage yield in the first year of 83 per cent. is any different in relation to our 1p this year from what it was in relation to the Government's 2p a year ago. I would assert that on that basis our figure of a £300 million first-year cost would be correct. On the other hand, the Financial Secretary points out that there is an additional cost involved in the variation relating to advance corporation tax of about £33 million, which is a figure of a different dimension. The figure is not important beyond the search of accuracy. If we agree that the figure is around £330 million to £340 million a year, we can agree also that the cost of this 1p reduction in the basic rate of income tax is less than half the yield that would accrue to the Government if they went over to a single flat-rate 10 per cent. rate of value-added tax and that the entire package of measures which we shall be debating in the next couple of weeks amounts to about £500 million—less than 1 per cent. of the total of public spending. We are certainly dealing with figures which it would be perfectly possible for the Government to handle in a variety of ways. In dealing with the merits of the proposal I make it plain that our proposition to reduce the basic rate by 1p does not represent anything like what needs to be done to reform the basic income tax system of the country. It is only a token change. I suspect that there is widespread agreement on all sides of the Committee about the need to secure a reduction in the levels of income tax payable by the people of this country. In his more candid moments the Chancellor has said as much. We cannot seek to do more than we suggest in our amendment in the context of this Budget. The real question is why the Chancellor has not sought to do anything along these lines in this Budget. Last year, and for several years before, the country was ringing with anguished explanations from the Chancellor to the effect that the level of income tax was much too high and acted as positive disincentive to achievement at all levels of industry, that direct taxation had grown too large and so on. We began to believe the Chancellor's protestations to that effect when in last year's Budget he proposed a reduction in the basic rate from 35p to 33p in the pound. The right hon. Gentleman was beginning to give some conviction to his claims. At the time of last year's Budget we were faced with the prospect that the Chancellor would impose as a basic rate on the average wage earner a total marginal deduction of 38¾p in the pound—33p basic rate and 5¾ per cent. on national insurance contributions on top of that. He did that after having considered in his Budget Statement the alternative of a reduced rate and having rejected that quite explicitly because the restoration of incentives was more important than the case for introducing a basic rate. We were impressed by that. Indeed, it looked as though wisdom had penetrated into practice in the Treasury as well as into preaching. Last year, with the withdrawal of one of the 2p cuts in the basic rate, we ended with a marginal rate of 39¾p—34p basic rate and 5¾p on national insurance. Where are we this year? This year, because of the increase in national insurance contributions up to 6½p, with the Chancellor having made no change whatsover in the basic rate of income tax, the rate payable on the marginal pound by most wage earners and taxpayers is 40½p—34p plus 6½p. This year people will be paying 1¾p in the pound more than was proposed for last year. Why is it that the Chancellor last year chose explicitly to reduce the basic rate to increase incentives and to reject the attractive alternative of a reduced rate band, yet this year stood the case entirely on its head? Indeed, in this year's Budget statement the Chancellor did not even canvass or discuss the possibility of a reduction in the basic rate.Why only 1p?
Because the room for manoeuvre left to this House of Commons by the plans for public expenditure voted by the Government, by hon. Members below the Gangway, amounting to £4,000 million, was thereby limited very strictly. If the hon. Member wishes to join us in expressing a desire for larger reductions of basic rates, he will be able to achieve that only by a change in Government. It will not be achieved by his own Government.
I would welcome an election fought upon the basis of the Tory Party cutting tax by 1p and the Labour Party on the basis of this Budget with a little more besides. The right hon. and learned Gentleman seems to be rather shy about telling us what is the real Tory Party policy. He says that there is more to it than a reduction of 1p in income tax and that this is merely a token matter. If by some mischance the Tory Party were able to get into power, and if by some further mischance the right hon. and learned Gentleman were to be Chancellor of the Exchequer—most of us doubt this—what would be the real Tory Party policy? The electorate would want to know and would quickly brush it aside if it were only about cutting tax by 1p.
The electorate has a clear recollection and a clear understanding of what the choice is.
Tell us.
If we were merely to set about restoring the position which existed when we left office—getting the marginal rate down to 30p in the pound, raising thresholds back to their real level, and reducing income tax at the higher level to what it was before—that would represent a dramatic liberation for the British people. It would be well worth fighting an election about that. We need to make more fundamental changes than that, but let the British people have the chance of voting even for that alternative. That is the way in which we shall get back to a prospect of creating jobs and prosperity, which has been totally denied to the country by the Government's policies. That is the direction in which we want to go.
But why is it that the Chancellor has proceeded in this way? It is a question which requires some consideration and some answering. The Committee will remember that one of the few passages in which the Chancellor became eloquent in his Budget Statement was when he said:With slightly less conviction he said:"The key to growth and high employment must lie in an improvement in our industrial performance."
I do not know how it is visualised that that would happen. He went on to say that"Our main job now is to carry the industrial strategy down to the managers and workers in individual companies and plants throughout the country."
4.45 p.m. The way in which that ought to happen should be—as has been expressed by many people since the Budget—by securing a reduction in the basic rate of tax and by doing something to restore incentives to the skilled worker, to the manager and to those who had their hopes raised last year by the Chancellor and have seen them as readily dashed this year. If we look at the real world, we find that it is not one in which messengers arrive from Whitehall carrying talismen about the industrial strategy on to the shop floor. The only way in which the industrial strategy can command any meaning on the shop floor is by the extent to which the Government, through their tax bite and their policy as it affects the average worker, alter or do not alter the environment in which people work, and the degree of encouragement which they receive. I had a letter only today, from a computer manager, which gives the verdict very clearly on this issue. He had been attending, with his colleagues, a confer- ence on computer management last week. He writes:"the Government have a responsibility for providing an environment which encourages their work."—[Official Report, 11th April 1978; Vol. 947, c. 1187–8.]
That is the reality. If the Government fail to do anything to motivate or encourage people of that kind, they fail at the first stage of any so-called industrial strategy. It is for that reason that we ask the House of Commons today to make this token reduction in the basic rate of income tax, as an indication of the kind of change that is necessary. If the Government ask us how we are to pay for this, and how we are to meet this dreadful responsibility, I remind them that I gave certain illustrations when we discussed the matter 10 days ago. The Government must address themselves to the much more fundamental question. Having taken the people of this country through the tribulation, as the Government described it, of cutting public spending by £4,000 million over the last two years, they are proposing this year to increase public spending by exactly the same amount—6 per cent. Does the Chancellor really believe that he can point to identifiable gains and changes in the conditions and living standards of the people of this country as a result of that total relaxation of disciplined control of public spending? Does he not recollect that in 1976, when he was bringing forward his first expenditure cuts White Paper, he said then that it would be essential to stick to the same pattern and size of public spending for several years to come? Why is the Chancellor now casting away the savings which have been made, abandoning restraint on public spending, in order to lose the chance of making the income tax cuts which he regarded as essential and preferable last year? The Chancellor has totally fallen back from his own judgment. He has gravely disappointed the nation by introducing a Budget which really for him represents the end of the road. The Chancellor, snorting again, seems to be deaf to advice from the official Opposition or from any other quarter. If he looks at the other courses which are also available to him, and decides that he is unwilling to change any of his plans for increased public spending in the next 12 m"My fellow computer managers were expressing the opinion that their standard of living has not improved in 10 or 12 years, and yet these are the men who are leading us into the twenty-first century. We had several guest speakers from the United States who were much in demand for information on job prospects over there."