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Commons Chamber

Volume 957: debated on Monday 6 November 1978

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House Of Commons

Monday 6th November 1978.

The House met at half-past Two O'clock

Prayers

[Mr. SPEAKER in the Chair]

Oral Answers To Questions

Wales

Elderly Persons

1.

asked the Secretary of State for Wales if he has any further plans to help the elderly in Wales; and if he will make a statement.

We shall be reviewing the provisions of services for the elderly after studying the public response to the discussion document "A Happier Old Age". The needs of the elderly in Wales will be taken fully into account.

I am grateful for that reply. Does the Minister agree that the majority of elderly people in Wales prefer to live in their own environment and in their own hamlets or villages when they retire? Is the Minister aware that there is a shortage of houses in many Welsh hamlets and villages? Has he any plans to give financial aid to local authorities so that they can build more council houses in those areas?

Housing for the elderly is a matter for the local authorities rather than for central Government. That does not mean that the Department is insensitive to the problem. Two major projects in Dyfed were sanctioned as part of the 1977 construction industry package involving a total of £451,000, albeit in the southern part of Dyfed.

In view of the disparities between the various schemes for concessionary travel in the Principality, will my hon. Friend consider studying seriously the possibility of introducing a national scheme for concessionary bus travel?

That is a matter about which I could talk to the Secretary of State for Transport. All such suggestions should be directed initially towards the other Whitehall Departments. I know that my hon. Friend the Member for Brecon and Radnor (Mr. Roderick) is deeply concerned about concessionary fares in Wales. They are funded through the rate support grant settlements and the transport support grant, which funds concessionary fares directly, and that is higher than it is in England.

Is not the most terrifying worry for old people the rise in prices, particularly fuel prices in the nationalised sector?

Government Departments have tried through special schemes to overcome that problem.

Is my hon. Friend aware that there is one concrete way in which he can help the aged in Wales which will fall into line with the desires of Age Concern and many of the other organisations that work for pensioners—to establish a chair in geriatric medicine at the Welsh National School of Medicine?

I fully agree with my hon. Friend. Hon. Members may recall that the Secretary of State for Wales has offered to endow a chair in geriatrics at the Welsh National School of Medicine through a once for all cash payment. The establishment of such a chair would result in better training for doctors and would lead to greater awareness and understanding of old people in Wales.

Higher Education

2.

asked the Secretary of State for Wales what organisations and institutions have responded to his consultative document on the management of higher education in the maintained sector in Wales published in August; and if he will now announce his decision on the proposed Welsh national body, and set out its terms of reference.

Comments on the consultative document have been received from 11 bodies. These comments are being taken fully into account in consideration of this matter, which is still proceeding.

Will the Under-Secretary of State say whether it is his Department's intention to introduce the necessary legislation this Session in order to set up the proposed Welsh national body to co-ordinate higher education? Will he re-examine the terms of reference of the proposed body to ensure that they include the expansion of Welsh medium teaching at post-school level?

The hon. Member might recollect that the remit of the consultative document included such a term of reference. I am sure that the legislation will emerge.

Bodelwyddan District General Hospital

3.

asked the Secretary of State for Wales what was the original date for the opening of the district general hospital at Bodelwyddan; what is now the estimated date of opening; and what are the principal reasons for the delay.

When work first started in January 1972 no firm date was fixed for opening, but construction work was expected to be completed by the end of 1975, with the opening about a year later. Progress was seriously affected by a number of factors, including industrial disputes in the earlier years and structural problems. The whole hospital should now be ready for handing over to the area health authority by the end of next month. The estimated date for opening is January 1980.

Is it not a fact that this scheme, like other major building projects in Wales, has been delayed primarily by deliberate wrecking tactics by extremist elements in the trade union movement? Should not the Minister openly declare that the activities of such people are inconsistent with membership of the Labour Party?

Those were perhaps lurid headline statements. Although there were serious industrial problems in the early years—they were largely during the period of the Tory Government up to 1974, and we all know of the wrecking tactics then—the record during the past three years has been generally good. Everything possible is being done to get the hospital open as quickly as possible. Perhaps the hon. Member will consider, rather than rattling his sabre, that he should thank his lucky stars that he now has a 340-bed £10 million district general hospital in his constituency.

Severn Bridge

4.

asked the Secretary of State for Wales what representations he has received about the effect on Wales of repair work on the Severn bridge; and whether he will make a statement.

My right hon. and learned Friend has received several representations about the current maintenance works on the Severn bridge. The House can be assured that I am watching the situation closely with my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for Transport, who is, of course, responsible for the bridge itself. It is estimated that the work will take about two months to complete. Thereafter the temporary lane restrictions will be removed. Nevertheless, I well understand the concern felt in South Wales.

I am glad that the Under-Secretary understands the concern and the anger over the almost intolerable delays that are being caused to traffic crossing the bridge. Why were the faults not discovered and dealt with during the period of closure last year? Why is the work not proceeding round the clock now? What is being done to ensure that a similar disastrous episode does not recur in the future?

My right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for Transport might be a more appropriate recipient of the hon. Member's first question. My right hon. Friend and I greatly regret the inconvenience caused to the private motorist and to industry and commerce, especially at peak periods. A special effort is being made to speed up the work, and this includes overtime and shift working where appropriate. The work is at present on schedule and I hope that these delays will not be long with us.

The hon. Member asked about putting right the defective work. The main work in this respect is being carried out off-site in Newport. The hon. Member also asked about getting a speedy conclusion to this difficult problem. However, this sort of work requires highly skilled labour, and that is difficult to come by.

Has my hon. Friend considered the effect upon the bridge of heavy lorries? If, when the lanes are open, there is to be some restriction, would it not be better if private motorists were allowed to use the bridge and for some of the heavy traffic to be diverted to another route or perhaps on to the railways?

I am grateful to my hon. Friend for his suggestion. I can raise it with my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for Transport.

Clwyd Area Health Authority (Personal Case)

3.

asked the Secretary of State for Wales what action he has taken following the adverse criticism made of the Clwyd area health authority by the Parliamentary Commissioner for Administration in the case of Mrs. Hughes; and with what result.

On receipt of the Health Service Commissioner's report, I called for the then chairman of Clwyd health authority and told him of my serious concern. Since then the authority has given further guidance to junior doctors about the admission of elderly patients and it has reviewed and improved its information system and complaints procedures. All health authorities in Wales have reviewed their admission arrangements, particularly in relation to the elderly.

Is the Secretary of State aware that his hon. Friend gave me an assurance earlier this year that there would be no cover-up in this case? Is he aware that the area health authority's private committee of inquiry did not take evidence from Mrs. Hughes' general practitioner? Is he aware that they considered only a letter from the hospital doctor responsible for the decision to send her home? Is he further aware that the Select Committee on the Health Service Commissioner has vindicated him and his report, which used words such as "inhuman", "a shocking case", and "misleading" and "deplorable" attitudes on the part of the area health authority? Can the position be allowed to remain there? Is it not time to set up an independent and proper committee of inquiry?

This matter, the circumstances of which caused me very great concern, has now been thoroughly investigated by the Health Service Commissioner. His report has been endorsed and vindicated by the Select Committee. It has been investigated by the area health authority. I sent for the chairman and told him of my dismay and told him to ensure that the procedures were reformed to ensure as best as one could that this situation should not recur. I have here the recommendation sent to junior doctors and others who might be responsible for decisions. We have sought to ensure all over Wales that the procedures and lessons of this extremely unhappy incident have been learnt and that it will not be repeated.

I can see no reason for continuing further with any other investigation which will reveal no new facts.

Is the Secretary of State aware that, in spite of these unfortunate incidents, the Royal Alexandra hospital continues to command the loyalty and devotion of a great many people in the Rhyl area?

I am grateful to the hon. Member. This was a highly regrettable and, I hope, unique incident. It is important now to reassure the public that the procedures are such that the chances of such a thing happening are minimised to the utmost. Instructions have gone out to achieve that. That in no way detracts, however, from my serious concern and my expressions of deep dismay which I made to the chairman for whom I sent on that occasion.

Was the Ombudsman's criticism of the area health authority or of the clinical judgment of a relatively junior doctor? If it was the latter, were there any other examples of wrong judgment of this kind? Has the right hon. and learned Gentleman considered the position of the doctor concerned—whether he has ever had the chance to vindicate his clinical judgment?

I am sure that the hon. and learned Member will want to refresh his mind on the matters canvassed in the Health Commissioner's report. There were criticisms which I would have thought went beyond the matter of clinical judgment. It was a matter of common sense and humanity, of sending out an old lady aged 103 in the early hours of the morning. Whether one considers that strictly to be a matter of clinical judgment or of something much more, I should have thought that the procedure should be such that elderly people of that age are not sent home in the early hours of the morning without proper procedures and without consultation with the general practitioner, and with account taken of the availability of other resources in the hospital. All that has been done.

Snowdonia National Park

6.

asked the Secretary of State for Wales how many access agreements have been made in the Snowdonia national park to the present date; and how many more are being negotiated.

None to date. The Gwynedd county council has commenced negotiations in five cases.

Is the Minister aware that that is an unsatisfactory answer and that access agreements bring considerable benefit in other national parks both to the farmers and to others who want to use these areas for recreation? Does not my hon. Friend feel that steps should be taken to speed up the making of access agreements within the Snowdonia national park?

We are taking steps to speed up the completion of access agreements. I must stress, however, that they are agreements. If they are to work properly, they must be properly conducted and agreed to by all the parties to them. They have to be considered and approved by six bodies apart from the individual farmers. We would all like progress to be speedier and I hope that we can secure that.

Later

Order. I apologise to the hon. Member for Merioneth (Mr. Thomas) in that I did not see him when he rose to ask a supplementary question to Question No. 6 relating to his constituency. It is too late now.

Referendum

9.

asked the Secretary of State for Wales when the referendum on devolution in Wales will take place.

Since the continuing uncertainty about the structure of government in Wales is bound to be bad for Wales, may I ask why the Government did not hold the referendum in September or last month? Why are they not holding it this month? Did they fix 1st March next year as the date for the referendum merely to give them a few extra months' leverage over the Welsh nationalists?

I would have thought that most hon. Members would be united in agreeing that in a matter of this kind there should be the highest possible vote. The best chance of securing such a vote is to hold the referendum early as possible on a new register. I would have thought that that was the most democratic way of going about things.

Marginal Land

10.

asked the Secretary of State for Wales if he is satisfied with the product of marginal land in Wales.

No precise information is available about the output from marginal land specifically. The Government are well aware of the problems of farming such land and are keeping the matter under review.

Is the Minister aware that this difficult type of land, of which we have a great deal in Wales, would be capable of yielding far greater food production if we had a small investment of Government aid? Is he aware that this matter comes broadly within the terms of the European directive concerning less favoured lands? Does he agree that the loss of the beef cow and calf subsidy has been a particularly heavy blow to farmers of such land?

Certainly it is true that this type of land is difficult to farm. The solution to the problem is equally difficult. For instance, we could well be talking of about half a million acres of such land in Wales, comprising about 20 per cent. of the agricultural land. We are certainly aware of the problem. It has been drawn to our attention by hon. Members. We have had consultations with a variety of organisations in an attempt to find some way of dealing with it. Farmers of marginal land can apply for aid in the form of grants for capital improvements and can obtain practical advice from the Agricultural Development Advisory Service.

Is the Under-Secretary aware that the answer he has given today is a good deal less encouraging than that which he gave on a previous occasion, when he certainly gave the impression that the Government were hoping to find a solution to these difficult problems? Does his answer mean that the Government have failed to solve the problem? Is he aware that we would all agree that more can be produced from this land, of which there is a great deal in Wales?

The Government are hoping to make a statement on this matter shortly. If, for instance, it was suggested that we could solve the problem simply by extending the EEC directive on less favoured lands, that could be done only with the agreement of our partners in Europe. It is not simply a matter for Her Majesty's Government.

How helpful is my hon. Friend finding the EEC in these talks on marginal land?

This is a matter which we shall be discussing with our partners in Europe.

Is the Minister aware of the decline in the beef herd in Wales during the past few years? Is he further aware that what the marginal hill farmer is looking for now is something to give him confidence in the future? Can the Minister give an assurance today that financial aid will be given to the hill farmers between now and next year's price review?

The hon. Gentleman should await the publication of the review of "Food from Our Own Resources". I am sure that that document will give to the farmers the confidence which he says they are seeking.

Unemployment

11.

asked the Secretary of State for Wales what further measures the Government have in mind to reduce unemployment in Wales.

As the Gracious Speech made clear, the Government will continue to pursue every available means of moving to full employment. To this end, a number of measures were announced in the Speech which will be of benefit in Wales as well as the United Kingdom.

In spite of what the Secretary of State has said, he will no doubt be aware that the prospect for employment in Wales is very grim. Is he also aware that many job creation schemes, good, bad and indifferent as they are, are coming to an end? Will he look into the possibility of extending support for the best of these schemes, such as those in Bangor and Conway, which have certainly received extensive local support?

We shall always look at a whole range of special measures to ensure that we use the best to further the opportunities for all who are not otherwise in employment. I welcome the hon. Gentleman's support. I would have hoped that he would seek the earliest opportunity to dissociate himself from a weekend speech made by the Shadow Chancellor, the right hon. and learned Member for Surrey, East (Sir G. Howe), in which he said that he wanted to reduce regional incentives and was against support for the Welsh Development Agency and sought to reduce the restrictions on expansion in the South-East and the Midlands. I know that the hon. Member's constituents in Conway would have welcomed an immediate disavowal of that speech.

Has the Secretary of State had an opportunity to consider proposals to extend the geographical remit of the Development Board for Rural Wales in view of the undoubted success of this board in setting up new enterprises in Mid-Wales?

I have regarded it as the prime objective of the Development Board for Rural Wales to concentrate in the first instance on the old five counties. The Welsh Development Agency has a responsibility for the whole of Wales. Such are the problems of the old five counties that I believe that the Development Board for Rural Wales should be allowed to get on with that task for a number of years, leaving the rest of Wales to the Welsh Development Agency.

May I ask my right hon. and learned Friend to give all possible encouragement to the Manpower Services Commission, which is now deeply involved with the youth opportunities programme? Does he agree that it should make provision for our school leavers? Will my right hon. and learned Friend also consider encouraging the Welsh Development Agency, now that it is getting additional finance, to get itself involved in creating new enterprises?

The new youth opportunities programme of the Manpower Services Commission is providing substantial help in tackling the problems of unemployment among young people. I understand that in Wales the Manpower Services Commission remains confident that its Easter guarantee will be met. I give the Welsh Development Agency every encouragement to seek new enterprises and new investment opportunities across Wales. It is a matter of substantial encouragement that, throughout Wales, the agency is now regarded as a formidable force for ensuring greater opportunity of employment.

Does not the right hon. and learned Gentleman agree that the more the Government's income policy is eroded, and the more they have to rely upon controlling the money supply, the bleaker become the prospects for employment in Wales?

I have nothing to add on this point to what my right hon. Friends the Chancellor of the Exchequer and the Prime Minister have said in the course of the debates of the past few days.

Industrial Development

12.

asked the Secretary of State for Wales what further action is proposed to encourage industrial development in the valleys of South Wales.

I shall continue to encourage industrial development in the valleys through a variety of measures. including the provision of factory space coupled with generous financial incentives and the improvement of communications.

Although I appreciate what the Government have already done, may I ask whether my right hon. and learned Friend has seen the report concerning possible closures in the coal industry in South Wales? May I ask him to have discussions with the Department of Energy, which is already having discussions with the miners' union in South Wales, so that we can deal with the problems arising from possible closures and so that, where possible, closures can be avoided in the case of pits which have not been exhausted?

I am aware of the concern of my hon. Friend. He has already mentioned this to me and I understand that he and a number of my colleagues have met the National Union of Mineworkers. This is primarily a matter for my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for Energy. I can assure my hon. Friend that I and my junior Ministers keep in close touch with my right hon. Friend.

Is my right hon. Friend aware that there are certain black spots in Wales, such as the Rhymney valley, where unemployment is running at a tremendous rate and where threatened closures over a period of three weeks have affected nearly 1,000 people? May I ask my right hon. and learned Friend to treat this matter with the urgency with which Ebbw Vale was treated? Is he aware that in the Rhymney valley and the western valley of Gwent there is probably just as much unemployment as there is in Ebbw Vale? Will my right hon. and learned Friend appoint a task force, set it targets and use his influence to see that finance is forthcoming to implement the recommendations of such an economic task force in the Rhymney valley and the western valley of Gwent?

I am not sure that task forces are the answer to problems either in Ebbw Vale or in the Rhymney valley. What is important is to see that whenever a problem presents itself the resources to solve it are made available. This applies to roads, general infrastructure, factory building and land clearance. I assure my hon. Friend that the problems of the Rhymney valley will be in the forefront of my mind whenever I consider these problems.

Will my right hon. and learned Friend, when paying attention to the interests of the coal industry, as I know he always does, consider the relatively huge subsidy paid in various forms to the coal industries in other parts of the EEC? Will he associate himself with the campaign to obtain subsidies for British coal, especially Welsh coal, so as to make that coal as commercially acceptable and viable as is coal from other parts of the EEC?

I am aware of the fact that, as I understand it, some parts of the coal industry in the EEC, particularly in the German industry, are said to receive subsidies. This is a matter primarily for my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for Energy, but I assure the House that I always keep in close touch regarding any matter relating to the Welsh coal industry.

Leasehold Reform Act 1967

13.

asked the Secretary of State for Wales if he is satisfied with the operation of the Leasehold Reform Act 1967 in Wales.

Many thousands of leaseholders have successfully acquired their freeholds under the provisions of the Act, which has conferred great benefit in Wales. I am aware of the difficulties which some leaseholders in Wales have experienced and am considering carefully the implications of these.

I am grateful for what my hon. Friend said in part of his reply. I know that he understands the problems in Wales. However, is it not now time to make progress in changing the current legislation so that legal aid is made available in cases that come before the Lands Tribunal?

Does not my hon. Friend agree that the Lands Tribunal could be replaced by local valuation courts to give greater access to those who require to buy their freeholds, that there should be automatic enfranchisement in the case of 999-year leases and that at the expiration of an eight-week period from the time that a tenant states that he is willing to buy his freehold the ground landlord should be required to reply, if he has not already done so? Would not these steps greatly relieve the thousands of people who are facing leasehold difficulties in South Wales?

I shall attempt to answer my hon. Friend's supplementary questions. It has been suggested that some people in Wales are somewhat reluctant to go to the Lands Tribunal. Only three cases in Wales have reached the Lands Tribunal. The tribunal has recently changed its procedures to enable it to consider cases on the basis of written submissions. I hope that this in itself will encourage more leaseholders to make use of the tribunal. I welcome the suggestions put forward by my hon. Friend and others in the House so that we can ensure that if the Act is not perfect—it is no good pretending that it is perfect—any deficiencies are remedied.

Has the Minister had reports to the effect that exorbitant sums are being demanded for the sale of freeholds? If he has received such reports, will he consider amending the Leasehold Reform Act to confine such sums to, say a figure of £400?

It is certainly true that some of the figures which have come to my attention suggest that fairness in negotiations has not been achieved. If we contemplate taking any steps to change the Act, we shall take fully into account the difficulties which the Welsh people are experiencing.

Eglwys Wen Primary School, Whitchurch

14.

asked the Secretary of State for Wales what representations he has received about the proposed changes to the Eglwys Wen primary school at Whitchurch, Cardiff.

As well as three letters forwarded to my right hon. and learned Friend by the hon. Member, he has received 10 letters from local residents, some with multiple signatures.

Does the Minister recognise that the proposals for the Eglwys Wen primary school are totally unacceptable to parents because they diminish the amenities available to children and introduce segregation by language so that children in the same building will not eat, play or talk together? However, does he appreciate that, despite all these factors, there is no hostility to the Welsh language? Will he allay the genuine fears of people in the area by holding a public inquiry?

The hon. Gentleman will appreciate that the proposals will fall to be considered by the Secretary of State for Wales under the provisions of section 13 of the Education Act 1944. I cannot comment on the merits of the proposals at a time when the statutory procedures are in process. Nevertheless, I confirm that the hon. Gentleman has raised the matter with me and expressed his concern. It is our policy generally to encourage local education authorities to make provision for bilingual education in keeping with the needs and characteristics of their areas and taking account of the wishes of the parents.

Does the Minister accept that in this and other cases one has to balance the position in a neighbourhood against the inconvenience to many parents who require Welsh-based education to "bus" their children long distances to the inner city areas because there is no neighbourhood provision? Will he examine the amount of money which the Government propose to allow local authorities in specific grants and consider whether that amount should be increased to enable difficulties of this kind to be alleviated by a new building programme?

The hon. Gentleman speaks with experience of his subject, but I shall not be tempted into going wider than the original Question. However, I am glad that the hon. Gentleman mentioned specific grants. I am sure he agrees that throughout Wales there has been a good welcome for the proposals. Indeed, when the NUT and the Welsh Joint Education Committee agree, it is a matter for rejoicing in Wales.

Will my hon. Friend underline the fact that Wales does not want to see any system of apartheid operating inside its schools? Does he agree that there is no desire by Wales to introduce the kind of system which exists in Ulster and that, judging by the strong feelings which have been expressed to me and to other hon. Members in Wales, the view is that once again there has been strong politicising of the language, which is causing grave and unnecessary divisions in Wales?

There will be no apartheid in Wales. That is the last thing the Department would wish. I draw attention to what the Secretary of State for Wales said when the initiative on specific grants was announced. He said—and I agree with him— that he hoped that the grant would help to end the hostility and diversiveness caused by providing bilingual education.

Will the Minister give a firm assurance that there will be consultation with parents in all these cases, and that the Welsh Office will ensure that such consultation takes place and will supervise the process?

The Welsh Office has always ensured that consultation is adequate and genuine.

Referendum

15.

asked the Secretary of State for Wales what facilities he proposes to extend to assist either side or both sides in the referendum under the Wales Act.

The Government have no plans to give financial or other assistance to campaign organisations.

Does this mean that the information division of the Welsh Office will not be brought in to support the "Yes" campaign during the referendum? Does the right hon. and learned Gentleman accept that Ministers who represent Welsh constituencies, Members of Parliament for Welsh constituencies and even civil servants in Wales should be allowed publicly to express their opinion about the future of their own country?

Each Minister will be answerable for himself. In regard to civil servants, there are well-established procedures in regard to their role in taking part in political activities of this kind. I have nothing to add.

Is it not the fact that, although there will be no direct financial help to either side, the Government will put the full weight of their public relations machine on to one side in the campaign?

That is a matter for my right hon. Friend the Lord President of the Council, and no doubt it will be dealt with if the hon. Gentleman seeks to table a Question to my right hon. Friend. I assure the hon. Gentleman that this is Government policy, and the Government will want to ensure that their policy is put into effect.

What will happen about postal facilities in respect of all those who take part in the campaign? Will facilities be given to all the various lobbies to ensure that their point of view is presented to the electorate? Is it not proper that as soon as possible the Secretary of State should lay down his suggested ground rules on these subjects and state whether there will be any facilities and, if so, to whom they will be afforded? Will the right hon. and learned Gentleman have discussions with the BBC and the IBA on the presentation of various views to ensure that they will consider the independent views of Labour Members, who represent the overwhelming majority of the Labour electorate?

I shall try to assist my hon. Friend on the whole host of supplementary questions which he has put to me. The matter of broadcasting time is a matter for the broadcasting authorities, which have an obligation to ensure that as far as possible due impartiality is preserved. It is also for the broadcasting authorities to decide whether to allocate time to campaign organisations.

I take it that my hon. Friend wants to encourage postal votes in the referendum as in all elections. The matter is under consideration. It is in the interests of all concerned that the vote should be as high as possible. Consideration is being given to whether there should be any publicity, as is usual in the course of a General Election, to ensure that there is registration for postal votes. The conduct of the referendum generally is a matter for consideration by the House when a draft Order in Council is laid under schedule 12 to the Wales Act.

Civil Service

Dispersal

30.

asked the Minister for the Civil Service if he will make a further statement on the policy of dispersal.

31.

asked the Minister for the Civil Service how many additional civil servants have been required each year since 1974 as a consequence of the dispersal programme; and what is his annual estimate for such additional requirements until the end of the programme.

The programme of dispersing Civil Service posts from London, announced by the Government on 30th July 1974, is proceeding in accordance with the timetable announced by my right hon. and noble Friend the Lord Privy Seal on 29th July 1977. As I advised the hon. Member for Bromsgrove and Redditch (Mr. Miller) on 3rd April, the Hardman report suggested that the dispersal programme might entail a net increase of about 30 posts for every 1,000 dispersed with an additional 30 in the short term. Staff increases for dispersal approved so far have been broadly in line with these levels.

Why do the Government persist in uprooting the families of civil servants in the South-East to relieve unemployment in the provinces when there is unemployment in the South-East?

It is not the fact that the Government are uprooting the families of civil servants in the South-East. The Government's dispersal programme is based on civil servants volunteering for dispersal. Dispersal means bringing civil servants in administrative jobs to regions that suffer from structural employment difficulties.

The Minister referred to dispersal from London. Will he confirm that no jobs, especially in the Ministry of Defence, have been relocated from other areas than London to the dispersal areas to maintain the impetus of the Hardman proposals?

No, I cannot give any such confirmation or assurance. The dispersal programme affecting the Ministry of Defence will go forward as envisaged.

Does my right hon. Friend agree that I and some of my hon. Friend's have strongly supported the dispersal programme under the Hardman proposals because we wanted to see civil servants removed from the South-Eastern area into other regions where there was high unemployment? Does he accept that the Ministry of Defence proposals do not fall into that category?

I accept some of my hon. Friend's points. The composition of the Ministry of Defence package will be determined by my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for Defence. My hon. Friend represents a constituency in the North-East and he will recognise the contribution that dispersal can bring to the regions.

Does the Minister agree that one of the more favourable aspects of the success of dispersal has been that of the National Savings Bank at Cowglen, Glasgow? Will he consult the Treasury on the basis that the Civil Service unions are totally opposed to the merger of Giro at Bootle and the National Savings Bank in Glasgow because of possible job losses in both areas?

The question posed in the comments of the hon. Lady does not arise from the Question. However, I accept that the moving of the National Savings Bank to Cowglen represents a splendid example of jobs coming to Scotland. A similar example was the dispersal of the Royal Mint to Llantrisant, South Wales.

Will my right hon. Friend confirm once again his intention to pursue relentlessly the possibility of dispersal to Glasgow and other parts of Scotland? Will he bear in mind that recently he visited the new town of Glenrothes, which is desperately anxious for further dispersal to parts of Scotland other than Glasgow? Will he give an assurance that his mind is not closed on those matters?

I can give my hon. Friend the assurance that my mind is closed as regards dispersal to Glasgow. The dispersal to Glasgow will go ahead as planned. As for my visit to my hon. Friend's constituency, I shall bear in mind the claims of that area given the prospect of a further dispersal programme when and if it arises.

As employment conditions and opportunities have changed considerably since the Hardman Committee reported in 1973, what calculations have the Government made about this change in employment as regards dispersal and what conclusions have they drawn?

When the Hardman report was published there was envisaged the dispersal of 31,000 Civil Service jobs from London and the South-East over the 10 years from 1974 to 1984. The calculations for those projections were contained within the report.

Open Government

32.

asked the Minister for the Civil Service if he will make a statement on progress towards open government.

Since the Prime Minister's statement in the debate on the Address on 24th November 1976 and Sir Douglas Allen's letter to Departments of 6th July 1977, Government Departments have published and made available a great deal of material. The recent White Paper, Cmnd. 7285, makes clear that the Government have not yet come to a firm decision on how to proceed in developing the practice of open government. A more detailed study of overseas practices is to be made and further proposals, as promised in the Gracious Speech, will be brought forward in due course.

I thank my right hon. Friend for that answer. Will he say why it is taking so long to get the study of overseas practices under way? Bearing in mind that the latest information from the General Accounting Office in America on the cost of running the American legislation was published on 16th June, will he explain why it arrived in his office via The Times at the request of his Department on 31st October, some three months after the publication of the Government White Paper that says that the job would be done anyway?

I give my hon. Friend the assurance that my office welcomes information from any source, especially The Times newspaper. My hon. Friend referred to delay in initiating the study. I hope that he and other hon. Members will bear in mind that we are moving towards a fundamental change in our society as regards open government. Although the goal is not in doubt, it is right to look carefully at ways of achieving it.

As the catch phrase "open government" is a contradiction in terms, how can progress be made towards it?

How much progress has been made towards it? As the right hon. Gentleman and other hon. Members will recognise, ever since the letter published by Sir Douglas Allen on 6th July 1977 the evidence has been there to see. Appreciable information is now coming from Government Departments.

Trade Unions

33.

asked the Minister for the Civil Service when he expects next to meet representatives of the Civil Service trade unions.

43.

asked the Minister for the Civil Service when he will next be meeting the staff side representatives of the Whitley Council.

I am in frequent contact with representatives of the Civil Service trade unions and the staff side of the National Whitley Council.

Bearing in mind that only a few months ago the Government approved an average 31 per cent. salary increase for certain top public officials—namely, Army officers, judges, chairmen of national industries and others covered by the Boyle report—does my right hon. Friend accept that it would be only fair to give a firm commitment to the Civil Service trade unions that the Government will accept the findings of the Civil Service Pay Research Unit instead of try- ing rigidly to impose a miserable 5 per cent. limit on the thousands of ordinary workers in the Civil Service who make up the backbone of our public services?

I shall give consideration to my hon. Friend's point. As for civil servants' pay, we are awaiting the report of the reactivated Pay Research Unit, which is expected within the next few weeks. That will provide evidence for a pay settlement with an effective date from 1st April 1979.

When the Minister next meets the Civil Service trade unions, will he take into account the very strong local and other opposition of the trade unions and others to the proposal to disperse Ministry of Defence personnel from the Bath area to Glasgow? Will he recognise that this will lead to higher costs, loss of efficiency and great personal inconvenience?

I do not accept all the suggestions made in the hon. Gentleman's question but will certainly give consideration to the attitude of the staff when the dispersal package from MOD is presented to the Civil Service Department.

Devolution (Referendums)

48.

asked the Lord President of the Council what is Government policy towards those organisations in Scotland campaigning for an affirmative vote in the coming referendum.

Naturally, the Government welcome public support for their policies.

Will my right hon. Friend strongly resist the criticism directed at him when he agreed to meet the "Yes for Scotland" umbrella campaign to discuss the need to conduct the referendum on fair rules? Is my right hon. Friend in a position at the moment to announce that in principle the Government are prepared to adjust the electoral register to ensure, for example, that people who die between now and polling day do not count "No" in the referendum?

I am not able to give a complete statement on the matter to my hon. Friend, but certainly the matter which he and others in the House raised during the course of the Bill's passage is under very active consideration by the Government. We recognise the equity of deducting from the register those who are not entitled to vote by reason of the fact that they are deceased.

Will the Minister of State say whether during the recess he had the opportunity of reconsidering the Government's peculiar decision not to issue a neutral leaflet of explanation to the electors in this important referendum indicating what the Scotland Act is all about?

The Government came to the conclusion that it would be beyond the wit of man to produce a leaflet which each side regarded as neutral. The House knows that there would have had to be statutory provision within the Scotland Act for finance to be made available to either side, and there was certainly no consensus on that.

The hon. Gentleman will remember that campaign money was made available to both sides for the EEC referendum, in addition to the leaflet, which distinguished the case. The Government will make every effort to make sure that the Scotland Act is well understood, because we believe that the more it is understood the more it will be approved.

50.

asked the Lord President of the Council when it is proposed to hold the referendums on devolution to Scottish and Welsh Assemblies; and if he will make a statement.

59.

asked the Lord President of the Council when he proposes that the referendum on the Government's proposals for Welsh and Scottish Assemblies be held.

The Lord President of the Council and Leader of the House of Commons
(Mr. Michael Foot)

As my right hon. Friend the Prime Minister announced on 1st November, the referendums are to be held on 1st March 1979.

Does my right hon. Friend accept that we appreciate that the referendum is to be held on St. David's Day, in line with a suggestion which I made in Committee? Will he now ensure that there will be guidelines for the conduct of the referendum? If he has discussions, will he ensure that these are not merely with the usual channels but with all those who are interested in this matter?

Will my right hon. Friend also ensure, with regard to the media and broadcasting in particular, that both the BBC and the independent broadcasting authorities give an objective and impartial assessment of the case for and against the proposals for an Assembly?

It is not the business of the broadcasting authorities to do exactly as my hon. Friend has suggested. It is their business to take into account their requirement to be impartial in these matters, as my right hon. and learned Friend the Secretary of State for Wales mentioned a few minutes ago.

As for the date of 1st March having been chosen because of the representations of my hon. Friend, it just shows how accommodating we are, and on that account I am looking forward to his conversion to Labour Party policy.

In view of the earlier mention by the Minister of the need for equity in disseminating the argument on the various sides of the referendum questions, will the Lord President tell us what reply the Government intend to send to the Scottish council of the Labour Party and, indeed, to the Welsh Labour Party, which have both requested funding for the conduct of a "Yes" campaign?

Does not the right hon. Gentleman agree that it is essential that funding be given to such organisations on the "Yes" side, in view of the fact that the CBI, or at least elements of the CBI and its Tory allies, will do everything possible to do down the "Yes" campaign?

The requests that were made on the subject, as reported in the newspapers, from the Labour Party in Scotland and the Labour Party in Wales were to the Labour Party organisation, and this is a quite separate matter.

The hon. Lady really should not be frightened about the CBI. Nobody really thinks that on such a matter as this anyone will be swayed by its antediluvian opinion.

If the 40 per cent. hurdle in both referendums is passed, does the Lord President see any reason why the first Assembly election should not be held on the same day as the European Assembly election, on 7th June?

I think that we should take into account the results of the advisory referendums when they are forthcoming, and the House of Commons will take them into account in its recommendation of the date. It would be a presumption on the part of myself and the Government to presume what would happen afterwards until we have seen the results of the referendums.

Select Committees

49.

asked the Lord President of the Council when he expects to publish the Government's reply to the recent report of the Select Committee on Procedure which contained recommendations on departmental Select Committees.

55.

asked the Lord President of the Council if he will bring forward proposals to implement the recommendation of the Select Committee on Procedure for expanding the functions of Select Committees of this House.

60.

asked the Lord President of the Council what plans he has to implement the proposals made by the Select Committee on Procedure in its recent report.

If it is true that the monitoring of the activities of Government Departments by Parliament has deteriorated and that some restoration of the influence of this House upon the activities of Government Departments is desirable, can the Lord President think of a more direct way of achieving that objective than by accepting the recommendation of the Select Committee to have a Select Committee to shadow each Government Department?

That is, of course, one of the major recommendations—perhaps the major recommendation—from the Committee. I am sure that the House of Commons as a whole will have to consider such a proposition very carefully. It is certainly a far-reaching proposition, and I believe that the House should approach the matter in that way.

Will the Lord President give us an assurance that, in view of the rising public concern about the concealment of Government Departments—more particularly, perhaps, over the Rhodesia issue and sanctions—there will be a free debate on the need to establish Select Committees with the terms of reference mentioned by my hon. Friend the Member for Brentwood and Ongar (Mr. McCrindle)?

I give the hon. Gentleman the indication that there will be a debate in which the House will have every opportunity of giving its view on the matter. In saying that, I am not accepting the hon. Gentleman's premise in the earlier part of his question.

Since the Queen's Speech has shown, quite properly, an anxiety to reform so many sectors of our public life, is it not urgent and proper that we should now get on with the job of reforming the procedures of this House? Will my right hon. Friend give an undertaking that he will set aside his medieval prejudices against Committees and come to the House with positive support for the very moderate and constructive report that we have had from the Select Committee?

My hon. Friend is trying to prejudge the debate which we shall have on these matters. I repudiate any suggestions that my views on these matters are medieval. It is simply that I am very doubtful whether we should seek to engraft upon this House the methods of government which are used in the United States of America.

With regard to the Select Committee's recommendations on the handling of official documents, does the Lord President of the Council approve of the way in which the hon. Member for Luton, West (Mr. Sedgemore) passed round a Treasury document in the General Sub-Committee of the Expenditure Committee on Friday? Does he have a comment to make about it now, and will he investigate it?

I do not think that that question arises from the Questions on the Order Paper. Therefore, eager as I am to satisfy the hon. Gentleman, I have no intention of doing so at this moment.

May we take it from the replies given by my right hon. Friend that he will arrange a debate before a formal written reply, if any, is sent to the Select Committee on the proposals? Will he give an undertaking that that will be a two-day debate, preferably before Christmas, so that there may be legislation on the proposals, if need be, before the General Election?

I think we should still consider whether the Government should first make a statement on the report. I think that probably the best way to proceed is for the House to have the debate before the Government come to conclusions on the matter. If that is the desire of the House, I am sure that the Government will take that into account. I think, therefore, that the best way to proceed is for the Chairman of the Committee and others to present the matter to the House, for the House to have a debate and for the Government to take fully into account the views expressed.

As the issues raised by the report of the Select Committee are farreaching—I agree with the right hon. Gentleman about that—how does he envisage the debate taking place? Does he envisage one general debate on the whole report, or will he break it up in such a way as to enable the House to concentrate for part of the day, for example, on the proposals for a Select Committee? What does he visualise? I support the right hon. Gentleman in the idea of holding an early debate so that the House can give its opinion, but it is a matter of how that debate is to be organised.

I am prepared to take into account any representations of the right hon. Gentleman on the way we might have the debate on some of the important questions, such as those which have attracted special attention and those which have already been mentioned. The Select Committee has also made recommendations about how we should conduct EEC business in this House. That is another major section of the report. I believe that we should consider carefully what is the best way of proceeding to have a debate which is not too diffuse but can concentrate on some of the main issues.

Iran

3.31 p.m.

I will, with permission, Mr. Speaker, make a statement on Iran.

Iran is facing one of the most traumatic periods in its history. Yesterday our chancery building in the centre of Tehran was set on fire in the course of wide-spread rioting. I regret this damage, which is part of more widespread damage to buildings in Tehran over the weekend. Fortunately, our staff were not maltreated and there was no physical violence, in contrast with the many casualties which have occurred elsewhere. We are now back in contact with our embassy and will remain in close touch with it throughout this difficult period. I am at present advised that there is little risk to our staff or other British nationals, though they are all being advised to stay indoors or at home until the situation stabilises.

This morning the Shah announced the establishment of a military Government. The deterioration in the maintenance of law and order has brought about this grave step. The Shah has this morning in a broadcast pledged that
"after the restoration of order and peace, a national Government to establish fundamental freedoms and hold a free general election will be appointed as soon as possible."
He went on to say
"I guarantee that in the future the Iranian Government will be divorced from tyranny, oppression and will be run on the basis of the constitution and social justice"
It is vital to make progress towards this end while avoiding the establishment of continued military rule or inducing further bloodshed and a state of chaos.

Iran is a close friend of Britain, and, therefore, events there which the Foreign Secretary has reported obviously cause considerable anxiety to the whole House. Does the right hon. Gentleman agree that stability in that country is very much an interest not only of Britain but of the whole of the Western world? The reason goes a good deal wider than the oil supply factor.

On the security of British citizens, obviously the House—certainly we on the Opposition Front Bench—will be glad that little risk is foreseen at the moment. But has the right hon. Gentleman made any contingency plans for the safety and protection of British citizens, if necessary? Will he also keep the House informed and make another statement later this week on how events unfold?

I agree that stability is in the interests of both Britain and the Western world. But, more importantly, I think that it is in the interests of the Iranian people. They will wish to form a conclusion on their destiny. I hope that the election, which was announced in August, will be held in June, as promised, if not before.

The situation regarding the security of British citizens is changing all the time, and it could deteriorate. Our ambassador there is in close touch with the British community. There are 10,000 British citizens in Iran as a whole, and most are in Tehran. Therefore, we shall keep closely in touch with them and this House.

Does my right hon. Friend consider that it is wise, when dealing with a Government such as the Iranian Government, to remember that on the whole stability comes from the understanding and faith of people? There is clear evidence that some Iranian subjects do not have political freedom and protection under the law. Therefore, it is possible for dangerous elements to exploit that lack of freedom. Will my right hon. Friend press upon the Shah that it is important that there be true democracy in Iran?

Yes. We have consistently done so. We have consistently fully supported the implementation of the modernisation and liberalisation programme. We supported the Shah's decision, which was announced in August, to hold an election. We believe that the June date should be maintained. I agree with my hon. Friend that stability comes from the people as a whole. If there is no understanding, there will be this gap between the rulers and the ruled. That gap has grown over the years. However, I believe that the Shah is conscious of the need to close that gap.

The Foreign Secretary will know the personalities on both sides of this argument within Iran. With his knowledge of those personalities, does he agree that the best hope of liberalisation in that country, which is now more important than ever before, remains with the Shah and what he hopes to do if his people will allow him to do it?

It is important that we in this country should try to avoid discussion of personalities. The issues are the principles. We in this House are committed to the freedom of the individual. We would like to see fair and free elections. The Shah has committed the Iranian Government to the holding of elections and has reiterated that commitment this morning. Therefore, it will be for the Iranian people to determine their destiny. That decision should reside with them.

Do the Government intend to continue to supply Iran with armaments and ammunition during what we hope is a transitional period, bearing in mind that the only use to which British armaments and ammunition have been put so far in Iran is to kill Iranian citizens?

The whole question of arms sales is very difficult, in particular to any country which is having a period of unstableness such as Iran is having at the moment. We look at these issues and keep them under constant review. At the moment we think it right to continue our support for the Shah and for the CENTO alliance. However, we shall have to consider each arms sale as it comes along.

Does the Foreign Secretary agree that we share three interests with Iran: first, stability; secondly, steady progress towards greater democracy; and, thirdly, the sure defence of Iran against the Soviet Union? Will he give the support of all parties in this House to our ambassador, Sir Anthony Parsons, in putting those points to the Iranian Government and in wishing that, through this very difficult period, the Shah will emerge standing for those three matters?

I do not disagree with any of those three points. They are all in the interests not only of the West but—it is important that this should be made clear—genuinely of the Iranian people. However, ultimately it must be for the Iranian people to determine the Government under which they live. In my view, the way to deal with that matter is by the fair and free election which has been promised for June next year.

Is my right hon. Friend satisfied that, in this complex political situation, he is being briefed by the British Embassy and all known sources of information on the internal politics of Iran as fully as is desirable?

I think so. I have full confidence in both our ambassador and staff. It is a very complex political situation. That is why anyone would be foolish to claim to be a great expert on Iranian internal politics. It is extremely important that we do not get involved in Iranian internal politics. These are choices for the Iranian people. We have to decide, from the vantage point of the British Government and people, what is in our interests, in Western interests and in the interests of the people of Iran. I hope that the Shah will be able to introduce the national Government that he has promised and that that Government will maintain his commitment to elections, to which I attach great importance.

Will the Foreign Secretary convey to the staff of our embassy in Tehran the gratitude of the whole House for their tenacity and courage in these difficult circumstances?

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that, unfortunately, it appears that diplomatic property is increasingly at risk from mobsters around the world? Will he therefore instigate an inquiry within the Foreign Office on the security of our embassies around the world, because some of these glass houses which have recently been built are not very secure?

The hon. Gentleman may be right about that. However, as those who know Tehran will know, the chancery building is on the main street and literally abuts the centre of Tehran, so it would be extremely difficult to have totally secure offices. It has to be said that there was no violence to the people concerned, and we have been able to restore full contact, so it has been a very temporary disturbance, though I suspect that it will be a fairly costly one.

Does not my right hon. Friend agree that there is something ambiguous in his answers to questions this afternoon? On the one hand, he is saying something on which we can all agree: the absolute right of people, including the Iranians, to determine their own future. On the other hand, he is sending or getting friends to send messages of support and arranging visits of important people. In these circumstances, it is not surprising that those who, I believe, are on the side of wanting to liberalise the regime look upon us as though we are taking a part in this. Really, we ought to sit a little more on the neutral fence on this matter, if my right hon. Friend really means what he says about the right to self-determination.

I think that there probably is a measure of ambiguity. There is a problem in that one establishes relations with Governments and with people, and when they are in difficulties one wishes to extend to them friendship and support, and yet one does not wish to interfere in their internal affairs. There is a problem here and we have honestly to face it.

I think that the most important commitment was the commitment to liberalisation and modernisation, which goes back to 1963. I think that that has been supplemented by a very important decision which the Shah made in August to hold a fair and free election. I think that it is that new element, which has been introduced since August, which makes it much easier to see a period of stability ahead if we can overcome, over the next few weeks, obvious fears of the introduction of a military Government in the short term.

Will early steps be taken to seek to co-ordinate the fuel policies of OECD countries against the possibility that there might be a fairly prolonged interruption in the supply of oil from Iran?

There is discussion in the OECD, and there is also discussion within the European Community, about arrangements if there were to be a serious disruption of oil supplies. There has been a disruption. It has not yet reached the level of people wishing to go in for sharing arrangements, but a lot will depend on what happens to oil production over the next few weeks.

While I accept my right hon. Friend's complete dedication, and that of the Government, to the freedom of the individual, may I ask whether he remembers that many months ago, when Chieftain tanks from Britain were on their way to Iran, I questioned him and suggested to him that those tanks would be used not against Russia or any outside force but against the Shah's own people because he was the leader of a bloodstained tyranny? Despite the plaudits of the Tories for the Government's present policy on Iran, does not my right hon. Friend realise that the reason why the British Embassy is being attacked is the stance of the British Government in defence of the Shah of Iran?

Finally, will my right hon. Friend tell us how he can possibly have any faith in the promises of the Shah to hold elections after the brutality and tortures that have gone on in every gaol in Iran for years and years under the Shah?

My hon. Friend has been consistent. He has always opposed the sale of arms to Iran. I have never hidden from the House the fact that arms sales decisions are among the hardest that we have to make. It is a balance of interests. It involves taking a number of considerations into account. In this case we have had to look at the stability of the region. We have had to take account of what has happened recently in Afghanistan and of the strategic interests of CENTO partners.

I believe that we have made the right decisions. I know that my hon. Friend does not feel so. But I think that what is important is the way that the military use their undoubted powers. There have been some tragic killings and there has been too much use of force, and we have made representations about this. However, I believe that it is extremely hard to foretell what will happen in the next few days, although I hope that there will not be any repetition of the scenes of violence on the streets of Tehran.

Is the Secretary of State aware that there will be widespread pleasure at the robust support that he has been giving to the Shah in the past few days? Is he also aware that there is some concern about the protection that was given to the American Embassy yesterday but the lack of protection that was given to Her Majesty's Embassy in Tehran? Will the right hon. Gentleman assure the House that our mission in Tehran will be fully protected by Iranian defence forces during the days ahead?

I hope that it will be. I do not think that it is necessary to draw distinctions. It may have been just the physical location making it easier to cut off a road to the American Embassy, but I know that the Iranian Government are as concerned about the matter as we are. However, we must not just pick out what has been happening to our own embassy. We must get it into proportion with what has been happening to many other buildings all over Iran, and we must recognise that the crucial thing overall is the maintenance of law and order. Far from buildings being at risk, one of the most tragic things has been the very heavy loss of life.

Does my right hon. Friend agree that over the past generation the record of Iran on human rights has been totally unsatisfactory and that there has not been any vestige of democracy in that country? In those circumstances, do not the Iranian people have the same right to demonstrate for democracy and for the improvement of conditions as we in this country or people in any other part of the world have?

Yes. In those circumstances, as we speak out, rightly, very strongly for human rights in all parts of the world, including the Soviet Union, do we not have the same duty imposed upon us to speak out in favour of those people in Iran who are today demonstrating for the improvement that should have taken place there many years ago and against that appalling regime?

I think my hon. Friend is right when he says that we should maintain our stand on human rights irrespective of which country is concerned and around the world. The Government have never made any secret of the fact that they do not think that the situation on human rights in Iran has been totally satisfactory—far from it. We have made representations about it. We have been concerned about the number of political prisoners and the treatment that they have had inside prisons, and a number of other factors. But we must also not blind ourselves to the fact that account has been taken of some of those criticisms—not sufficiently yet, perhaps. It is, of course, the right of all people to demonstrate, but to demonstrate peacefully. The danger at present is anarchic chaos. That is the danger coming out of it. Out of that situation, I do not believe that anyone in Iran will benefit.

As between 5 million and 6 million barrels of oil a day is coming from Iran into the world market, has the Foreign Secretary any idea of the implications of this for the world price of oil? What are the implications for the United Kingdom, which must depend very largely on its contracts with Iran?

I think that the present interruption of supplies will not of itself affect the world price. The world price will be negotiated in the OPEC meetings at the end of the year. What may well affect those negotiations will be wider issues, such as what has been happening in the currency markets and probably also some of the costs which the Iranian Government have incurred over recent months. I am not saying that it will not have any impact on price, but I do not think that the mere interruption of supplies itself will have an impact on price, unless it were to continue. I hope that it will not continue.

Will the Foreign Secretary be more forthcoming about practical steps to help the 10,000 British nationals in Iran should the situation deteriorate further, beyond the advice that they should stay at home?

We have an excellent ambassador there who is in very close touch with the local community of British citizens. I am prepared to rest on his judgment. He has to deal with the situation from hour to hour, and it changes from hour to hour. I am confident that he will take all the necessary measures. There is also a very considerable degree of sophistication in the people who are living there. Many of them have lived there for some time. Certainly, however, we shall do our utmost, particularly for people in this country who are worried about relatives and anxious about people currently in Tehran, who may be there visiting and not fully knowledgeable about the situation, to help people in every way we can.

Do the British Government share the Shah's view that these disturbances in Iran are predominantly being stirred up by outside Marxists and Communist agitators?

I think that that is far too simple. There are complex reasons behind this situation which are rooted in history, religion, culture and ideology. They are all coalescing together at present to form a major focus of dissatisfaction. It is for the Iranian people to solve that aspect. That is an internal issue for themselves. I believe that we should put our weight bheind continuing stability in that country.

Will the Foreign Secretary consider despatching permanently to Tehran an advisory commission of about 20 of his colleagues below the Gangway whose names I would suggest to him?

Orders Of The Day

Debate On The Address

[FOURTH DAY]

Order read for resuming adjourned debate on Question [1st November],

That an humble Address be presented to Her Majesty, as follows:

Most Gracious Sovereign.

We, Your Majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects, the Commons of the United Kingdom in Parliament assembled, beg leave to offer our humble thanks to Your Majesty for the Gracious Speech which Your Majesty has addressed to both Houses of Parliament.—[ Mr. Cledwyn Hughes.]

Question again proposed.

Home Office Affairs

3.50 p.m.

I understand that the subject for today's debate is Home Office affairs. The Home Office covers an enormous variety of topics. There is not only the police, the prisons and the criminal law; there is also immigration and race relations, the fire service and broadcasting. There is even more: electoral law, liquor licensing, relations with the Channel Islands and the Isle of Man, and betting and gambling. But I understand that the Opposition intend to place the main weight of their speeches on law and order, and I, too, will be concentrating on this aspect in my speech today—though my hon. Friend the Minister of State—as is always the case in the Home Office—will be ready to deal with anything at the end of the debate.

Before I come to law and order, however, I want to say something about another major Home Office concern—immigration and race relations. Earlier this year there was a great deal of public discussion on immigration, much of which was sadly misinformed. There was talk of our being swamped—at a time when immigration from the Commonwealth and Pakistan is largely confined to the wives and children of people who are already here. I made the Government's position clear in my statement to the House on 6th April and again in the White Paper published in July, comment- ing on the report of the Select Committee on Race Relations and Immigration.

The Government have three principal aims in immigration. First, we affirm our determination to honour our commitments to the close dependants of those who are settled here. It is only right that wives and children should be enabled to join their husbands settled in this country as quickly as possible.

The second objective of our immigration policy—bearing in mind the commitment to which I have referred—is to continue with strict limits on future immigration. We are a small and densely populated island. There have to be restrictions on the number of people we can accept. Undoubtedly that has a bearing on the harmony which exists among the people of this country.

The third objective of the Government is to prevent evasion and abuse of the immigration control. We are determined to take firm action against illegal immigration. The number of prosecutions and convictions for overstaying, the number of illegal entrants removed and the number of people ordered to be deported have, because of the change in 1973, all more than doubled since the last full year of the Conservative Government. We are concerned about this problem. But the recent controversy about immigration numbers has diverted attention from the real problem—that of racial discrimination and racial disadvantage within our society. The Government are committed to equal opportunity for all our people and we will settle for nothing less.

The Gracious Speech reflects this commitment in the proposals that it makes for the replacement of section 11 of the Local Government Act 1966. This section made provision for paying a grant to local authorities to meet the special needs of Commonwealth immigrants. It is proving increasingly defective and there is an urgent need to replace it. A consultative document setting out the Government's proposals is being issued to a wide range of organisations and individuals today. Copies have been placed in the Library.

The provisions of section 11 would be replaced by a broad enabling provision giving authority for grants to be paid to local authorities in respect of programmes designed (a) to meet the special needs of ethnic minorities, or (b) to promote racial harmony. Local authorities will be encouraged to review systematically and comprehensively the impact of the whole range of services they provide on ethnic minority communities. Comments on the consultative document have been asked for by the end of January 1979. Subject to the outcome of these consultations the Government propose to introduce legislation as soon as possible in the new year.

The Government recognise that the wider scope of the proposed new grant should be matched by a significant increase in the resources made available for expenditure on ethnic minorities. Details of this increase will be published in the White Paper on public expenditure. This new form of grant-aid will be separate from, and in addition to, the urban programme. There will be close and detailed discussions with local authority associations—not just on the principles of the proposals but on the sort of machinery necessary to advise the Government in the best ways of making use of the grant. The proposals for the new grant envisage that in the course of devising their programmes, and before submitting claims for grant, local authorities would consult the ethnic minority communities in their areas.

I turn now to the main theme of my speech—law and order—for the preservation of law and order must be the major preoccupation of any Home Secretary and Government. During the summer, many claims were made about the relative rate of increase in crime during various periods. Of course, statistics can be used—out of context—to show that crime has risen faster under this Government—or any other—than under their predecessor—25 per cent. overall in 1974–77, as compared with 6 per cent. in 1970–73.

But different statistics can be used to prove precisely the opposite. Violence against the person increased by 49 per cent. in 1970–73 compared with 29 per cent. in 1975–77, and criminal damage increased twice as fast in the earlier period under a Conservative Government as in the later one. I fear that, as usual, it depends on what one is trying to prove and on what statistics one wants to use. Innumerate people in public relations and advertising will be able to prove what- ever they wish, and what they say will have no bearing whatever on the problem of law and order.

The truth is that crime has risen relentlessly, under both Labour and Conservative Governments, for over 20 years. During that time there have been only two years, 1967 and 1973—one Labour and one Conservative—when the number of indictable offences recorded has gone down. In recent years the rate of increase, although subject to wide fluctuations, has seemed to be slowing down.

The 15 per cent. increase of last year must be seen in the context of a 1 per cent. increase in 1976 and 7 per cent. in 1975; while the first two quarters of this year showed increases of 3 per cent. and 1 per cent. respectively compared with the same quarters last year. But one quarter's figures—even one year's figures—by themselves do not tell the whole story.

The Government are determined to deal firmly with this rise in crime. One determination, but only one, is reflected in the tougher penalties that were provided in the Criminal Law Act 1977 and the greater powers which that Act gave to the courts to deal with younger offenders.

Since 17th July of this year, magistrates have been able to impose a maximum fine of £1,000 on offenders convicted of theft, burglary, violent offences, criminal damage and many others. The amount of compensation which an offender may be ordered to pay—on summary conviction—has been increased from £400 to £1,000. The Criminal Law Act enables the Home Secretary to increase by order the maximum fine on summary conviction of most serious offences, should this be thought necessary following a change in the value of money.

The Criminal Law Act strengthens the supervision orders for juveniles. It enables the courts to prescribe additional requirements and contains powers to deal with breaches of any requirement by fines or an attendance centre order. Under the Act, juvenile fines are increased to £50 for the under-14-year-olds and to £200 for the 14 to 16-year-olds.

Magistrates' courts have new powers to enforce fines on juveniles. Within that legislation I am glad that we were able to do something for the victims of crime This is an aspect which is of increasing concern to us.

The Government's determination to deal effectively with crime is also reflected in the high priority that we have given to spending on law and order, even in times of financial stringency. This year the Goverment will spend over £2,000 million on law, order and protective services, of which over half is on police.

In the 1977 public expenditure survey about £50 million a year in real terms was added to previously planned expenditure from 1978–79 onwards. This included a special law and order package of about £9 million announced in November 1977. Additionally, about £5 million was provided for law and order capital expenditure from the construction industry package.

More recently has come the Budget package of April of this year, which provided about £10 million, of which £5 million was for the police, £2 million for the prisons, £2 million for the courts and £600,000 for the probation services. In real terms we are now spending over £300 million a year more on law, order and protective services than in 1974.

Will this expenditure encompass the question of getting the police into the schools for lecture courses as was envisaged in the Scottish recommendations? That seems to be an excellent idea.

It does seem a good idea, but it is a matter for the chief constable, or the commissioner in London. I know from my visits to police forces in different parts of the country that this sort of thing is done. It is valuable particularly in that it introduces the community constable for an area to the schools, particularly the primary schools.

I turn to the question of police manpower and premature retirement, which is particularly important. An adequately manned and equipped police service is of central importance in sustaining the fight against crime.

We made clear in the Gracious Speech that the Government are firmly committed to support strengthening the police. That is why we accepted without hesitation the recommendations of the Edmund-Davies committee on pay.

We were right to have a deep investigation into Edmund-Davies, giving the very big increases this year. To have given 10 per cent. plus something last year, which would have made people feel that a victory had been achieved, would not have given the deep-seated investigation which was so necessary since the report of 1960.

What will be the effect of Edmund-Davies? It would be wrong at this moment to be more than cautiously optimistic. There has already been a noticeable effect on wastage rates. The overall rate in the September quarter was 25 per cent. below average. Premature wastage dropped by 17 per cent. and retirements on pension by 37 per cent. As a result, the total strength showed a net gain of 241 in the September quarter, compared with losses of 371 in the June quarter and 31 in the January quarter.

Metropolitan Police recruitment showed a rise of 27 per cent. above the average for the first six months of the year, and wastage fell by 30 per cent. As a result, the force showed a net gain in strength for the September quarter of 44, compared with losses of 228 in the June quarter and 153 in the March quarter. The strength now stands at 21,675. When I asked in the Metropolitan Police about these figures the other day, it was pointed out to me that it was impossible to show a figure that was meaningful until the end of the year because one must take account of the time it takes people to apply and go for tests.

The Edmund-Davies committee is now taking evidence on the third part of its inquiry—the rights, duties and conditions of the police representative bodies—and it hopes to submit its report next spring. The Government and the House await the report with interest.

This Government believe that the most effective way of dealing with crime must lie in improved methods of prevention. It is not enough, as someone has put it, to suppress the bad, although that is important; we must also activate and liberate the good in society. Everyone agrees that there is considerable scope for minimising criminal behaviour through practical steps.

Vandalism is a good example. I held a conference only last week with a number of interested bodies to investigate the action being taken to tackle vandalism and to exchange information. All kinds of interests were represented—the police, local authorities, people involved in education, planners, architects, and voluntary bodies.

What clearly emerged from our discussions was that vandalism has to be tackled in the localities where it occurs. The advantage of a conference of this kind is to swap information, and I want to take further steps of circulating information from the local authorities on what is being done in other areas.

Many groups have a part to play in this. The police, of course, have a primary responsibility for preventing crime. But they need information. Wherever there is vandalism—in a housing estate, in a park, or in a shopping precinct—the police must be told so that their expertise can be used in planning counter-measures. But local action to counter vandalism must be joint action. The police cannot do this job alone. Local authorities have a very important role to play, as do others in the schools and in voluntary bodies. Joint local action has to identify where the vandalism is happening, what is being done, what counter-measures can be taken, how a plan of action must be implemented, and how the results can be monitored.

Following the conference, I hope that this can be done in three ways—through the police, local authorities, and voluntary bodies. There are some very interesting experiments taking place with the aid of social workers, for example, in Widnes and Wythenshawe, in Manchester. The result of those experiments are very valuable. Because of my responsibility for broadcasting, I am very interested in the possibility of a good local station bringing together people to discuss this matter with very good practical results.

In my constituency last Saturday I went around a small and fairly new housing estate. It was clear to me that the police were not informed enough about what was going on. One suggestion that I put, which should be looked at, was that a local authority should have a centre in the council offices where people can telephone about the problem of vandalism in their area. There is a lack of knowledge about this and there is sometimes exaggeration about what is going on. In a couple of hours on Saturday evening, when I went around with a police inspector to people's houses, I found that I, as a constituency Member, had made the beginning of an effort to stimulate interest in these matters. There is no simple solution to the problem; it is a question of responding to local problems with local measures.

There are those who have suggested particular panaceas, and I should like to look at them. One suggestion is for anti-vandalism patrols. I have checked with the police and they have told me that they already carry out such patrols. But they have also told me that they must decide to do it. Anti-vandalism patrols are a matter for the chief constable. The question of how they use their resources is a matter for them. They must decide these questions in the light of the needs in their own areas.

In other areas the primary need will not be for such patrols, but for different housing policies or for special efforts in a school. Again on Saturday evening, the children who came up to me made it clear that a lot had been done on the estate but there was no provision for open space.

Where prevention fails, those responsible for breaking the law must be caught and dealt with appropriately. In some cases there is the problem of penalties, and I should like to take up this point in more detail. Some people say that harsher punishments are needed. It is, of course, entirely right that offenders, whether they be young or old, should receive appropriate punishment for the offences they have committed.

But I do not think we can afford to underestimate the rigour of the punishment inflicted by a simple act of imprisonment. The very fact of being uprooted from one's normal life and placed instead in a Prison Department establishment—whether it be a detention centre or a borstal, or a prison—is a shock, and, indeed, a sharp shock. We cannot afford to underestimate that fact. To add to the shock of incarceration a regime that is designed to be oppressive and punitive would, in my view, go beyond the limits of what society would accept as reasonable. I say this, having visited prison establishments recently, because they are not holiday camps or places where life is easy. When people talk about a system that is more oppressive, they do not take into account the existing system.

We must provide firm discipline in our establishments and I believe that we do, but it would be a mistake to assume that an excessively rigorous discipline for short sentences would be able to overcome the effects of any previous indiscipline in the offender's life. When I discussed this with the prison staffs they did not agree that it was necessary. They said "Look what is happening here already."

It is far more profitable, sensible and humane to provide a firm framework of discipline in our young offender establishments and to concentrate on our positive efforts, rather than on adding to the rigorous aspects of the discipline. They are there. We need to add to the offender's capacity to conduct himself properly in society after his release and I think that not sufficient people know about the positive work done in these establishments through education and industrial training.

Does the Home Secretary recognise that there has been an increase of more than one-third in criminal damage in the past year and will he pay attention to the paragraph in the report of Her Majesty's Chief Inspector of Constabulary that says that many agencies other than the police have a responsibility and a part to play in a concerted effort on a broad front?

Does the right hon. Gentleman agree that if one could bring in the special constabulary and local volunteers to assist, they might be able to help with the detention of people over the weekend, particularly on Saturday afternoons? This would have a very much better effect than having to incarcerate them in prison. If their efforts were directed towards work over the weekend, it would not interfere—

It is not the view of the police that the hon. and learned Gentleman's suggestion is the way to do it. I was going to deal with attendance centres.

There are 70 junior attendance centres and plans are in hand for another 10 or so during the next 12 months. The increase of the past 12 months is a very great achievement. We recognise the arguments for extending the range of these junior attendance centres, though that was not the general advice that I received from those involved when I first looked at the matter.

Eight of these centres have been extended for an experimental period to take offenders aged 17 and 18 and we shall be studying the experiment carefully to see what lessons it provides. It is important that it should be an experiment. It is far too easy for all of us to say that something should be done. Sometimes we set up something and let it go on for a long period when it is not doing what we originally thought it ought to do.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the two original senior attendance centres in Greenwich and Manchester were set up on an experimental basis and ran for years without the Home Office even observing what was going on? Are we to have a repeat of the same thing?

I understand what the hon. Gentleman is saying, but I hope that he will not suggest that what came out of those experiments was clear. The reason why I have authorised the new experiment is that there has been a feeling on both sides of the House that it should be done. I have not set it up in the knowledge that it will be a success. Let us see. People have said that it should be done, so let us see what happens.

Some people argue that the courts do not have sufficient power to impose effective fines on children whose offences do not merit their being sent to attendance or detention centres. We have already acted on this aspect. The Criminal Law Act 1977 increased maximum fines for children and young persons and provided for parents to be made liable, in certain circumstances, for their children's fines. The right hon. Member for Penrith and The Border (Mr. Whitelaw) asked that this should be done. It is being done under the 1977 Act.

The courts have new powers to enforce fines, to make attendance centre orders, to require the offender's parents or guardians to enter into recognisances to ensure payment and, subject to certain safeguards, power to order that any sum remaining unpaid should be transferred to the parents or guardians.

The Government are concerned about the problem of vandalism, but, as my right hon. Friend the Prime Minister said in his message to the vandalism conference last week, unless we can create a caring, sharing society which will make outcasts of vandalism and violence, we shall all, as individuals, be failing our children and jeopardising the future of this country.

Will the right hon. Gentleman accept that part of the problem, though only a part, is caused by the packs of youngsters who collectively commit violence and attack people, including the police? Has he set in motion any experimental work to examine the role of the gangs, which are often a problem?

I have spoken to Her Majesty's Chief Inspector about this matter and I know that the police are giving attention to it. There is no doubt that group action is important, but, as I know from correspondence and from what I learned last week, individual action also matters.

I yield to no one in my concern about the problem of unemployment. I was brought up among unemployment, and those experiences will never leave me. In discussions about law and order, I have found a number of people who have said that they wished that others did not claim that vandalism and violence were caused by unemployment. People who are unemployed are not necessarily those who are involved in these matters. Often it is people with plenty of money who are involved, as is seen in some instances of football hooliganism. I have no doubt that there is a link, but it is not as clear as is sometimes suggested.

Turning to the prison service, I do not accept that the service is being starved of resources. This year, we are spending £23 million on new construction and £8 million on repairs and maintenance of existing premises. Present plans are expected to produce about 4,500 additional inmate places—to use the jargon —over the next four years, and some improvements to essential services.

The new big prison will not be started until 1981–82. The right hon. Member for Penrith and The Border and I shared experience of problems in Northern Ireland, though perhaps I had more practical experience of this matter. When I went to the Northern Ireland Office and we were concerned about getting people into prison through the courts and doing away with detention in open prisons, I asked for the plans of new prisons. There were no plans. After obtaining planning permission west of Belfast, we set about building a new prison, based on the new prison that is to be started here in 1981–82, but that prison in Northern Ireland, also, will not be started until 1981–82. Anyone with ideas of building a proper new prison of that nature should know that it takes eight or nine years. In Northern Ireland, we were able to get new buildings put up in the Maze for the short term, but nothing could have been done in the past four years to bring new prisons on to the stocks now. They take time.

I accept what the right hon. Gentleman has said, but can he explain why his Government cut £80 million from the prison building programme in 1974–75? This money would have been coming on stream in 1977–78 and 1978–79.

I am pleased to debate public expenditure and £300 million extra, in real terms, is being spent. We did rather well overall in the Home Office. It is no good Conservative Members calling for cuts in public expenditure and then weeping about them whenever something in particular is affected.

It was cut because every budget had to take a knock. We in the Home Office did better than did other Departments. By the end of 1981–82, total capacity in the prisons is expected to reach 41,700 and the daily average population for that year to be 43,800. On the existing plans, our view is that the level of overcrowding may then be reduced by up to one-third.

In regard to industrial action in the prison service, members of the Prison Officers' Association came to see me today, and to say that they were upset is to put it mildly. The action in the prison service is unofficial; it is not being carried out by the POA. Some parts of the press have been talking as if it were the association. Certain people have been flaunted on television and in the press as being important. It has been put to me that this sort of thing does great harm to those working responsibly in these matters.

I will give the House the position as it was at 11 o'clock this morning. A total of 26 out of 113 prison service establishments are taking industrial action of some kind in pursuit of their claim for continuous duty credits—that is, meal breaks. We must be clear about the situation. A further four establishments are considering their positions. This figure does not include Parkhurst, where staff have been taking industrial action for some time in support of their claim for special allowance. Of the establishments taking action, 14 are located in the South-East region, seven in the South-West region, five in the Midland region, and none in the Northern region.

There are 13 establishments in which the action being taken in some ways restricts the regime—for example, education classes, industrial training, and so on—and one establishment where prisoners are not being accepted from magistrates' courts. That establishment is in London. The situation is different in the case of the Crown courts.

The position is still very fluid, and full information about what is happening and, in particular, about how police holding facilities are likely to be affected will not be available until late this evening. If I learn anything further before close of play today, as it were, my hon. Friend the Minister of State can bring it to the House.

On Thursday my right hon. Friend made a statement on the prison officers' dispute. He said that the action of certain prison officers is clearly illegal in preventing prisoners appearing at court or probation officers, social workers, relatives and lawyers having access to their clients or relatives. He said that this situation "cannot be allowed". What action is he taking?

On that matter, can we wait to see what happens today? What is quite clear is that if the disciplinary code were broken action would have to be taken. I have only been able to convey to the House the position as it was at 11 o'clock this morning. It may be different before the evening is out, and I would rather wait to see what the true picture is.

I turn now to the claim for continuous duty credits—the meal breaks claim. Reference was made to this last Thursday, when I made my statement. It has been suggested in the press that the Prison Department has made an offer to certain branches of the POA which have been taking action. This is completely untrue. I make it clear that on such matters the Prison Department deals only with the national executive committee of the POA and with nobody else. We are in daily contact with the NEC, and I met the chairman and general secretary only this morning.

They have assured me that the action now being taken by these branches is contrary to the policy of the NEC. The NEC has throughout been acting entirely responsibly in this matter and, as I made clear in my statement last Thursday, it is mainly in consequence of the points put to me by the NEC in recent weeks that the Government decided that an inquiry should be held. It is vital to the prison service that these proper channels of communication with the NEC of the POA should be preserved.

There has been comment in the press on the question whether the inquiry would cover continuous duty credits. The terms of reference are being discussed with the staff associations, but the POA has already made it clear to me that it will expect this matter to be included in the inquiry's review of pay and conditions of service, and that retrospection must also be considered in the light of the inquiry on the principle of the matter. I can say now, in advance of the drawing up of the precise terms of reference, that I see no objection to these proposals, and I have so informed the POA.

It is essential that the inquiry should proceed as fast as possible. I am hoping for a report as early as possible and I shall impress this upon the chairman of the inquiry.

I welcome the last remarks of the Secretary of State. Does he appreciate that there is evidence that prison officers in many parts of the country seem to have lost confidence in their association? That is why staff in a number of prisons are carrying out this action. Is he prepared to say, here and now, that the Government will accept the inquiry's findings on these claims?

It would be one thing for me to say that I would accept the findings but it would also be necessary for other bodies to say that they would accept the findings. We had better wait until we have the terms of reference.

It is a matter of months. I hope that it will not go long into next year.

The national executive committee of the association is an elected body. That is the case with trade unionism as a whole. [Interruption.] That is not true, but if there are people who feel it to be so they have the remedy in their own hands. The committee is the elected body. The NEC has been responsible and I understand that some of those who appear on television are speaking without the full authority of those in the prisons from which they come.

In this situation, therefore, it is important that I, and, I believe, the House, should speak up for the POA, with which I have been in contact for some time now about industrial relations and the running of the prisons. It is not part of the wider problem of the prisons. It has made clear to me the particular things that it wants looked at; so have the governors and others.

The right hon. Gentleman has had experience of difficulties with firemen, police and now prison officers. Is there not a case for having a permanent independent review body available to look at special cases in the public sector, irrespective of whether the Government have a formal incomes policy?

It is quite surprising how many special cases there are. The hon. Gentleman had better consult his Front Bench, who want a free-for-all on the matter.

The right hon. Gentleman says that they do not, but certain Front Bench speakers go round saying the opposite.

I turn now to the Official Secrets Act. The Gracious Speech states the Government's policy. We intend to push ahead with proposals also in the related area of open government. I know that it is very important to replace section 2 of the Official Secrets Act by an up-to-date provision.

Broadcasting loomed large in the last Session. We have explained our proposals in the White Paper, and there is the passage in the Gracious Speech. A number of the proposals require detailed discussion with the organisations concerned. Those discussions have already begun and legislation is promised in the Gracious Speech, possibly in the next year. But some of our proposals need not await legislation. The House will have noted the proposals for the expansion of local radio. The stations have been announced, and I hope that, before we come to the General Election towards the end of next year, I shall be able to make an announcement also for further local radio stations.

The Government recognise the depths of the concern felt at all levels of our society about crime. The Government share that concern. But resources alone will not win the day. There is only one way in this, as there is in aspects of incomes policy or pay policy, or whatever it is called—we will only win through if the people of the country as a whole help. The right hon. Member for Penrith and The Border and I both learnt this lesson in Northern Ireland. Civilised life depends on the support of the community for the forces of law and order.

The Government give their support to the forces of law and order, and I am sure that the House as a whole does. But over-simplification on the hoardings only means that those involved with preserving law and order laugh and say "Is this what politicians provide?" Such oversimplifications are nonsense. This House supports the forces of law and order in dealing with a very complicated matter.

4.30 p.m.

I begin by reassuring the Home Secretary of one thing. He may sometimes feel that events are moving against him on every side, especially when he reads the newspapers, but let me make it clear that we fully back all firm steps that he and his Department take to tackle crime and uphold the law. In particular, we back every step that he now feels necessary to maintain order in the prisons and safeguard the proper administration of the law against any threats from the current industrial action. I shall make more comments on the prisons later, but I thought that I should make that clear now.

We have also supported all along the approach through the Edmund-Davies committee inquiry. Indeed, we urged it on the Home Secretary and thought that it should have come earlier. On Thursday my right hon. Friend the Member for Penrith and The Border (Mr. Whitelaw) said that he welcomed the prisons inquiry, although some of us have criticised it for being a bit belated. We were glad to learn about the Home Secretary's conference on vandalism and were glad of the message of concern about vandalism on the part of not only the right hon. Gentleman but the Prime Minister.

We are glad that that matter has been taken on board, although I must say that the Central Policy Review Staff, the Think Tank in the Cabinet Office, still has something to learn about the dangers of producing sketchy reports—or illustrative and rapid reviews, as I think it calls them—on issues as sensitive as this. I am not sure that that is the right role for the CPRS to play, and I do not think that its report added much to our understanding of matters.

We have followed the Home Secretary's efforts and support the moves that we believe are firm and right in tackling this matter. Naturally, we hope to push him a little further or at any rate to lay the foundations for the reforms that we plan to carry out under the next Conservative Government. Meanwhile, we are glad to see that the Home Secretary recognises the importance of the law and order issue, not always with quite the support from behind him that one would like to see. We shall back his constructive efforts.

The second preliminary point that I want to make is addressed to those who believe strongly and sincerely in penal reform, and who in a sense have had all the running in the past 20 years in our penal policy. The impulse for penal reform is a very fine thing, of course, but unless and until society is more reassured than it is now that violence is being con tamed and dealt with, and particularly violence by violent young people, believe that it will be virtually impossible to carry forward sensible penal reform or to tackle prison overcrowding, which the Home Secretary mentioned.

We believe that the public are entitled to more protection than they have had and even than they are now getting, and that vigorous action is required at all stages in the cycle of crime control and the system of criminal justice. It is not good enough to react to crises as they develop or to blame each development on nameless forces. There is a need for action at every stage in the process of administering the law, right from policing and prevention at one end through the whole problem of the powers and procedures of the courts, up to the structure of punishment and penalties and the organisation of penal institutions at the other end.

We recognise that that is an enormous programme. It will demand the calling out of major resources of energy. It is not correct to say that we are doing all we can, as has been suggested. Without a doubt there is much more to be done, and it should be done.

I come to some of the areas that the Home Secretary touched upon, beginning with policing and crime prevention. As I said, we strongly welcome the Edmund Davies conclusions. We on the Conservative Benches are convinced that it would have been much better to pay the increase all at once and not to have phased it. There we are echoing the conclusions of the report, which made it quite clear in paragraph 206 that that was what the committee recommended.

Clearly, what the Home Secretary says about recruitment is welcome. I should like to know how that spreads over the regions. Is the increase only in London, where there is the additional London weighting, or can the right hon. Gentleman tell us good news all over the country? Are the resignation rates really down? Has the bleeding stopped? That is the real problem—not just raising the number of recruits by increasing pay rates, but stopping the experienced men going. Can the right hon. Gentleman bring us good news about that?

We have always said, and the right hon. Gentleman himself has said, that those questions are vital, but they are not the only questions when it comes to improving policing. There is, first, the whole problem of easing the administrative burden on the police. I was interested to see in the Edmund-Davies report a list of no fewer than 98 laws passed since 1960 by this House that have added to the administrative and paper work falling on the police. It must be possible to reduce some of the enormous administrative burden and to release more manpower and womanpower for policing on the beat and in the housing estates. I am sure that there are gains to be made here.

Then there is the question of traffic. Over the past 10 years there has been an increase in traffic offences—not just parking tickets, but offences involving the police—from about 1½ million to well over 2½ million. It must be right to consider the idea of simplifying the traffic laws and of having ticket offences. My hon. Friend the Member for Sutton Coldfield (Mr. Fowler) has said a certain amount about that in recent days. It is an area to which the Home Office and the right hon. Gentleman should be applying their minds.

That is the first point—the burden must be eased to release more manpower so that it can go on the beat. The second need, which the Home Secretary touched on, is to encourage the public to be not only law-abiding but law-assisting. That means a number of things.

My hon. Friend the Member for Birmingham, Edgbaston (Mrs. Knight) referred to co-operation with the schools, and the Home Secretary added to her point. It is a very valuable one. It is not merely a question of expecting chief constables and police forces to make the first approach. I should like to see the education authorities suggest that it would be a good idea to welcome the police into the schools, for two reasons. One is that there could perhaps be fitted into the curriculum some basic and interesting tuition on how the legal system works and how the system of criminal justice operates. The second is that the school authorities and police authorities in a particular locality could keep closely in touch and that in general the police in the locality could have the firm support of the school authorities, local trades people, local public service officials and all the rest.

I think and hope that the Home Secretary recognises that the need is to give the police firm and unstinted support. But that applies not only at the local level, in the village, in the street, in the city centre, but all the way up—in Whitehall as much as at the town hall and in the village. I am not saying that we want, and we would certainly be against, any development towards a national police force. But it is disturbing to find that it is clear that some chief constables—they are the people who have to run the police forces—feel and give expression to a lack of support from the top and from Whitehall. I believe that improvements could be made in co-ordination and in the regular contact that those with the difficult job of managing our police forces have with Whitehall and with Ministers.

I wonder whether the hon. Gentleman can help me. Can he tell me which chief constable said that? I have met the chief constables recently, and they have not put that matter to me.

I shall certainly provide the Home Secretary with a number of comments, both published and in papers circulated to hon. Members, about worries expressed by chief constables that they are not receiving enough support from the Government and the highest authorities. I am surprised that the right hon. Gentleman asked me about this, because a number of these matters have been published in the press. There is a great deal of worry that Ministers have not been showing sufficient support for the forces of law and order, [HON. MEMBERS: "Where"?] If hon. Members want examples, they know them. They do not need to ask.

Perhaps the Minister of State remembers that some of his Cabinet colleagues went on the picket lines at Grunwick.

I have said that I shall provide the Home Secretary with details—

Does the hon. Gentleman agree that it is not sufficient for him to give this important information to my right hon. Friend? He should give it to the House. He has suggested to the House that the information is available. We suggest to him that he should present it to the House now.

I have made it clear that a number of chief constables have expressed their worries about the lack of support from on high for the forces of law and order. I shall certainly provide details to the Home Secretary. I am very willing to do that, and there is no problem about doing so. What is more, hon. Members know that this view is quite widespread.

From the problem of policing, I now move one stage along the cycle of law enforcement to the area of arrest and police interrogation, which is a very difficult one.

I do not agree with all that Sir Robert Mark, the former Commissioner, has had to say recently. But I thought that he was hitting the nail on the head when he wrote the following in his book:
"The surest and quickest way to reduce crime and to achieve a more humane and enlightened penal system is to increase the likelihood that the guilty will be convicted."
I think that that is profoundly true. I know that these are matters at which the Royal Commission is looking. But this matter has been debated for a very long time, as the Home Secretary knows. In 1972 the Criminal Law Revision Committee, under Lord Justice Edmund-Davies, as he was then, recommended that
"adverse inferences may be properly drawn from the silence of the accused"
—a matter about which the police are very concerned. I do not know when the Royal Commission will reach its con- clusion—I hope that it is soon—but on the present time scale it could be as late as 1982 before much begins to happen in this area.

Let us at least agree that the Royal Commission needs to get on with its work with all speed, because these matters have been debated for a very long time and they are very important in the campaign against crime.

I come next to the courts and their powers. Here the Opposition have a straight disagreement with the Home Secretary. The right hon. Gentleman now believes that the powers of the courts are adequate. I have tried to check this, but I think that he said it last to the Bromley Rotarians. On that occasion he said precisely that. His words were:
"Some people think the powers of the courts are inadequate to deal with crime. I do not believe this to be true."
So he is now satisfied that the courts have all the powers that they need. The Opposition disagree with that view, especially in the case of juvenile courts, but also in one respect for the courts generally and for the Crown courts.

I deal first with the juvenile courts. We in this House have all seen enough of the Children and Young Persons Act, which has been in partial operation since 1971, to realise that it is profoundly unsatisfactory to magistrates and social workers alike. The Opposition's belief is that magistrates should have restored to them the power to make secure care orders, both when making care orders and when renewing them. In our view, it is unsatisfactory that at present the juvenile courts have no say in how care orders are discharged. It is true that under the Criminal Law Act 1977 they can attach some conditions to supervision orders, but in the case of care orders they have no say. We think that that is wrong and that it would be desirable for magistrates to be able to make care orders specifying secure accommodation.

Of course, it is obvious that that means more places for secure accommodation. As I understand it, there are now only 223 places—[Interruption.] That was the information supplied in a parliamentary Answer which one of my hon. Friends received in July. Another 217 are being built, but there are only 223 now.

Presumably more have come into operation. That is progress. But clearly the need is for more secure accommodation. If we do not have it and magistrates feel that a care order cannot be under the control of the courts, it leads to overloading of detention centres, and I am not sure that that is a healthy development. Certainly I shall have a great deal more to say in a moment about the results of what is happening in detention centres.

I appreciate the hon. Member's concern, and it is one which is expressed on both sides of the House and outside it. However, there is no point in giving magistrates or courts powers to make secure care orders unless and until the facilities to hold juveniles are built. The hon. Member will know that that is not a criticism of the philosophy of the Children and Young Persons Act. It is in fact an indictment of successive Governments of both parties for not providing sufficient resources to build community homes and the secure units in community homes to hold these children. Unless and until it is done, no amount of additional powers given to magistrates will remedy this very difficult problem.

I am not sure that the hon. Member is right, although I know that he follows these matters very closely. It is a question of who has the powers. After all, the 1969 Act actually reduced the powers of magistrates and reduced their involvement. It put the social workers in the front line of dealing with juvenile crime and placed on them what in some areas is an impossible load. I think that it is right to start redistributing that load back in favour of the magistrates.

I now come to detention centres and detention centre orders. Here, too, the Opposition think that the situation is profoundly unsatisfactory. In the case of junior detention centres, the present average sentence comes out at about 42 days —six weeks. It is really three months, but there is almost automatic remission so that it is about 42 days. We think that six weeks is a useless length. In some senses it is too short, in others it is too long.

Let me explain that. For many youngsters, what is needed is a shorter and sharper sentence, especially for young criminals early in their careers. Anyone in a junior detention centre will explain that six weeks is unnecessarily long in some cases and that it could be much shorter provided that it was sharper. For other youngsters, six weeks is a hopelessly inadequate length of time because there is no time to begin training for a new skill and to build up proper rehabilitation. That is what I mean when I say that it is both too short and too long. It satisfies neither criterion. It does not help in either way. It is clear that change is needed.

The Opposition do not want to tell the courts their business. That is not our proper role. However, I think that in this area three changes are required and that the Home Secretary should apply his mind to them and, I suggest, move away from the view which he expressed in September that the powers of the courts are adequate to deal with these matters I do not think that they are.

First, I should like to see the pattern established by which young offenders are sent to detention earlier in their criminal careers. There is nothing more depressing than talking to some of these young people who have committed their fifth, sixth or seventh offence and are veterans of every kind of caution, care order and supervision order. It is much too late then, and the detention centre is doing them no good. They should go earlier. There should be powers vested in magistrates to give shorter and more flexible sentences generally—possibly down to 14 days—and they should be of a more rigorous and sharper kind. Two new centres should be provided for these shorter sentences to be served. The Opposition think that that is a development worth trying, and we regret the attitude so far—it may change; we have managed to get the Home Secretary to change his mind—that this is not a serious proposal or a serious intention. It is. We believe that it could be tried, that it would get the support of some of the staff, and that above all it is greatly preferable to waiting until young thugs become totally iured and hardened veterans of endless care orders and are sent to overcrowded detention centres, often arriving at the gates without adequate documentation, when it is really too late.