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Commons Chamber

Volume 958: debated on Monday 13 November 1978

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House Of Commons

Monday 13th November 1978

The House met at half-past Two o'clock

Prayers

[Mr. SPEAKER in the Chair]

Oral Answers To Questions

Industry

Leicester

2.

asked the Secretary of State for Industry whether he will pay an official visit to factories in the city of Leicester.

I shall be pleased to visit factories in the city of Leicester whenever my existing commitments make it possible for me to do so.

Is my hon. Friend aware that he will be made very welcome by the city of Leicester, which is very anxious to attract new industry to it? It has marvellous facilities, including cheap office accommodation, which are near to the motorway and it is coping very well with its unemployment problems. Will my hon. Friend bear that in mind when he is asked where industry might go when it is to be moved or situated?

We shall always bear in mind my hon. and learned Friend's representations, which are many and varied. He is right in saying that Leicester's unemployment position is better than the national average. In October its percentage unemployment was 5·2 per cent. as opposed to a national average of 5·9 per cent., and we are pleased about that. We accept that the level of unemployment nationally is too high, but there are bright spots and I am grateful to my hon. and learned Friend for drawing attention to one of them.

British Shipbuilders

3.

asked the Secretary of State for Industry when he next expects to meet the chairman of British Shipbuilders.

My right hon. Friend meets the chairman regularly.

May I offer my sympathy to the Minister of State for continuing his unerring knack of backing loss-making industries with large sums of tax-payer's money? Will he assure the House that he and the Secretary of State are now taking a realistic view of the shipbuilding industry against a background of reported Japanese plans to cut production by 35 per cent. and Norway's plans to cut it by 48 per cent.? What cut-backs will be needed in British shipbuilding output and manpower if losses of British Steel dimensions are to be avoided in future years?

I know the hon. Gentleman's determination to damage the British shipbuilding industry. The Government will do everything possible to save as many jobs as possible in the British shipbuilding industry, recognising that contraction is a worldwide problem.

I congratulate my right hon. Friend on the general direction in which British Shipbuilders is going, but, in view of the decision of the Labour Party conference that Western Ship repairers Ltd. should be taken over as part of a nationalised industry, will he say what steps he and our right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for Industry are taking to save jobs at Western Ship repairers Ltd. by absorbing it into British Shipbuilders or, if that is not possible, to take it over and create a nationalised ship repairing industry?

Immediately upon the passage of the conference resolution by the Labour Party I contacted British Shipbuilders, drawing its attention to the terms of the resolution and asking it—[Interruption.]Conservative Members may laugh about the loss of jobs on Merseyside. There would be many more losses if they had their way. As I was saying, I contacted British Shipbuilders, asking it to consider the matter constructively, and it is doing so. In addition, last week I met a delegation of the Confederation of Shipbuilding and Engineering Unions, together with workers' representatives from Western Ship repairers Ltd., who handed me a plan for diversification at Western. I met the chief executive of British Shipbuilders last week, handed him that plan and asked him to consider it constructively.

Can we be assured that the full details of the corporate plan, including the manpower cuts, will be laid before Parliament, par- ticularly since the press seems to have been given details of it? Can we be assured that the Minister of State will not simply pursue his policy of "vote now, get the sack later"?

The Government's record in saving jobs in the British shipbuilding industry is unrivalled by any other shipbuilding industry in the world, and we are proud of it. We shall consider the corporate plan when we receive it. We shall have to see what commercially confidential matter it contains in relation to what is a serious world competitive situation.

British Leyland

4.

asked the Secretary of State for Industry when he next expects to meet the chairman of British Leyland.

I meet the chairman of BL frequently. I have no immediate plans to do so at the moment.

Does the Secretary of State agree with the recent statement by the chairman of British Leyland about BL's industrial record? If so, will he no longer prop up this industry with more State aid, particularly if it is to prop up jobs lost by industrial action?

I thought that the hon. Gentleman was going to say that the chairman of BL had done a good job since his appointment. In fact, he has. He has not only brought about some stability within the company, but he has organised the divisions much more sensibly and profitability has improved over the past 12 months.

Will the Secretary of State confirm that, so far as the Government are concerned, an essential part of the Edwardes' plan is that the company should generate a substantial sum—up to £850 million—towards its own investment plans? Will he also confirm that if bad industrial relations destroy the company's capacity to achieve that target there will be no question of unlimited public funds being provided to make good the shortfall?

British Leyland's success will depend upon whether it can produce cars regularly, consistently get them into the showrooms and get people to buy them. That is understood by Mr. Edwardes, this House and the majority of those who work in British Leyland. Mr. Edwardes has had some success over the past 12 months. We have got away from the period of drip-feed of resources for British Leyland and moved to a better equity loan basis. If we get to the situation where the corporate plan justifies more Government finance, we shall make it available.

Doon Valley, Ayrshire

6.

asked the Secretary of State for Industry if he will undertake an official visit to the Doon Valley in South Ayrshire to meet local representatives about the discharge of his policy to support industrial development.

Unfortunately, my existing commitments do not enable me to plan such a visit in the immediate future.

Is my right hon. Friend aware that the purpose of the invitation was to draw his attention to a serious defect in one aspect of regional policy, whereby administrative boundaries can harshly discriminate against an area with up to 35 per cent. male unemployment? Will he undertake a review of the procedures to ensure that such injustice does not happen again?

I undertand the situation which has given rise to my hon. Friend's concern. Studies carried out indicate that the travel-to-work relationship in the area is with Ayr. Therefore, the Ayr travel-to-work area is the administrative boundary that we must use. I assure my hon. Friend that considerable financial help has been provided for the Ayr and Cumnock area—£6 million in selective assistance—which has given rise to substantially more investment projects and to 2,600 new jobs.

British Shipbuilders

7.

asked the Secretary of State for Industry whether he has received a draft corporate plan for British Shipbuilders.

In view of the Minister's lack of response earlier today may I ask whether he is aware of the real fears of those working in the shipbuilding industry which have been caused by rumours, several of which have been reported this morning? Will he arrange for a detailed statement to be made explaining the extent of the cut-backs which will be necessary? Does he now understand why so many people are drawing the inference that nationalisation has been an unmitigated disaster for the shipbuilding industry?

The hon. Gentleman has obviously not spoken to any shipyard workers lately. The British merchant shipbuilding industry today would not exist if it had not been for nationalisation. Thousands of workers in the North-East, on Clydeside and in other shipbuilding areas, who have reason for nothing but scorn for the Conservative Party and the Scottish National Party for what they did about shipbuilding, are grateful for what the Government have done to save their jobs.

Will my right hon. Friend ensure that any plan for British shipbuilding also includes a continuing role for the dry dock on the lower reaches of the Clyde? Has he heard the point of view expressed by many workers that a joint management and workers' committee should be established to investigate past costing and the future use of the dry dock for both new shipping and repairing, thereby avoiding redundancies?

I discussed with workers' representatives of Scott Lithgow last week the Scott Lithgow dry dock. I explained the view of British Shipbuilders that the dry dock could be helpful in shipbuilding work. I have pursued with the chief executive of British Shipbuilders, whom I met last week, the possibility of a continuing role for ship repair in that dry dock.

Will the Minister confirm that the corporate plan is due to be laid before his Department by 31st December? Will he take the opportunity of saying whether the profit from British Shipbuilders is still continuing to decline from previous estimates of £40 million? Will he think very carefully and confirm that the House will have a hance to see that corporate plan?

I cannot confirm that the House will see the corporate plan, because it contains details about the commercial prospects of a large number of companies which are extremely competitive in a worldwide shipbuilding disaster. We shall, however, see what information we can make available to the House. The accounts will be laid before the House shortly.

Is my right hon. Friend aware that the workers at Western Shiprepairers welcome the positive steps that he has so far taken to safeguard their jobs but that neither they nor anyone else on Merseyside will be satisfied until those jobs have been secured? Will he use whatever influence he has with British Shipbuilders to insist that Western Shiprepairers is taken into the nationalised industry? Will he also indicate when he is likely to receive a decision from British Shipbuilders?

We do not have the statutory powers to insist that British Shipbuilders take over Western Shiprepairers. However, I have always made clear to British Shipbuilders that I should like helpful steps to be taken. Western Shiprepairers applied to British Shipbuilders to be taken over when it was losing a great deal of money. It is important for British Shipbuilders not to be hampered by large loss-makers in the present serious situation.

Has the Minister of State seen the comments by the managing director of Austin & Pickersgill Ltd. to the effect that since nationalisation productivity has fallen sharply? How does that square with the Minister's claim when the legislation was introduced that he was creating a modern, competitive industry?

I have seen what that gentleman said about the situation at Austin & Pickersgill Ltd. I have also had a letter from my right hon Friend the Member for Sunderland, North (Mr. Willey) giving the workers' views about that situation. Their views vary seriously from those of Mr. Kimber.

British Leyland (Corporate Plan)

8.

asked the Secretary of State for Industry if he will make a statement on the British Leyland car plan and any further public funding that may be required to fulfil the plan.

I expect to receive BL's updated corporate plan from the National Enterprise Board before the end of the year. The question of further public funding for BL will be considered in the light of the Government's review of the plan and the recommendations of the NEB.

Will the Secretary of State confirm his earlier undertaking to the House that he will be making a statement when he gets that plan? Will he also take this opportunity to confirm that, contrary to impressions in some quarters of the House, the chairman has withheld the investment fund until the resolution of some of the difficulties confronting the company?

I confirm that I shall make available as much information as possible about the corporate plan after the Government have had a chance to review the National Enterprise Board's recommendations, and we shall do that early in the new year.

It is true that British Leyland management has withheld some investment as a result of some industrial disputes which have taken place over the past few months.

Will the corporate plan result in any disengagement of British Leyland's interests in South Africa?

I do not know. If the recommendations by BL to the NEB are endorsed by the board and come to the Government, we shall have to consider them. I have no precise information on the lines of my hon. Friend's question.

Will my right hon. Friend tell the House when—and, indeed, if—he proposes to conclude a planning agreement with the management of British Leyland?

It has been on the stocks for some time now. As I have already indicated, there are encouraging signs from British Leyland about its share of the market. Indeed, there has been an improvement in profitability, but the great disappointment from my point of view is that worker participation in British Leyland has not taken off in any sense. There has been some involvement at some plants, but involvement at other plants has been disregarded. I want to see not only a planning agreement but progress towards industrial democracy inside British Leyland.

Motor Industry (Pay Settlements)

9.

asked the Secretary of State for Industry what plans he has for discussing with the motor industry the implications of Government sanctions against motor manufacturers who conclude pay settlements outside the Government guidelines.

In view of the likely pay settlements to be concluded at Ford and at Vauxhall, will the public sector procurement of motor cars depend upon the delivery performance of BL and the preparedness of the Government to sanction further imports?

We had better wait and see what arises out of the negotiations which I understand are taking place. The only thing that I need to say to the hon. Gentleman today is that he will have seen paragraph 25 of the White Paper, which was laid before the House in July by my right hon. Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer in which it was said:

" The Government will, if necessary, take account of any failure to observe the guidelines in exercising its discretion in the fields of statutory assistance and other appropriate discretionary power."

Will my right hon. Friend say whether his Department has made any representations to Ford about its pricing policy over recent years. The company has increased its prices over a number of years when it has not been under considerable wage pressure.

I have not made representations to Ford, but my right hon. Friend the Secretray of State for Prices and Consumer Protection has been in touch with the company about this matter. I do not know whether it is possible for Ford to give any precise information, but my hon. Friend will recall that from this Dispatch Box a few days ago my right hon. Friend the Prime Minister invited Ford to make known publicly what its prices policy would be.

We had better wait and see how the negotiations—[HON. MEMBERS: "Oh."]. Oh, yes. The negotiations have not finished. It is our hope that the negotiations will result in a settlement within the guidelines. When the negotiations are complete, the Government will take a view of the situation in the light of paragraph 25 of the White Paper.

Is there a system of sanctions of which industry and trade unions can be made aware in their negotiations?

The White Paper makes the matter absolutely plain, and the right hon. Gentleman knows that we took discretionary action against companies during what was known as phase 3.

Merseyside

11.

asked the Secretary of State for Industry what further steps he is taking to regenerate industry on Merseyside.

Industrial investment on Merseyside qualifies for regional assistance at the highest level in Great Britain since we made it a special development area in 1974. I shall continue to do everything practical to promote industrial development on Merseyside.

Does my right hon. Friend realise that we welcome the additional funds that have been made available to the Welsh Development Agency and the Scottish Development Agency? Nevertheless, given that the level of unemployment on Merseyside is far higher than that in either of those two countries, will he now say what extra resources will be provided for Merseyside through the National Enterprise Board? Further, will he say what would be the economic impact on Merseyside if the Opposition's policies for withdrawing subsidies and other measures were to be introduced?

First, I give my hon. Friend an assurance that I shall guarantee that Merseyside is not disadvantaged in regard to resources, and nor will any of the other English regions. The Government have provided £60 million of selective support for Merseyside which has generated nearly £400 million worth of investment in the area in firms such as Ford, YKK, Schreiber, the Co-operative Bank and so on. There is, therefore ample evidence of the Government's willingness to support new ventures in that region.

With regard to the wider issues, I draw the attention of all hon. Members who represent assisted areas to the furtive plans being prepared by the Opposition for the virtual destruction of regional policy. According to a report in the Financial Times and an interview published in the Western Mail, the Conservatives intend so to dismantle the regional development grants that the system will virtually cease to exist. They intend virtually to abandon the IDC policy and the office development permit policy, and they intend, after they come to office—but they will not specify this in advance—to deschedule large areas of Britain.

Has my right hon. Friend had discussions with Dunlop Rubber about press statements to the effect that 2,500 jobs at its premises on Merseyside are likely to disappear? Is that a correct statement of the position? If not, what steps are the Government taking to ensure that that does not happen? We cannot afford any further redundancies on Merseyside.

Obviously, such a job loss would be a disaster for the area. My officials are in touch with that company at the moment and are trying to establish the precise position. Needless to say, if there is anything which the Department can do to help the company or, indeed, any other company in need in the area, within the guidelines, that we shall do.

Does the Minister realise that, as he is now obviously interested in studying Conservative policy proposals, he will find that we are prepared to maintain a strong and effective regional policy? Has not the Minister's own experience shown him that a policy based merely on the pouring of public funds into industry when the climate for enterprise is as bad as it is at present is singularly ineffective on Merseyside, in Wales, in Scotland and elsewhere?

Is it not fascinating that the hon. Gentleman does not deny the fact—[HON. MEMBERS: "Answer the question."]—that the Conservatives are considering dismantling the financial incentives? The report in the Financial Times makes it clear that they are talking of cutting back as much as £300 million from the £400 million that currently goes on regional development grants. If they get back to office they intend to repeat the criminal error which they committed when they came to office in 1970 and destroyed regional policy.

Is not the Minister part of a Government who withdrew the regional employment premium, against all their declaration and intentions? Is it not true, as my hon. Friend the Member for Rushcliffe (Mr. Clarke) says, that a climate for enterprise will do far more for jobs than the incessant pouring out of taxpayers' money?

Does not the Minister agree that taxes in this country are far too high? Do the Government have any ambition to reduce taxation?

I point out to the right hon. Gentleman that the removal of the regional employment premium withdrew £2 per head from firms in the assisted areas and made available £20 per head to the firms that were really in need. Conservative Members say that they want selection. That is selective assistance. I shall not be lectured by the right hon. Gentleman on withdrawing grants. He was a member of the Government who cancelled investment grants in 1970 and had to bring them back again in their Industry Act 1972 because they realised that they had destroyed the policy.

Oil Pollution

12.

asked the Secretary of State for Industry if he will make a statement on the criticisms levelled at the work of his Department's Warren Spring laboratory concerning measures to combat oil pollution, as made in the Select Committee report on the "Eleni V" affair; and what steps he is taking to ensure that less reliance is placed by the laboratory on the use of detergents.

The Government will reply to the Fourth Report of the Select Committee on Science and Technology—"Eleni V"—in the normal way. I should prefer at this stage not to anticipate that. The laboratory is concentrating on oil recovery systems which, if successful, will reduce reliance on detergents.

Was it not ironic that, at the same time as consternation was being expressed about the seal cull off the Orkneys, off the Welsh coast seal pups were dying because their mother's milk was poisoned by the effect of the detergent used in the "Christos Bitas" incident? On the latter point, is the Minister aware that two and a half years ago I brought one of my constituents to see his former Department of Industry colleague, Lord Melchett, to discuss the development of technology being pioneered by a company in my constituency, the end product of which was that, one year ago, one of the senior civil servants at the Department left the Department and has now set up in opposition, with an American company, to my constituent's technology?

Warren Spring has received widespread praise for its conduct in connection with the "Christos Bitas" affair, including from the Welsh Office.

As regards the hon. Gentleman's other allegation—I wish that he would be rather more measured in his references to Warren Spring—and his accusation that information has been wrongly used and divulged, it appears from what I can see that the information to which the hon. Gentleman has referred is freely available and widely published. If the hon. Gentleman is now saying that there is some kind of further information about which my Department is not aware, I hope that he will get in touch with my office—

so that we can arrange a meeting to have the discussion in the way it should be conducted.

Whilst declaring no interest in this question because of nomenclature, may I ask the Minister to expand his reply to my hon. Friend's question? He said that Warren Spring laboratory was carrying out research into methods of recovering oil at sea. Is he aware, however, that in evidence to the Select Committee it was stated that no such research projects were planned in the years 1978 to 1980 in the plans approved by the requirements board of his Department?

I should prefer not to anticipate the Government's reply to that Select Committee report. The experience which Warren Spring has gained and is already applying has been widely praised, and much of the work which it is doing in various areas has been internationally acknowledged as being in the forefront.

Does the Minister realise that the House will not accept that guidance should not be given to Warren Spring. now rather than waiting for the report to ensure that in the total budget for Warren Spring a greater proportion is spent on matters concerned with oil recovery and the problems of pollution at sea, which are of major concern to so many people around the coasts of this country?

If the hon. Gentleman has any specific proposals, I shall, of course, be pleased to hear from him. But I think that he may be misunderstanding the role of Warren Spring. It does not have a direct operational role. It has an advisory and research role. I stress that much of the work that it has already done is widely acknowledged internationally as being right in the forefront.

Nevertheless, will the Minister continue to rely on the use of detergents, which have been shown to have some effect, until such time as there is something really effective to replace them?

I recognise that the hon. Gentleman is trying to be helpful in this matter, but it all depends on what kind of oil it is. If it is light oil, detergents or other methods are available for dealing with it, and other methods are being studied. I am sure the hon. Gentleman will recognise that if it is heavier oil there are many more problems.

On a point of order, Mr. Speaker. In view of the unsatisfactory nature of the Minister's reply, I give notice that I shall seek to raise the matter on the Adojumment at the earliest possible opportunity.

Later

May I raise a point of order, Mr. Speaker? I apologise for seeking to do so. During Question Time the Under-Secretary of State for Industry, in trying to answer a Supplementary Question of mine, said that I should seek a meeting with him or his colleagues if I wished to pursue the point. He was either unaware of, or was not mentioning, the fact that I have sought such a meeting with the Minister of State, Department of Industry. Therefore, Mr. Speaker, may I ask the point I am now making be recorded in the Official Report at the appropriate place, after the exchange of questions?

The hon. Gentleman's point of order will appear in the Official Report, because he has just spoken, but, on an afternoon when we are sensitive about time, I cannot guarantee that I shall put the clock back.

Telephones (Installation)

13.

asked the Secretary of State for Industry if he will indicate the substance of his reply to the letter from the hon. Member for Salford, East regarding the requirement of deposits on intending telephone subscribers in certain areas in addition to installation charges before a new telephone is installed.

My hon. Friend will be aware from my right hon. Friend's reply to his letter that the Post Office is seeking ways of bringing this practice to an end.

I am grateful to hear that. Is it not grossly unfair that these blanket deposits of up to £50 per head on every would-be subscriber in whole districts is being imposed, even though they have never owed a penny? Will the Minister tell Sir William Barlow, head of postal and telecommunications services, that it is even worse to refuse to name the districts which are being blacklisted in this way?

I know that my hon. Friend has, quite rightly, pursued this matter over a period of time. On 25th August Mr. Peter Benton, the managing director of post office telecommunications, said that in the area which my hon. Friend represents less than 3 per cent. of new applicants—the majority of whom were short-term customers—were being subjected to the kind of procedure which my hon. Friend has reported this afternoon. Nevertheless, it is my understanding that the Post Office now intends to go ahead with a series of schemes using credit reference agencies.

Does my hon. Friend agree that this further example of inflexible and arbitrary conduct by the Post Office raises the need for a code of practice by which consumers can know precisely where they stand on a whole range of issues? Will he pursue the Post Office on this matter, since it is now 18 months since we were told by the Minister of State, Department of Prices and Consumer Protection that the production of such a code of practice was in hand?

I recognise my hon. Friend's concern, but he will realise that these are matters which have to be gone into very carefully. They have been the subject of extensive consultations with the Post Office Users National Council and, indeed, with the Post Office unions. Having said that, I can tell my hon. Friend again that it is my understanding that in the near future the Post Office intends to embark on a series of schemes using credit reference agencies.

Is my hon. Friend aware that these arrangements for credit reference schemes have begun in certain parts of the country, including the area which I represent? On the other hand, is it not disgraceful that in areas such as that represented by my hon. Friend the Member for Salford, East (Mr. Allaun) about 3 per cent. of new subscribers are still discriminated against because of the area in which they happen to live, rather than because of any failure on their part to meet their debts? When will this stop?

I hope my hon. and learned Friend will recognise that I said "less than 3 per cent.". I stress that last year there was about £15 million worth of unpaid telephone bills to which the Post Office ought to have regard as well. Nevertheless, I hope my hon. and learned Friend will recognise that in its policy towards the introduction of new schemes involving credit reference agencies the Post Office recognises that there has been a problem and is trying to do something about it.

Regional Grants

14.

asked the Secretary of State for Industry what action he proposes to take to ensure that the policy of regional grants ceases to discriminate against the West Midlands.

The West Midlands contnues to benefit from national schemes of selective assistance and through the National Enterprise Board. For example, under the ferrous foundry industry scheme more than £20 million—more than 25 per cent. of aid under this scheme—has been offered to firms in the West Midlands, although the region's proportion of the working population is below 10 per cent. In addition, the region has derived considerable benefit from public funds committed to British Leyland, Alfred Herbert, Chrysler UK and Meriden. Though the worldwide recession has affected all parts of the country, including the West Midlands, the regions of greatest need ought to have special financial help.

Is the Minister aware that through the pursuit of discriminatory regional grant policies and industrial development certificate policies about which his colleague was eulogising earlier, the West Midlands has been economically strangled?

I totally reject the claims which the hon. Gentleman and others in the West Midlands make. But for the actions of the Government, the West Midlands would be an industrial desert. In fact, the West Midlands has received substantial assistance under section 8 of the Industry Act 1972. In Coventry almost one in five of the workers owe their jobs to the National Enterprise Board and its injections of public money—money which is coming very much under a question mark as a result of some Conservative Members.

Under the Government's special employment measures more than 70,000 people, of whom 19,000 were young people, have been assisted in the West Midlands. Almost £1 billion has gone to British Leyland, Chrysler UK, Alfred Herbert and Meriden. I find it surprising that Conservative Members, who are always complaining about the expenditure of public money on those firms, never praise the Government when money goes to their regions. I presume that the hon. Gentleman wants more money to go to the West Midlands, in which case he ought to make his position clear with the right hon. Member for Leeds, North-East (Sir K. Joseph).

I made the point about the special financial assistance, and I assume the hon. Gentleman is gratified that in the West Midlands unemployment is 6·1 per cent. compared with 9·4 per cent. on Tyneside, 12.2 per cent. on Merseyside and 8·1 per cent. in Scotland.

Will my hon. Friend confirm that marked and adverse discrimination against the West Midlands is carried out by the institutions of the Common Market, which nevertheless publicise and propagandise each piddling little sum of money unwillingly forked out in return for the colossal sums of money forked out by the British taxpayer to them?

My hon. Friend has raised the point that there is a net deficit on our payments with the Common Market. It is true that the Common Market advertises all the money which it gives for regional assistance. My hon. Friend has made the point that what we as a Government ought to do is to emphasise more and more—if we had even a half-way sympathetic media we would get some of this publicity—that money spent by the Government is saving and generating thousands of jobs and that if ever the Tories got anywhere near power thousands of jobs would be jeopardised.

Does the Minister agree that the Government's actions are discriminating against the establishment of new industry in the West Midlands? If everything is as rosy as he suggests, why was it necessary for the West Midlands county council to submit a report entitled "Time for Action"?

I do not want to give an impression of complacency. What I want to do is to refute the extremely unfair criticisms which have been made by Conservative Members. Of course we are not complacent about a level of unemployment of 6·1 per cent. However, people on Merseyside, with a level of unemployment of over 12 per cent., are presumably also very much concerned about what happens. Since January 1976, about 722 IDCs have been issued and none refused. Therefore, the question of a deterrent for new industry does not measure up to anything like the sort of claims made by Conservative Members.

Can my hon. Friend confirm that the amount of square footage granted by the Government to the West Midlands by way of industrial development certificates has been enormous compared with the amount granted during the time of the previous Conservative Government? Is not the case put forward by Opposition Members refuted by the fact that my hon. Friend has just confirmed that not one request for an IDC in the West Midlands has been refused since 1974?

IDCs which have been granted since 1976 should give rise to more than 34,000 jobs when the industries involved move there. Industrial development certificates do not of themselves produce jobs. It is the manufacturing activity which follows which does that. There has been a generous attitude on the part of the Government who, contrary to the actions of previous Governments, have raised the exemption limit for IDCs.

Does the Minister accept that although no IDCs are being rejected a number of applications are withdrawn after heavy advice from the Department? Are not many would-be investors deterred by the need to seek IDC permission before making investments? As the Minister appears to have noticed that the West Midlands is in a depressed state industrially, does he not think that the time has come for a further raising of the threshold for IDC control?

The hon. Gentleman's views are entirely speculative. If he has any evidence whatever that representatives of the Department of Industry have been rejecting applications for IDCs or intimidating people so that they do not apply for the certificates I should be grateful if he would let us know, rather than make such highly speculative remarks. We shall look at whatever evidence he gives to us.

National Enterprise Board

15.

asked the Secretary of State for Industry when he next expects to meet the chairman of the National Enterprise Board.

When my right hon. Friend next meets the chairman, will he ask him to institute an inquiry within the NEB into why the board bailed out Sir Richard Marsh's company, Allied Investments, earlier this year on what now appears to be untruths told by Sir Richard Marsh concerning the number of orders which he claimed the company had on the books? Is my right hon. Friend aware that the amount of money which that company has been paying in bribes in Arab countries far outweighs anything in which British Leyland was ever involved? Will my right hon. Friend confirm, and press this point upon the chairman of the NEB, that public money ought not to be used to bail out such seedy capitalists as Sir Richard Marsh?

I have seen the press article to which my hon. Friend draws attention. I have read it with great concern and have taken up the matter with the NEB. My hon. Friend would not expect me to comment further on the matter at this stage.

In view of the series of disastrous investments which the NEB has made on its own acount, may I ask the Minister to consider replacing the present chairman by the new Lord Mayor of London, Sir Kenneth Cork, the liquidator?

The latest returns by the National Enterprise Board show that it made a profit on its investments.

Returning to Allied Investments, may I ask my right hon. Friend to confirm that I wrote to him nearly two years ago about the state of this company, which has now been shown to have put forward a completely false prospectus? As the company spends its time making money in the Gulf States to undermine the National Health Service by building private nursing homes in this country, may I ask my right hon. Friend to have a good look at the NEB's policy in this area?

My hon. Friend has written to me about this matter and I have replied to him. I do not know whether he has received my reply yet, but it fully acknowledges his concern. There are certain elements in what he has said which, if he re-examines them, he will find are not justified. Nevertheless, I fully recognise his concern on this matter, which is shared by the Government.

Is it true that NEB funds at British Leyland are being used to provide for Leyland agents sales terms which are not available anywhere in the commercial market to any of its competitors, such as Ford? Is this a fair use of taxpayers' money?

If the hon. Gentleman has any evidence about what he regards as malpractice in Leyland, I shall be grateful if he will send it to me, when it will be looked into.

Planning Agreements

16.

asked the Secretary of State for Industry how many planning agreements have now been completed between his Department and individual companies.

As the Prime Minister and the Secretary of State for Industry have made a great deal about the importance of planning agreements in promoting our economy and expanding industrial investment, can the right hon. Gentleman explain why so far only one such agreement has been entertained?

I think that this is because there has been a genuine misunderstanding in industrial quarters about the intentions of planning agreements. A planning agreement process is intended to be a continuation of the dialogue which already exists between Government and industry. It is intended to try to establish that the decision-making processes of industry take account of the objectives set and aspired to by the sector working parties. There is nothing mandatory about such agreements. They can be highly flexible, contrary to the view of the CBI. I know that Tory Members have been somewhat derisory about the Chrysler agreement. If anything, that shows that planning agreement processes are flexible.

Can my right hon. Friend explain why he has not yet signed or initiated a planning agreement with the footwear distribution industry when such an agreement was proposed by the footwear study group on which manufacturers, trade unions and Labour and Conservative Members of Parliament were represented? Is my right hon. Friend aware that all those people came to the unanimous conclusion that a planning agreement should be drawn up?

I have no objection whatever to the drawing up of a planning agreement where there is a meaningful intention on both sides to do so.

Peugeot-Citreon

17.

asked the Secretary of State for Industry what information as to the investment intentions of Peugeot-Citreon in relation to the Chrysler commercial vehicle plants at Dunstable and Luton he has received in pursuance of the planning agreement;and if he will make a statement.

Substantial investment is continuing at the commercial vehicle plants at Luton and Dunstable in accordance with the plans which were agreed between the Government and Chrysler UK. There has been no change in these plans on which our assistance is based. Peugeot-Citreon's declaration of intent contains clear assurances about the future use of all Chrysler UK facilities, including the commercial vehicle plants. I have arranged for copies of this and the heads of agreement to be placed in the Library.

May I ask whether, during the intensive discussions with Peugeot-Citroen over the last three months since the takeover was announced, the Government went to the trouble of pointing out that an element of modernisation was needed fairly quickly at the Dunstable and Luton plants? Did Peugeot-Citroen say that it would definitely meet that need for modernisation by providing an investment programme for those plants?

I assure the hon. Gentleman that that and all other aspects of the future of those plants were discussed. We were encouraged that Peugeot took the view that it was happy to be returning to the commercial vehicle sector which it left when it merged with Citroen. Peugeot-Citroen has given clear undertakings about the marketing of commercial vehicles, the sharing of investment plans and new product plans within the whole corporate structure.

Can my right hon. Friend confirm that the publicly appointed directors of Chrysler are excluded from all deliberations on the future plans of Chrysler-Peugeot-Citroen?

Ah! That is a different matter altogether. If my hon. Friend had asked a straight question, I should have known what it was he wanted answered. He has touched on an important factor here. What happened was that Chrysler deliberately kept its discussions at an international level and did not bring them to the national level. In that sense, it was less than straightforward with the British Government.

Under the original agreement with Chrysler, a target was set for the use of British components. Can the Minister confirm that that target is reproduced in any agreement with Peugeot-Citroen?

During the Motor Show I went to the National Exhibition Centre and had a meeting with representatives of Peugeot-Citroen and the components industry to discuss this matter. All of us, including the industrialists present, were impressed with the attitude being taken by the Peugeot-Citroen representatives. They were eager that Chrysler UK should sustain its relationships with suppliers, and they were equally willing that British suppliers should have access to the whole Peugeot-Citroen-Chrysler network and range of models. It is up to us to ensure that our components meet requirements.

I am pleased to hear that there have been some useful discussions. Is it not about time that we got some hard information about the company's intentions? Is my right hon. Friend aware that if we do not get information we get rumours? Is he further aware that the latest rumour is that the new Peugeot-Citroen car is to be called the "hatchback of Notre Dame"? Is it not time that we had information in respect of the supplying industry and the future model programme?

My hon. Friend will realise that the company, in its new role, has set up a series of task forces to look at all aspects and every range of the operations of the new company. They are due to make their reports towards the end of the year. It is understandable that they want time to assess all the opportunities and options available to them, and it would be premature to press for firmer commitments at this stage. I invite my hon. Friend to read the declaration of intent, a copy of which is in the Library. I think that he will find it encouraging.

Criminal Cases

49.

asked the Attorney-General if he is satisfied with the time it takes criminal cases to reach court.

No. My noble Friend the Lord Chancellor is deeply concerned about the delays in the Crown court caused by the continuing increase in the number of criminal cases coming before the court. He has already taken a number of steps to contain the situation and will be continuing to treat the matter as one of urgency.

I am grateful for that reply. Can my right hon. and learned Friend confirm that the length of delays is rising in the provinces and rising dramatically in London? How advanced are the plans to extend the number of courts, particularly in London, and has consideration been given to the possibility of extending the number of hours that courts sit each day?

There has been a substantial increase in waiting time, taking the country as a whole. The average waiting time in 1972 was 11·2 weeks, and at the end of June 1978 it was 13·7 weeks. My hon. Friend is right when he says that the situation is rather more serious in London, where the average waiting time is 25·2 weeks, than in the rest of the country.

There is a substantial court building programme and, in addition, a crash programme in London which will, it is hoped, provide an additional 20 court rooms within the next two years.

While the circumstances in Northern Ireland differ in some respects from those in other areas also within the responsibility of the Law Officers, will they keep up the pressure to reduce in that Province the excessive period referred to in the Question?

The right hon. Gentleman knows that the Courts Bill will shortly be coming into operation, and we shall be able to see its effect in the Province. The matter is being watched carefully.

Is my right hon. and learned Friend satisfied that the criteria on which custodial remands are granted are clear and satisfactory, in the light of recent cases of people who had been imprisoned on remand on charges of a quasi-political character suddenly and without explanation being released after long periods of imprisonment?

I have no reason to believe that courts are dealing with cases of a quasi-political character differently from any other case. If my hon. Friend has any specific case in mind, perhaps he will bring it to my attention.

Has the Criminal Law Act yet made a substantial contribution to this problem?

It is difficult to say specifically whether that factor has made a contribution. Even within magistrates' courts—and I imagine that this is what the right hon. and learned Gentleman has in mind—there is a problem of delays. It may be that, having attempted to solve the problem at the Crown court level, we have exacerbated the problem in magistrates' courts.

Director Of Public Prosecutions

51.

asked the Attorney-General when he next expects to meet the Director of Public Prosecutions.

Will my right hon. and learned Friend remind the DPP of his statement to the House last week that action must be taken against Rhodesia sanctions breakers, without regard to the position or political party of the law breakers, especially in view of the apparent contradictions in the statements of former Cabinet Ministers and the embarrassed silence on the Opposition Front Bench, which has possibly been caused by the fact that one of the directors of Castrol was Mr. Thatcher?

I certainly re-collect the statement that I made to the House. In due course the Government will make known their decision.

Does the Attorney-General accept, in the light of Mr. Justice Mars-Jones' recent comments, that he and the Director of Public Prosecutions made an expensive error of judgment in deciding to use section 1 of the Official Secrets Act, which relates to espionage, to prosecute journalists without the Crown offering any evidence—

Order. The case to which the hon. Gentlemen is referring is still under way. He may feel that the particular issue that he is raising has been dealt with, but we had better avoid that case until it is completed. There will be plenty of time afterwards for hon. Members to raise it.

I accept your ruling, Mr. Speaker, but the charges to which I was referring have been dropped.

When my right hon. and learned Friend next meets the Director of Public Prosecutions, will he discuss with him the widespread lack of knowledge about the functions of the DPP and the difficulty that ordinary people have in understanding how he comes to make arbitrary decisions? For example, when the National Front invaded a civil liberties meeting in Manchester about a year ago, the Director would not bring prosecutions and a private prosecution was brought and the people involved were dealt with.

Can my right hon. and learned Friend discuss the matter with the DPP so that it can be made clearer on what basis the Director comes to his conclusions, many of which seem to be quite arbitrary?

To the best of my knowledge, the case to which my hon. Friend has referred is still sub judice. One of the persons convicted has appealed and I think that the appeal has not yet been heard. On the general question, I am constantly discussing with the Director methods of making as fair and thorough assessments as possible. Fortunately, the Director has been able to increase the number of staff in his department recently and that will make this task easier.

Icl, (South Africa)

52.

asked the Attorney-General if he will refer to the Director of Public Prosecutions the activities of ICL in South Africa, with a view to prosecution for breaches of the Rhodesia sanctions orders.

My right hon. and learned Friend the Attorney-General has received no information which would justify his doing so. Any information received will be given full consideration.

Is my hon. and learned Friend aware that ICL advertises in the Rhodesian press as being able to make available all ranges of computer services and to supply computers? Since the firm has no manufacturing capacity in South Africa, is it not reasonable to assume that there is some connection between the manufacture of computers in this country and their supply to Rhodesia? Is this not a matter which should be investigated thoroughly, and will my hon. and learned Friend arrange for an investigation if I send him further information?

If my hon. Friend sends me further information I shall examine it, and if it contains something that ought to go to the Director of Public Prosecutions my hon. Friend may be assured that it will be sent to him.

Is my hon. and learned Friend aware that as far back as 1968 the House refused to allow a company registered in London, but trading mainly in South Africa, to change its registration from this country to South Africa? Has he made any inquiries about the number of firms which, although they may be trading mainly in South Africa, are registered at the Stock Exchange and are busting sanctions even now? If he has not looked at this area, why does he not do so and find these firms and prosecute where necessary?

I am not aware of the case to which my hon. Friend refers, but if he has evidence that certain firms are sanctions-busting perhaps he will send it to my right hon. and learned Friend the Attorney-General. The evidence will be examined, and if it reveals that there has been a criminal offence, it will be sent to the Director of Public Prosecutions for examination with a view to criminal proceedings being instituted.

Jurors

53.

asked the Attorney-General if he is satisfied with the current position and procedure for the selection of potential jurors in serious criminal trials; and if he will make a statement.

Is the Attorney-General aware that there was great disquiet over the fact that the statement on this subject was made as a result of adverse press criticism and that it came as a great surprise to many people to find that it had not been announced in Parliament? Will he give an undertaking that any revision of the guidelines will be made available to the public at the earliest possible opportunity, preferably through the House?

The hon. Gentleman is in error. The practice has been going on at least since 1948, and probably since a great deal earlier than that. It is only since 1974–75 that it has been subject to control to ensure that it is operated as infrequently as possible and as fairly as possible to the defence as well as to the prosecution.

The second part of the hon. Gentleman's supplementary question is also inaccurate, because when the matter was brought to the attention of the then Home Secretary and myself in 1974, and after we had thoroughly gone into it, in reply to a Question on 19th May 1975 from my hon. Friend the Member for Luton, West (Mr. Sedgemore), I informed the House of the position and said that my information would be amplified in a letter to my hon. Friend the Member for Luton, West from the then Home Secretary, Mr. Roy Jenkins. That letter was duly sent and it contained even fuller information. If hon. Members did not then take it up, I do not think that any blame attaches either to Mr. Jenkins or to myself.

Without resort to the papers which passed between us on that occasion, I must confess that of the country, including the West Mid-it came as a surprise to me to see the guidelines published in The Times as a result of my right hon. and learned Friend's recent announcement. Is my right hon. and learned Friend aware that I still hold to the view that one cannot have one rule for the defence and one for the prosecution? If the defence has been limited, as it has in recent years, in the kind of investigation that it can make into the background of prospective jurors, surely the same considerations apply to the prosecution, because it is in the interests of the defence also to know what is the background of people who are to try cases which have this kind of quasi-political nature.

I do not accept the point about cases of a "quasi-political nature". If my hon. Friend, who was then at the Home Office, is surprised by the form which the guidelines have taken I can only assume that at the time he did not study the correspondence in his own Department, because that correspondence made them absolutely clear. The major new development in the guidelines was to do everything possible to see that the defence was put on an equality with the prosecution.

The whole basis on which the system has operated is that if anything is learnt which can possibly be likely to influence the defence to want to use its right to challenge a particular juror because he may be hostile to a defendant, or for some similar reason, counsel for the prosecution is required to inform the defence and to give it as much information as possible. But the defence cannot be allowed to have the same access to the records as is given to the police and passed to the Director of Public Prosecutions.

Public Lending Right Bill (Debate)

On a point of order, Mr. Speaker. On page 534 of the Order Paper, among the remaining Orders of the Day and notices of motions, stands item 29, which says:

" That this House no longer has confidence in the Chairman of Ways and Means."
Will you order the record to be put right, since that motion should stand in the names of myself and of the hon. Member for Cirencester and Tewkesbury (Mr. Ridley) and not in his name alone, as it is printed? It was put down in the names of both of us on Friday night after the circumstances which took place at 3.59 p.m. that day.

I am sure that you would rule me out of order, Mr. Speaker, if I went into those circumstances except in accordance with my motion, but I would like to ask you how your own rulings are to be enforced.

You will recollect that when the digital clocks were installed on 13th October 1976 you gave a ruling which stated:
"I propose in future to go by the time shown on the digital clocks, which I think are clearly visible to all hon. Members."—[Official Report, 13th October 1976;Vol. 917, . 428.]
As long as you have been in the Chair, Mr. Speaker, that has been true. You will also have learnt, however, at column 1463 of Friday's Hansard, of a statement by one of your Deputies that I rose within one minute of four o'clock, less than 20 seconds before. You will be aware that the digital clocks switch over only from minute to minute. In other words, that is a quite clear statement that I rose before four o'clock, although you are also no doubt aware that the same individual denies it at column 1461.

I wonder, since that is the case, your ruling having been broken, and because, I would have thought, of the great confusion to the whole House if it is not adhered to, whether you would void the proceedings which took place after 3.59 p.m. on Friday and order the appropriate proceedings to be taken again on this forthcoming Friday.

The hon. Member for Nottingham, West (Mr. English) gave my office notice this morning that he would seek to raise this point of order. I am grateful for the notice because it enables me to give a considered reply.

First, I will, of course, see that the record is put right to include the hon. Member's name on the motion. I think that it has already been explained to the hon. Gentleman that a genuine mistake was responsible for that omission.

I have read the report in Hansard of the events in the House on Friday afternoon 10th November. The first comment I wish to make is that I strongly deprecate the expressions that were used in addressing the Deputy Speaker. Those of us who seek to serve this House in the Chair have a difficult task at the best of times, and we are all entitled at least to courtesy even when hon. Members are speaking under great emotion.

I understand that there was much noise in the House at four o'clock, and I know what it is like in such conditions. The Deputy Speaker and Chairman of Ways and Means did not see the hon. Gentleman rise in his place and he has told the House so. Similarly, I have on occasions had to explain to the House that I did not see the hon. Gentleman. He will recall that last week he came to me when I was in the Chair and said that he wished to raise a point of order, but when the moment came for his point of order to be raised I had overlooked it and was moving on.

It is easy when the House is excited for such an oversight to take place. Nor is it by any means the first time that an hon. Member has failed to be seen by the Chair. I wish that hon. Members would sometimes consider what they would do if they were sat in this Chair trying to serve the House in times of stress.

I must explain to the hon. Gentleman that I have not the power to annul the business of the House on Friday afternoon. Only the House has power to do that.

I want in conclusion to say in the strongest terms possible that I have every confidence in my right hon. Friend the Deputy Speaker and Chairman of Ways and Means and I have not the slightest hesitation in accepting his word

I am grateful to you, Mr. Speaker. In the incident regarding yourself and myself which you quoted, you, of course, immediately put yourself right by recollecting that I had spoken to you about my intention. If such had occurred on Friday, I would have had no complaint, but it did not.

May I also suggest to you that we must accept all the words of Mr. Deputy Speaker on Friday? I apologise if in the heat of the moment I said things about him that I should not have said, but on the other hand he said three things. The right hon. Gentleman says that he did not see me; he says that he knew that I was rising to speak, because I had spoken to him; and he states the time at which I rose to speak. We must accept all three statements of his, I think.

The House works on good will—the fact that I am here makes no difference to what I shall say—but above all it depends on proper respect for the Chair on both sides of the House.

Many people have said in the heat of the moment things that they have regretted afterwards. I know that Mr. Deputy Speaker will accept what the hon. Gentleman has said. I hope that the incident can now be forgotten.

Mackerel Fishing (South-West England)

I beg to ask leave to move the Adjournment of the House, under Standing Order No. 9, for the purpose of discussing a specific and important matter that should have urgent consideration, namely,

"the threat to the inshore fishing industry of South-West England as a consequence of recent developments in the fishing of mackerel."
In recent days there has been a major concentration of United Kingdom fishing vessels off the coast of South Devon and South Cornwall fishing for mackerel. At present there are 24 purse seiners fishing these waters, with the prospect of more to come. In addition, there are 15 large freezer trawlers. Most of these large modern vessels, using industrial fishing techniques, have descended on these traditionally inshore waters from other parts of the United Kingdom. There are also at present about 24 visiting trawlers in these waters.

Furthermore, there are in residence approximately 25 trans-shipment fish processing vessels, mainly from the Soviet Union and the Eastern bloc countries, eager to purchase and some capable of processing amounts of fish in excess of 100 tons a day per vessel.

There are also significant side effects, each of which contributes to the urgency of the matter that I am bringing to the attention of the House, such as the risks of collision between the larger vessels and the smaller inshore vessels in the confined areas where the mackerel are to be found, and the risks of pollution both from dumping fish at sea and from the processing vessels inshore.

Repeated and urgent representations have been made to the Ministry of Agriculture, Fisheries and Food and to Ministers, including the Prime Minister, by West Country Members and interested organisations. No decisions have yet been

announced by Ministers about the need to extend the exclusive limit for hand liners and smaller inshore craft from the present three-mile limit to six miles. A new scheme based on quotas dependent upon the length of the vessel has been introduced, but the urgent problem of enforcing the quotas still remains.

There is no doubt that more fish are being taken from the water than the amounts allowed under the landing and trans-shipment quotas. There is still no check by Ministry officials on the Soviet and other processing vessels as to the amount of fish they actually take on board and process.

The matter is urgent. The situation must not be allowed to deteriorate or to become ugly.

You know as well as I do, Mr. Speaker, that Cornwall's economy is narrowly based. Not only are jobs at stake but the very livelihood of certain coastal communities is being placed at risk while the Minister dithers over the question of ex- tending the inshore limit and regulating certain of the methods being used by the larger vessels.

Above all, the future of the mackerel stock is being jeopardised. This is a national consideration, not merely a West Country consideration. Therefore, Mr. Speaker, I ask you to give favourable consideration to my request.

The hon. Gentleman gave me notice before noon today that he would seek leave to move the Adjournment of the House for the purpose of discussing a specific and important matter that he thinks should have urgent consideration, namely,

"the threat to the inshore fishing industry of South-West England as a consequence of recent developments in the fishing of mackerel."
I listened carefully to what the hon. Gentleman said, and I realise that he has raised an important question.

As the House knows, under Standing Order No. 9 I am directed to take account of the several factors set out in the order but to give no reasons for my decision. Although I realise that the hon. Gentleman has fulfilled his duty by the South-West this afternoon, I must rule that his submission does not fall within the provisions of the Standing Order, and, therefore, I cannot submit his application to the House.

Business Of The House

Ordered,

That if the Pensioners Payments Bill be committed to a Committee of the whole House, further proceedings on the Bill shall stand postponed and that as soon as the proceedings on any Resolution come to by the House on Pensioners Payments (Money) have been concluded, this House will immediately resolve itself into a Committee on the Bill.—[Mr. Thomas Cox.]

Statutory Instruments, &C

By leave of the House, I shall put together the Questions on the two motions.

Ordered.

That the Legal Aid (Financial Conditions) Regulations 1978 be referred to a Standing Committee on Statutory Instruments, &c.
That the Legal Advice and Assistance (Financial Conditions) (No. 2) Regulations 1978 be referred to a Standing Committee on Statutory Instruments, &c.—[Mr. Thomas Cox.]

Orders Of The Day

Nurses, Midwives And Health Visitors Bill

Order for Second Reading read.

3.48 p.m.

On a point of order, Mr. Speaker. May I draw your attention to the fact that the House is in great difficulty over our discussion of the Bill, because it is based on the Briggs report, the "Report of the Committee on Nursing", Cmnd. 5115, published in October 1972 and reprinted in 1977?

Since the time of the Queen's Speech I and many other hon. Members have applied to the Vote Office for copies of the report. It is not available. I understand that the Library has three copies. It is unreasonable to expect it to photocopy the entire report. I believe I am not giving away trade secrets when I say that my hon. Friend the Member for Reading, South (Dr. Vaughan) has a copy.

Those of us who would be minded to take part in the debate do not feel that we can do so properly without having studied the report again. Therefore, I for one shall not seek to catch the eye of the Chair, although I should have liked to make a contribution to the debate. I have no hostility to the Bill, but I should like to make a sensible contribution, and hon. Members, particularly those not on the Front Bench, are in grave difficulties when important documents of this kind are not available. I am making no party point but a House of Commons point.

I appeal to you, Mr. Speaker. I think that this will be only the first of such situations. We are in grave difficulties, particularly those of us who wish to make constructive contributions to the debates on forthcoming legislation.

Further to that point of order, Mr. Speaker. May I reinforce the representations of my hon. Friend the Member for East leigh (Mr. Price)?

In the past few days some of us have received letters from professional organisations that will be most seriously affected by the Bill. Those letters make it clear that the Bill's provisions are unacceptable to them and that they wish to see the Secretary of State. When we, naturally, look for the document upon which the legislation is based, we cannot obtain it. I suggest that this is a most serious matter for Parliament. We cannot give proper consideration to the Bill today for this reason. May I inquire through you, Sir, what can be done about it?

Further to the point of Order, Mr. Speaker. If it will assist the hon. Member for East leigh (Mr. Price), he may borrow my copy of the report.

May I say to the House that I know we have been in difficulty? It is due to the delay caused by a current printing dispute as a result of which deliveries of printed copies of the report have been held up. I think that it is very serious for anyone to try to hold up the work of the High Court of Parliament, and I should like that on the record.

Further to the point of order, Mr. Speaker. May I refer to the kind offer made by the hon. Member for Brent, South (Mr. Pavitt)? The plain fact is that on matters such as this—this is a very lengthy document—hon. Members need to have the report in their possession in order to test it against the text of the Bill. It is no good going in off the cuff. Most hon. Members take a Bill such as this extremely seriously. We wish to do our own homework in our own time. We cannot ask it of the Library, because it cannot produce it. The position is getting very serious. This is the first occasion, but I understand that it will continue. May I suggest that you take counsel with the Government about how they can assist the House?

It would be a sorry day if we allowed anyone to hold up the work of this House, although we have to work under difficulties. I do not think that any group of people should have the satisfaction of knowing that they are strong enough to prevent the Mother of Parliaments functioning.

Further to the point of order, Mr. Speaker. I wonder whether the Secretary of State could undertake to provide copies at least for those hon. Members who will serve on the Standing Committee.

3.52 p.m.

If I may refer to the matter just raised by the hon. Member for Reading, South (Dr. Vaughan), I shall of course make inquiries. I understand the difficulties in which hon. Members find themselves. If it is possible for me to be of any assistance, I shall do so.

I beg to move, That the Bill be now read a Second Time.

The Bill is a relatively modest one; it consists of only 23 clauses and seven schedules. But to nurses, midwives and health visitors its introduction is an event of great significance, for which most of them have been pressing for a long time. I do not pretend that they all welcome it, as some hon. Members will know, although that is the reaction of the majority whose realistic attitude is probably well summed up in the editorial in this week's Nursing Times under the heading "The Work Starts Here". The editorial says:
"It is an historic moment for the nursing professions."
The Nursing Mirror reports on the enthusiastic reception by the Royal College of Nursing and the Royal College of Midwives.

The purpose of the Bill is to replace the existing separate bodies responsible for the education, training and regulation of the professions by a single central United Kingdom council supported by powerful national boards in each of the four countries. It will for the first time bring the professions under one umbrella and for the first time bring together the nurses, midwives and health visitors of England and Wales, Scotland and Northern Ireland. The Bill does not of itself make any change in the substance of professional education and training, but it paves the way for the professions themselves to initiate a new system of integrated training on the lines recommended by the Briggs report when the substantial resources which such a change would require are available.

When Richard Crossman, in March 1970, announced in Parliament that he had invited Lord Briggs—then Professor Asa Briggs—to chair a committee whose terms of reference were
" To review the role of the nurse and the midwife in the hospital and the community and the education and training required for that role, so that the best use is made of available manpower to meet present needs and the needs of an integrated health service",
it was against the background that though there had been many other committees and many reports, both official and unofficial, during the previous 30 years, never before had the subject been looked at in the context of an integrated health service.

This emphasis on an integrated structure of health care, concerned with prevention as well as with cure, was the keynote of the report which Professor Briggs and his colleagues presented to the right hon. Member for Leeds. North-East (Sir K. Joseph) and his fellow Ministers then in office in October 1972. However, it was not until after the General Election and a change of Administration that my right hon. Friend the Member for Blackburn (Mrs. Castle), in May 1974, announced on behalf of the incoming Government the acceptance of the main recommendations of the Briggs report. Certainly it has been a long time coming. I can assure hon. Members that we have no intention of rushing the Committee stage of the Bill, but they will understand that we now want to see it on the statute book as soon as possible.

As the House will know, recently the Royal College of Nursing presented to me its report, "An Assessment of the State of Nursing in the NHS 1978", which highlights some of the worrying aspects of the current nursing scene. One of the most serious issues is the fall in nurse training recruitment during the last two years. I should like to say a few words about the current situation of nurse manpower and recruitment before dealing with the Bill itself.

The March 1978 figures, which are the latest available, show that the total number of nursing staff in the NHS is continuing to rise. The proportion of qualified nurses in the total work force has also increased slightly. These increases—and the RCN argued this strongly—have to be viewed in the context of the rising nurse work load caused by the increasing numbers of patients receiving treatment, reduced lengths of stay and the technological advances made in medical science. Nurses have been coping with an increasingly heavy burden of responsibility, in recent times added to by industrial action. It is essential that we should train more nurses to meet the increasing demands.

There are shortages of nurses in some localities where recruitment is difficult and in some specialised areas of nursing such as theatre nursing and intensive care. There are also still shortages in priority areas, such as psychiatric and geriatric nursing. However, there is in the country a considerable reserve of trained nurses who have left the Service for domestic and other reasons. Together with the health authorities, I am examining ways of attracting some of them back to nursing.

Can my right hon. Friend tell the House about the attempts being made to re-recruit trained nurses, since it is my experience in different areas of the Health Service in Scotland that most of these attempts have failed totally? How can we get the nurses back?

They have not failed totally. There are a considerable number of nurses who are able to come back into service, taking part-time appointments. I was about to say that I am now examining ways with the health authorities by which we can make a major drive to bring back into nursing some of those with experience who have left the profession.

More than 9,000 jobs—more than half of them for nurses and midwives—should be available as a result of the Government's injection of the additional £40 million into the NHS in England announced in the Budget.

There is a need for positive manpower planning at all levels in the Service. Work is being done on this in the Department and in the NHS, and I intend to issue to NHS authorities and to publish early next year a discussion document dealing with a wide range of issues affecting nurse manpower planning, including recruitment.

The fall in entrants to nurse training in the last two years has been very worrying. I have responded energetically to the downward trend and told regional health authority and area health authority chairmen that I attach great importance to increasing the number of learners. I am pleased to announce that the latest figures are more encouraging. In the first half of the current year, April to September, numbers of new students increased by 40 per cent. over the same period last year. The fall in pupil entrants has also been arrested, and there was a marked increase in their numbers between July and September.

But two quarters' figures, encouraging though they are, are not enough to lead to any complacency. We must train more and more student nurses, encourage them to stay in the Service and attract back to the Service as many trained and experienced nurses as possible.

Does the Secretary of State agree that part of the fall in recruitment is due to the reduction in the number of courses in training schools which was part of the Government's policy? This is what has led to one part of the shortfall of nurses.

It was not part of Government policy. This was action taken by a number of areas in reducing their intake. I have made it very clear this was an extremely dangerous policy to pursue, and most of the areas which have done this in fact have now established a larger figure. It is for this reason that the figures are substantially improved—and thank heavens for that. We cannot expect to have the nurses whom we will need in the future if we are not ready to recruit them and train them now.

I would like to make one other point. We should be reminded of the debt that we owe to members of the nursing profession for the way in which they are carrying on their crucial role in the whole health care task, faced with ever-increasing demands on their services. No one would wish to detract from the role of any others who work in the Service—doctors, ancillary workers, supervisors, ambulance drivers and others—but often it is with the nurse that the buck stops.

The Briggs report is an impressive document, running to well over 300 pages. Thank heavens I have a copy. Those who have read it will know that it goes far wider than making proposals for a new education system, which is what most people automatically think when the Briggs report is mentioned. Its proposals included the recommendation that there should be one basic course of 18 months for all entrants to the three professions, leading to a common certificate of nursing practice enshrined in a radical review of the whole nursing situation when the concept of an integrated NHS, unifying hospital and community services, was beginning to take shape.

` The report contains 75 recommendations, five under the heading "statutory framework", 32 on education, 14 on manpower, 13 on conditions of work, 10 on organisation and career structures, and the remaining one on assimilation, which is the matching of positions and qualifications to the new recommended ones.

Will my right hon. Friend understand that I say, more in sorrow than in anger, that he has been on his feet for 10 minutes and has not once mentioned the word "patient"? Before he concludes his speech, will he find time to put what he is now proposing into the context of what I think the National Health Service is about—patient care?

If my hon. Friend looks at the record in Hansard, he will see that I was talking about patient care and the responsibilities which nurses have, as part of the Health Service, for work with patients. My hon. Friend is absolutely right. That is what it is about more than anything else. I have already made mention of this, but I am glad to have the opportunity of saying again that this is what the Health Service is about. All of us who are responsible for helping to provide it with resources and leadership and those who work within it need to be reminded of that.

I was talking about some of the recommendations that have been made. The Bill deals only with the first five, on statutory framework. Leaving aside the block of recommendations on education, the greater part of the rest of the Briggs report which did not require legislation has already been carried into effect in other ways, either as a result of recommendations contained in other reports or as a direct consequence of the continuing concern that the Government have for the well-being of nursing and its sister professions.

Examples of the former are the Salmon and Mayston reports, which introduced new management structures for the nursing, midwifery and health visiting services which were still in the process of being implemented when the Briggs committee reported. There was then the report of the committee chaired by the Earl of Halsbury, which was concerned with pay and conditions of service. We would have had a great deal of trouble if it had taken us as long to implement Halsbury as it has to legislate on Briggs.

As to the recommendations on education in the Briggs report, it is my hope and expectation that the new statutory bodies proposed to be set up under the Bill will study them carefully, together with other proposals for the reform of education and training which have been made elsewhere and will, in due course, present the Government with an up-to-date consensus. Very much has changed since the questionnaires on which the Briggs committee relied for a great deal of its information were sent out and completed. We have another generation of nurses and midwives, who must be given the opportunity to voice their opinions. Health visitors too, who received relatively scant attention in the report but who have since asserted their position, are entitled to have their say. That is what the Bill is all about.

The Secretary of State says the Bill is all about these noble professions having their say. Is he aware that in the last few days some of us have received representations, for example from the Council for the Education and Training of Health Visitors, which says that it utterly rejects the Bill, and from the Central Midwives Board, which has serious reservations about it and says in its conclusion that its offer to meet the Minister to discuss its view, which was made in July, is still open? Where is the consultation? Where is the seeking of the views of the professions involved?

I think that the hon. Gentleman knows there has been an enormous process of consultation—

My hon. Friend says that it has taken six years, but in the last two years, almost to the day, since I established the working party on which the organisations mentioned have been participating there has been a great deal of consultation. The question raised by the hon. Gentleman perhaps shows that I should not have given way, because I shall refer to some of those who have criticised the Bill and will deal with some of the issues. Perhaps the hon. Gentleman can wait until I come on to that.

I want to say a word about the financial implications. I have to make it clear that whatever recommendations on education and training finally emerge will have to be carefully examined by the Government of the time against the background of other competing claims on resources. That is the phrase that we have to use virtually every time a proposal is made. The finance available to back the Bill—about £2·5 million at 1978 survey prices—which is needed for the hand-over period before the new bodies take on the functions of the old, is proposed to be found by adjusting existing programmes.

The main purpose of the Bill is to establish a United Kingdom Central Council for Nursing, Midwifery and Health Visiting, and four national boards. The Central Council is to prepare and maintain a central register of qualified nurses, midwives and health visitors and to determine, by means of rules, education and training requirements and other conditions for admission to the register.

The new bodies will replace all the existing statutory training bodies—the General Nursing Council for England and Wales, the General Nursing Council for Scotland and the Northern Ireland Council for Nursing and Midwifery, the Central Midwives Board for England and Wales, the Central Midwives Board for Scotland and the Council for the Education and Training of Health Visitors—and will also take over the functions of the three non-statutory bodies—the Joint Board for Clinical Nursing Studies, the Committee for Clinical Nursing Studies, its Scottish equivalent, and the Panel of Assessors for District Nurse Training.

By the restructuring of the present training bodies, all those concerned with education and training for nurses, midwives and health visitors will be brought together so that the whole range of education and training issues can be looked at across the board and the concept of education as a continuum throughout the individual's career can be fostered, having a single controlling body dealing with all aspects of it.

Earlier in his speech my right hon. Friend made one statement and now he has gone on to say that the financing of this new central board will be by an adjustment to the present programme. Is he aware that the education of all these professional people suffers as a result of the area health authorities not having the resources to provide the education resources required? I hope that he will not take it out of the present allocation.

Not at all. The responsibility for the provision of funds by the health authorities stays the same. What I am talking about is the additional funds which are required to bring into operation the bodies established by the Bill. I have said that I am not today asking for additional moneys. We have already made provision for this in the general financing. I can give an assurance that there will be no cut-back. I have been pressing area health authorities with some success to increase recruitment to training schools.

Fundamentally the Bill is concerned with the government of the professions by the requirement that nurses, midwives and health visitors should be registered for practice in their professions and by the enforcement of standards of professional conduct through a disciplinary process. These provisions are vital to the protection of the public and will ensure that those who care for us are in all respects qualified to do so.

In the new structure, nurses, midwives and health visitors will form the majority on national boards and on the Central Council. Indeed, the majority on the council will be directly nominated from the national boards. More importantly, after an initial term during which all members will be appointed by Ministers, the majority on each national board will be directly elected by the professions themselves, as soon as the necessary electoral arrangements can be worked out. This is not something new for nurses, but it is a major change for midwives and for health visitors and is an important extension of the democratic principle.

If the new bodies are to have such influence over an individual's life and career, including the right to take away his livelihood, through removal from the professional register, it must be right that the representatives of such an individual should be involved in setting the standards for the professions and in enforcing them.

If this Bill achieved nothing else, its reform in this respect would be a significant step forward. But it will achieve more than this. It is a first step towards changes in education and training for the professions. Of itself it does not make those changes, as the House will understand. It is not designed to do so. But, by bringing together and unifying the statutory basis for the professions and by removing the hindrance that exists in the wording of the present legislation, it makes it possible for changes to be introduced in the future without waiting for further primary legislation.

Will the Minister give an assurance on a matter which is disturbing to some midwives and health visitors? May we have an assurance that the new boards will be merely governing bodies? Hospital nurses are not exactly the same as midwives and health visitors, who require different forms of training.

May we have an undertaking that the form of training which is given to midwives and health visitors will continue and will not be usurped by the nursing profession?

I can give that assurance in a general sense. I want to deal with the problems involved in training and some of the similarities that exist in the three professions. There is much common ground.

I do not propose to describe the contents of the Bill in detail, clause by clause, but I shall draw attention to the main provisions.

Clause 1 establishes the new United Kingdom Central Council. Its detailed membership will be prescribed by Ministers but the crucial feature is the high degree of cross-membership with the four national boards, each of which will nominate in equal numbers members of the council. Those nominated by national boards will form the majority on the council and, as is right in a body that is concerned with nurses, midwives and health visitors, that majority will be members of the three professions.

Clause 3 deals with specialist standing committees of the council. They will be established by order. In particular, there is a requirement to constitute a midwifery committee, which the council is required to consult on all matters relating to midwifery and which may discharge such of the council's functions as are designated to it.

This is in recognition of the many unique features of midwifery which differentiate that profession from nursing. There is also power to establish other specialist committees, including those for district and mental nursing and for clinical nursing studies—that is, the whole range of post-basic specialities such as intensive care, renal nursing, operating theatre nursing and the care of the elderly.

Clause 4 establishes the national boards. Clause 5 deals with the functions of national boards in relation to training and investigating cases of alleged misconduct.

Clause 6 deals with standing committees of national boards. Clause 7 deals with joint standing committes which serve both the council and the boards.

Is my right hon. Friend aware that health visitors in my area have a general unease about the Bill because of the differences in treatment between them and the midwives? There is provision for a midwifery standing committee under clause 3, whereas under clause 7 the health visitors are treated in a different way. In order to allay their fears, will it be possible in Committee to amend the Bill so that health visitors are treated in the same way as midwives are under clause 3?

Clause 7 deals with joint standing committees. There is a requirement to establish a health visiting joint committee which the council and the boards must consult on all matters relating to health visiting and which will discharge the functions that are assigned to it. I have not finished with the problem that is in the mind of my hon. Friend the Member for York (Mr. Lyon) and other hon. Members. I shall deal with that problem shortly.

Clause 9 is, in a sense, the practical kernel of the Bill. It requires the council to prepare and maintain a professional register of qualified nurses, midwives and health visitors, which will replace all the existing registers and rolls.

Clauses 10 and 11 deal with admissions to and removals from the register. Clauses 14 to 16 restate, in relation to the council and the boards, provisions for existing legislation on the practice of midwifery. In particular, they require the council to make rules governing midwifery practice and restate the provision for establishing local supervision of midwifery practice.

The presence of this group of clauses is a recognition of the separate characteristics of midwifery and the need, in order to protect the public, to have adequate control over the way in which midwives operate. Clauses 18 and 19 deal with the finance of the council and boards. The remaining clauses are of a technical nature.

The Bill has seven schedules. Schedules 1 and 2 deal with the constitution of the council and boards respectively and set out in detail their procedures and methods of working. Schedule 3 deals with disciplinary proceedings before the council and boards. Schedule 4 contains transitional provisions relating to the transfer of staff, property, and so on, from the existing to the new bodies.

Schedule 5 contains the adaptations required for Northern Ireland and its national board. The constitutional position in Northern Ireland is different from that elsewhere in the United Kingdom. It is necessary to adapt United Kingdom legislation to take account of that. Schedule 6 contains amendments of other Acts. Schedule 7 deals with Acts that are to be repealed by the Bill.

The proposals are the result of extensive consultation with the professions. I pay particular tribute to the work of the co-ordinating committee, which, in the last two years, has helped in the preparation of the legislation. It is right that the representatives of the professions should have had an opportunity to discuss with the Minister what they would like to see enacted to control their own professions. The substance of what is before us is a result of those discussions. This democratic participation in the preparation of the Bill must be a favourable augury for the democratic involvement of the three professions in the running of the new statutory bodies.

Not all the organisations which participated have, at the end of the consultation period, given their support to the proposals in the Bill. The majority have done so, and all dissenters as well as supporters have given unstintingly of time and effort. I am grateful to them. If mention only those who have reservations I am sure that the majority will forgive me, because it is only to the critics that at this moment we should give a special examination.

The Central Midwives Board for England and Wales has fears for the rights of the midwife, fears that those rights will be swallowed up in the interest of the numerically superior nursing profession. I understand those fears but I do not share them. Neither, may I say, do the Royal College of Midwives and the Central Midwives Board for Scotland.

The Council for Education and Training of Health Visitors has expressed similar anxieties on behalf of health visitors, fearing that the commendably high standards of education and training of health visitors achieved under the aegis of that council will suffer as a result of the changes proposed—the point about which my hon. Friend the Member for York was asking.

To these and other organisations which are uncertain of the future I say that they must seize the opportunity to make their voices heard. They should not let the opportunity pass. No one ever influenced an organisation by refusing to participate in its deliberations.

Throughout my speech I have emphasised that we are dealing with professions, not simply a profession. The Bill deals with three groups, and it is worth looking at the distinctive features of each and what they have in common. Each has a separate role within our Health Service, and each has different skills.

Though the three groups can be clearly differentiated and their roles can be seen as very distinctive, they still have an enormous amount in common. They are trying to help individuals to do things which, for whatever reasons, those individuals cannot do for themselves. The sick have immediate physical needs, The mother-to-be has a need for practical advice and guidance to help her through her pregnancy. The health visitor, in advising those she visits, is also providing something for them which they might not otherwise be able to provide for themselves. It may be advice such as referral to other agencies which can give practical help. This common interest is also expressed in a common core within their training and education.

There is a great deal of overlap in the knowledge required by nurses, midwives and health visitors. Indeed, one of the prerequisites for health visiting is a qualification in nursing, and 95 per cent. of all midwives are also trained nurses. This indicates the tremendous interrelationship between the three groups. The Briggs report placed much store on this common grounding of knowledge. Each group has a different perspective on health, but I believe that each has much to learn from the others. I feel that it is right that they should be brought together as the Bill proposes, in a single statutory framework which, while providing adequate safeguard for their separate identities and those separate specialist interests which are unique to each profession, nevertheless allows for a wider debate on those large areas of common ground.

I should like to say something about other specialist groups which may also be concerned that their interests will not be safeguarded. These are the groups such as mental nurses and district nurses, who have publicly voiced their anxieties, as well as the growing number of nurses working in occupational health services, sick children's nurses and many more. Though none of these groups would deny that they are first and foremost nurses, they all have, to varying degrees, separate identities, require distinctive training and face distinctive problems in their work.

It is for that reason that the Bill contains powers for Ministers to set up further specialist standing committees to look after specialist interests, if that is felt to be necessary and desirable. Indeed, for some groups I am already well aware that this will be necessary, and the Bill cites district nursing, mental nursing and clinical nursing studies. I am sure that the new Central Council and national boards will wish to have a source of ex- pertise in these fields and that committees will be established for these three areas.

My right hon. Friend the Minister of State has already said publicly that the provisions in the Bill will be used to establish these committees. I wish now to repeat that commitment, as I know that many district nurses and mental nurses in particular are still concerned that their interests will not be sufficiently safeguarded.

I hope that my assurances and the assurances that my right hon. Friend will give will set their minds at rest. As time passes, the need for other specialist committees may well emerge. I certainly do not rule out the possibility of their establishment.

It is clear, however, that from the beginning the new bodies will need specialist knowledge and expertise in district and mental nursing, and I shall ensure that this will be available to them through the establishment of standing committees.

I should like to pay tribute to the existing statutory and other bodies, which have done yeoman service over the years and may well feel sad, and perhaps a little hurt, at being supplanted by a new statutory framework. As the Briggs report said:
"It is in no sense because we fail to recognise the achievement of these bodies that we recommend that in the interests of the professions there should be one single central statutory organisation to supervise training and education to safeguard and when possible to raise professional standards."
I certainly endorse fully those remarks and others in the report about the achievement of the present bodies. They have all done a splendid job over the years, and we are all deeply grateful for their work. The restructuring to be achieved by the Bill is not required because the present organisations have failed. It is required to strengthen and develop the organisation and prepare it for the future. It is required to give nursing, midwifery and health visiting that "authoritative voice" that the Briggs committee felt was essential.

To the staffs of these organisations I say that we are proposing in the Bill the fullest possible safeguards in the way of transfer of employment to the new bodies, [Mr. Ennals.] guaranteed continuity of existing remuneration and other terms and conditions of employment. They have nothing to fear from the Bill.

My right hon. Friend will be aware of the importance that we attach to the Second Reading of a Bill. Clause 16 states that a person other than a registered midwife or registered medical practitioner shall not attend a woman in childbirth. What happens in the case of emergencies? Must a woman be left alone in an emergency when neither midwife nor doctor can be present? What will my right hon. Friend do about that?

I can assure my hon. Friend that there will be no change in the present position. If he has any further point that he wishes to make, if he fails to catch Mr. Speaker's eye I shall certainly ask my right hon. Friend the Minister of State to fill in the gaps. There will, however, be no change in the handling of emergencies.

My right hon. Friend still has not dealt with the central point. Three professions are involved. One of them—which has by far the most numerous membership—is given considerable priority in the arrangements. The midwives are given their separate committee. Why are the health visitors treated differently when they are one of the three professions that have come together in this organisation? Why can they not be given the same sort of committee as the midwives, rather than operate under the arrangements made for them in clause 7?

This matter will be debated in the House and in Committee. I have already given an assurance that there will be a joint standing committee especially to look after the interests of the health visitors. We must, however, look at the numbers. We are talking about well over 400,000 nurses in the National Health Service. The health visitors number 7,000. That is not in any way to underestimate the role of the health visitors, but numerically they are small in the generality of the numbers that we are dealing with. I think that it will be accepted that the special interests of health visitors will be catered for by the joint committee which I have assured my hon. Friend will be established.

My right hon. Friend has given way to two hon. Members twice. May I ask him to say a word about the training of midwives? He has rather glossed over that in the description of what appears to be a somewhat massive network of bureaucratic committees. My right hon. Friend will understand, will he not, that the training of midwives is a very sensitive subject now, especially when people are concerned about perinatal mortality rates, a subject which the Expenditure Committee is about to examine?

Will my right hon. Friend comment on the proposal in the Briggs report to reduce the period of midwifery training, which is contrary to that of the Central Midwives Board, whose view is that the period of training of midwives should be increased? Will my right hon. Friend say something about the way in which that will be affected by the Bill?

The Bill does not propose to change the period or the standard of training for midwives. It would be most unwise to do so, I believe. In fact, the provisions of the Bill and the establishment of the statutory bodies to which I have referred will enable the profession itself to come forward with such changes as it wishes to propose, based either on the Briggs report or on subsequent conclusions which it will have reached or which other professions may have reached.

As my hon. Friend will recognise, the purpose of the Bill is not in itself to make any changes in the education pattern. Such changes may well follow, but they will follow in the light of the decisions from the professions and the statutory bodies and standing committees set up for this purpose.

I wish to conclude now, so that the maximum possible number of hon. Members may have opportunity to catch the eye of the Chair. I have taken longer than I intended only because I have been generous in giving way to my hon. Friends and hon. Members on the Opposition Benches.

The view of the Briggs committee was that
"What the branches of a united profession have to give to each other is more significant and more fundamental than the respects in which they differ. We believe that a structure can be created in which essential differences are safeguarded within the overall unity."
That is what I believe, too. I believe that the Bill creates that overall unity while safeguarding differences, and from that unity, I am sure, will come an authoritative voice from the professions, seeking higher standards in training and in professional conduct.

Higher standards in any of the health professions can only be to the benefit of standards of patient care, and that is what the Health Service is all about, as I said to my hon. Friend the Member for Hemel Hempstead (Mr. Corbett) when he intervened. That is what my Health Minister colleagues and I, and all those working in the National Health Service, are striving to achieve. I commend the Bill to the House.

4.33 p.m.

It is clear from the debate already that there is considerable anxiety about the Bill on both sides of the House. There is anxiety because there is a fear that the care of patients will suffer. The Secretary of State has told us that this anxiety is needless, but some of the bodies making representations to us are very worried, and I shall come back to that in a few minutes. There is also a fear, coming, in particular, from the health visitors but also from other professional groups, that their own special contributions and their identity will be lost as a result of the Bill.

I assure the Secretary of State that it is not a question of numbers. He is wrong to say in justification of his case that the numbers are small. The fact that the numbers are small for a special kind of nursing does not alter the needs of those nurses to have their own training and identity in the care of patients. I put that very strongly to the right hon. Gentleman.

The House as a whole recognises, as we on the Opposition Benches do, that the nurses generally want the Bill. For example, in her address to its annual gen- eral meeting on 8th November, the president of the Royal College of Nursing said that history was being made for the nursing profession with the introduction of the Bill. In many ways, of course, she is right, and the nurses clearly welcome it.

The Bill will be of immense significance, but we should recognise, as comments from hon. Members have already shown, that we are being asked to set up a very complicated structure. In Committee we shall have to study these matters with close attention, since there are great problems in the nursing profession today. As we all know, standards of patient care are falling, and we certainly do not want to start changing the administration of the nursing profession in a way which will exacerbate problems which the nurses have already. As I say, we can look at that in Committee.

I have wondered how Florence Nightingale would feel about changes of this kind if she were here. Perhaps she would see the committee structure as necessary, because the role of nurses has, without doubt, changed a great deal and they are now highly technical and highly skilled people in their own right, and we have to recognise that.

The nurses have been waiting a very long time. The Briggs committee started its work in 1970. It reported in 1972. In 1974 the Royal College of Nursing began pressing the Government to bring forward legislation, and only today do we see it. Moreover, the nurses were deeply upset and disappointed that the doctors had their own General Medical Council reorganisation, following the Morrison report, ahead of them, and they felt that this was a mistake.

But that is all past history, and from the Opposition Benches we assure the nurses that we welcome the intention of the Bill and we shall do all we can to speed its passage through Committee. Indeed, we said earlier this year that we would welcome a Bill on Briggs, provided—this was our caution—that the nursing professions themselves, especially the midwives, health visitors, district nurses and psychiatric nurses, were reasonably agreed on what they wanted.

The sad fact is that the nursing professions are not agreed as at today. During the debate, for example, I have had a telegram from the Association of Supervisors of Midwives saying that it is strongly opposed to the Bill and asking us, please, to stop it. That is from the supervisors of midwives, a very important group of people.

I listened with care and interest to what the Secretary of State said on this aspect of the matter. I hope that the Government will not curtail our proceedings in Committee. I put this most seriously to the right hon. Gentleman. It would not be of any benefit whatever to the Health Service and the nursing profession if the Bill, which has all-party support for its general intentions, had its consideration in Committee restricted by a guillotine. We hope that we shall be able to produce from Committee a Bill which will carry all the professional nursing groups with it.

Why is there so little of Briggs in the Bill? The Briggs report makes 75 recommendations. We have less than a handful of them in the Bill. The Bill is rather like the "Cheshire cat": it is all smiles, it is all head, perhaps it is all brains, but there is no body to it—and the body is the education proposals and changes which were intended.

The long title of the Bill tells us that one of the purposes is
"to make new provision with respect to the education, training, regulation and discipline of nurses".
That is the only reference to education which I can find anywhere in the Bill. Once one moves away from the long title, there is no further mention of education.

In her address, the president of the Royal College of Nursing said:
"However, I would like to emphasise that the legislation is only the first step in implementing the main recommendations of the Briggs committee, which were"—
I emphasise her words—
"primarily concerned with the introduction of a new system of nursing education."
I think it right to query why, if that is the main intention, we should be dealing today only with a new committee structure. Are we to follow the same path as that set by the Medical Act reorganising the General Medical Council —that is, starting off with a Bill with no education in it and then in Committee having whole new provisions on education transforming the Bill? That is one road that the Secretary of State may have in mind. If he has, he should tell us. If that is not what he has in mind, how are the educational proposals to be introduced? In discussions with the Minister of State, I understood from him that there was to be further legislation. I may have misunderstood the right hon. Gentleman, but that was my understanding.

I am happy to assure the hon. Gentleman that he misunderstood me.

That is what I feared. If there is not to be further legislation. whole sections of immense importance to the nursing profession will be introduced by regulation. Are we being asked to open a back door through which anything that the Government would like to introduce may be passed? That is a sort of blank cheque. The House should know what it is being asked to do.

That is what many of us have been complaining about. That applies to the Bill and so much else. Bills are brought before the House without adequate consultation or preparation. We shall be forced to spend a long time in Committee repairing the omissions of a Bill that is opposed in some measure by some of the parties that are being brought together. That is a most unsatisfactory way of dealing with parliamentary business.

My hon. Friend is right. That is a matter of concern. The House should be told of the Minister's intentions. If the Government intend to introduce regulations through the back door, as it were, we do not agree that that is a proper procedure. That is not a correct way of introducing changes that are so fundamental to the nursing profession. The nurses are one of the most essential parts of the Health Service and they form the largest professional group working within it. If we are to make major changes in their educational programme and procedure, we should know about them and deal with them in the House.

I have been listening to the hon. Gentleman carefully. I think that I understand what he is against, but I do not think that the House can be sure what he is for. I have no familiarity with and very little knowledge of the professions that we are discussing. However, I have some knowledge of other professions. Surely we should easily be able to agree that it would not be possible for the State to legislate for the educational requirements of any one vocation. We should have the wit to allow the practitioners to legislate themselves and to determine their own training requirements. We should all be in favour of that, but is the hon. Gentleman so in favour?

If I may say so, that was an extremely good intervention. I am in favour of the professions concerned telling us and setting out how they feel that their training should be carried out. However, a major issue of this sort should come back to the House so that the House may have a say. It seems that the Government are leaving open the back door and everything that will happen without returning to the House.

The Secretary of State referred briefly to the nurse recruitment problem. Obviously it is extremely serious. However, he did not refer to any of the other problems of nursing. We know that nursing is in the most appalling state of chaos. The Bill will do nothing to put right the main problems facing nursing. It will do nothing immediately to put right morale. It will do nothing to put right the shortages, although the right hon. Gentleman talked about them. It will do nothing to put right the grossly inadequate pay. It will do nothing to put right the industrial unrest and, in some areas, unemployment among nurses.

We wonder why the Government should have gone for a change in administration but done nothing about the critical factors that are affecting nursing generally. For example, it is clear that the Whitley machinery needs changing. In our view, it is a disgrace that the nurses are refused the opportunity to consult other groups working in local hospitals and administration. The Secretary of State brushed that on one side only recently. It is wrong that the nurses should have to be seen separately from the other groups of workers within the Health Service.

Even in 1971 the Briggs committee made it clear that all was not well with the nursing profession. In the first chapter of the report it is made clear that all its recommendations are within the context of the general problems facing the nursing profession.

I was disappointed that the Secretary of state did not talk more about the problem facing nurses. It may be that he did not dare do so. It may be that he considered them to be irrelevant to the Bill. However, that was not the view of the Briggs committee. In the Briggs report it was made clear that the changes in the committee structure are relevant to what is going on generally.

I very much share the view that my hon. Friend has been expressing. As for recruitment, shortages and the regulations of nurses, the most serious problem in our hospitals on the nursing side is that about two-thirds of the nursing staff are agency nurses. Does my hon. Friend agree that the structure that is being set up by the Bill is irrelevant to being able to secure the regulation of the nurses and the necessary assurances and under-takings? Unless and until we can recruit nurses who carry out their duties as permanent nurses, we shall not be able to get anything right. What I have said about agency nurses is true even in the major teaching hospitals.

I am grateful to my hon. and learned Friend. He has raised a matter that we shall have to consider carefully in Committee.

The Opposition have constantly made clear that they are worried about the care of patients. We have constantly brought to the right hon. Gentleman's notice comments about deteriorating standards. Earlier this year I reminded him that the Royal College of Nursing had said that the care of patients was at risk. He brushed my question on one side and said that nurses were always asking for better conditions. That was a foolish way to approach an anxious situation. I hope that events at Harrogate taught him how strongly the nurses feel about falling standards of patient care.

It was a pity that the right hon. Gentleman did not respond to a question that was put to him during Question Time last week, especially after all that he has said recently about industrial unrest. He was asked whether he would congratulate the Royal College of Nursing on saying that strike action was not action that it would take over its claim to be a special case under the pay code. He chose to ignore that part of the question and merely answered the latter part. I was surprised. I thought that it was foolish of the right hon. Gentleman to keep quiet on that issue.

When representatives of the Royal College of Nursing came to see me, I congratulated them. If I did not make that clear during Question Time, it may be that that was through fear of giving too long an answer. I warmly congratulated them.

My task today was to introduce the Bill's Second Reading. If I had dealt with the whole problem of industrial relations in the Health Service—as the hon. Gentleman knows, I have been extremely busy dealing with proposals to improve district procedures and with how we can within the Whitley Council system avoid industrial disputes—it would have been an extremely long speech. Today was not the occasion for such a speech. When another occasion is found to debate the Health Service, especially the problems of nurses, I shall readily respond.

The Opposition will welcome a debate as soon as the right hon. Gentleman likes on the general nursing situation.

In Committee we shall want to examine the implications for Europe. That is in clause 10.

Most of our discussions are likely to centre on clauses 6 and 7 and the rights of the special groups to preserve their future. Several hon. Members have had representations already from a number of principal groups, and particularly from the health visitors, who are not at all happy. They do not think that their special position in relation to preventive work is sufficiently safeguarded. It would be very sad indeed if, as a result of the Bill, the health visitors—they have already indicated that this is a possibility—took themselves out of nursing and into the social services. That would be a tragedy for the National Health Service.

The health visitors say that the Minister of State has not followed up the assurances that he gave them on 4th November 1977. They also say that the chairman wrote to the Minister of State again on 18th October this year but that for some reason—certainly up to 7th November—he had not cared to reply. As a result, they are anxious and concerned and they feel themselves to be, as they put it, in a totally vulnerable position.

The health visitors understood from the Minister of State that the intention was to transfer the Council for the Education and Training of Health Visitors to the statutory committee, that this committee would have control of health visitor education and training and that it would have adequate representation on the Central Council. The health visitors are now asking whether the Minister, when he replies to the debate, will state what his views are on this and confirm the position.

The health visitors say that they are deeply concerned that the education and training of health visitors, which they have worked so hard to establish will not be safeguarded. There are further questions, which I will give the Minister of State after the debate, in which the health visitors ask him to clarify his intentions. Is it correct that the nurses, midwives and health visitors in the field have not had access to the proposals for the Bill? If that is so, it is a very strange kind of consultation. Is is correct that no opportunity was given for the coordinating committee to discuss alternative methods of achieving co-operation—for example, by forming a federation of the existing organisations and progressing by what they call evolution? Is it correct that no attempt has been made to assess the feasibility of the new structure and of ways in which the different parts will be interrelated?

The health visitors suggest that the paragraphs in the Bill dealing with finance and with manpower are incorrect. They suggest that the Bill will require much more in the way of resources of money and manpower to handle the work. They suggest that in its present form the Bill will lead to a lowering of the standards of patient care. These are very serious questions and I hope that the Minister of State will address himself to them when he replies.

We are concerned generally about the size of the committee structure and about the numbers of boards. We are concerned about the explanatory and financial memorandum. It is extremely unsatisfactory that the penultimate paragraph starts with the words "In the first instance". We wonder what is to follow afterwards. I had understood from the Minister of State that it was likely that these matters would cost at least £1½million a year extra during the first year. That is a lot of money.

Concerning manpower, the memorandum states in the last paragraph that
"In the long term, the Bill will have no measurable effect".
That is not what the special groups of nurses are saying. They say that there will be an increase in manpower needs.

We welcome the Bill. We respect the view of the nursing profession that a reorganisation is necessary. We shall help the Bill on its way, but we shall look very carefully at its provisions. We deplore the Government's lack of any other more immediate and positive suggestions for helping nursing and stemming the disastrous fall in the standard of care for patients. Although the Bill will probably do a good job for the nurses, it is no substitute at all for what we see as a lack of leadership right through the management of the National Health Service.

4.55 p.m.

The right hon. Gentleman the Secretary of State, in introducing the Bill, indicated that it represented a number of firsts. One respect in which it represents a first is that for the first time it brings the professions in Northern Ireland under the same system and organisation as the rest of the United Kingdom, and sets up an all-United Kingdom organisation and legislation for the purposes which are detailed in the long title. It would be wrong if this were not recognised. It is welcomed not only by my hon. Friends and myself; our inquiries in the Province, so far as they have gone, indicate that the Bill in its general form—subject to any alterations that might commend themselves in Com- mittee—meets with the approval of those working in these professions in Northern Ireland.

The Bill sets up for Northern Ireland one of the four national boards. We quite understand that during a Session in which the referendums on the Scotland Act and the Wales Act are to take place, the Government were anxious to introduce the word "nation" wherever possible, although that is not the formulation which we in Northern Ireland would have chosen. We believe that the correct expression is to be found in clause 21(3)(b,) which refers to
"the National Boards for the parts of the United Kingdom ".
We in Northern Ireland are a Province and an integral part of the United Kingdom, and as such we have been dovetailed into the Bill.

Any ruffled feathers, however, on the score of the terminology would be allayed by our observing the uncommonly generous way in which the representation of Northern Ireland in the structure set out in the Bill has been treated. If hon. Members will look at the first schedule, they will see that although Northern Ireland represents a very small fraction of the total population of the United Kingdom—and a small fraction, of course, of the professions in the United Kingdom as a whole—it is given equal representation and equal numerical representation on the Central Council. We regard that as very generous and as a welcome approach to bringing the professions of Northern Ireland into a much closer coordination with their colleagues on the mainland.

There are only two points to which I wish to draw attention at this stage. One of them may be able to be dealt with at greater length in Committee, although it is sufficiently important for the Minister of State, I hope, to be able to say a word on it in winding up. It relates to discipline. It appears from the Bill as it stands that disciplinary functions are exercised both by the boards, in clause 5(1)(e,) and also by the Central Council, in clause 11(2).

The boards are to
"investigate cases of alleged misconduct"
while the Central Council is to
"hear and determine proceedings for a person's removal from …the register".
The grounds of removal from the register may include misconduct. Will the Minister of State indicate how it is considered appropriate that one body should investigate alleged misconduct while another body should adjudicate upon whether that misconduct should be a ground for removal from the register? At first sight, there would seem to be something unsatisfactory in one body establishing the facts of misconduct and another body visiting the appropriate punishment or action arising out of that misconduct. I hope that, at any rate in general terms, that matter can be referred to.

The second point relates to schedule 5 —"Adaptations for Northern Ireland". The Secretary of State remarked that this schedule and these adaptations were required because of the special constitutional circumstances in Northern Ireland. It may come as a shock to hon. Members not normally concerning themselves in detail with the affairs of that Province to know that the provisions set out in the schedule will, for the most part, not come into force at all. An innocent hon. Member reading the Bill and schedule 5 would suppose that the schedule was, as it were, the application clause for Northern Ireland. He would look at the table on page 23 and assume that, for example, where the Treasury was mentioned, in the case of Northern Ireland we were to read" The Department of Finance for Northern Ireland." That is not the case.

The schedule refers to a non-existent constitution—the 1973 constitution. Whatever views may be held upon the constitutional future of Northern Ireland, I have yet to meet an individual who supposes that the 1973 constitution will be summoned back into existence. Therefore, grateful though we are that Northern Ireland is in the Bill, we are writing into it a series of provisions which will not come into effect because the Northern Ireland Act 1974 contains a provision which cancels all that out and provides that it is not to happen. Therefore, what we read here will have an entirely different meaning.

It is a pity that at a time when the House is legislating for the United Kingdom as a whole we should not legislate for Northern Ireland as circumstances are, and will continue for a considerable time, but should persist instead on harking back to constitutional provisions which have gone out of effect and will not come back into effect. It may be possible to shorten and simplify the Bill if we let it take effect in Northern Ireland, subject to such adaptations as are required for things as they are, and go on from there in time to come.

I shall detain the House no longer, except to say that the progress of the Bill will be watched with equal interest in Northern Ireland. We are grateful to have been brought under what the Secretary of State described as the "umbrella" We believe that it will be to the benefit of the morale, education and training of the professions in Northern Ireland that they belong to a nation-wide structure. We wish the Bill well.

5.4 p.m.

I hope that it is not over-simplifying matters to suggest that Briggs in 1972 had the job of attempting to make sense out of a somewhat chaotic and fragmented training situation. I suggest that the main conclusion of Briggs was in the direction of a nursing council with general responsibility. Following from that, it seems that various professional sections became increasingly worried about possible loss of identity.

The midwives have certainly made their position clear on the establishment of a midwives' council to protect their interests. Indeed, from time to time we have heard statements from other professional bodies.

Now we face consideration of the Bill. I am particularly concerned about the part dealing with health visitors. The question that I pose to the Minister, to the House and to myself is: will the Bill give health visitors the kind of reassurance that they seek following Briggs and the events, or the lack of events, in recent years? That is very doubtful, for some of the reasons that have already been indicated in the debate.

The Royal Commission on the Health Service is still sitting. I mention that because I consider it to be relevant. That Royal Commission will clearly make recommendations which I suggest will be relevant to the subject covered by the Bill. Indeed, I hope that I shall be forgiven for wondering whether it might have been better to leave the Bill until after the Royal Commission reported, because it seems that we can only speculate about its recommendations.

I know that the Royal Commission has already taken evidence from health visitors, and I shall deal with that matter. One problem is the absence of a real definition of the role of the health visitor. It is clear—I think that this is accepted by the Secretary of State and by the spokesman for the Opposition, the hon. Member for Reading, South (Dr. Vaughan)—that health visitors should not be lumped in with the curative services. Their role is primarily preventive, as can be seen from the evidence that has been given to the Royal Commission, because they specifically referred to health education, school health and occupational health.

The Secretary of State said that the training of health visitors was different from that of nurses and midwives. Nurses do not undergo training in social history, sociology and social psychology, but those areas are relevant to health visitors. Knowing something about conditions within a community will tell them a great deal about the experiences that mothers taking home new-horn children will have within that community.

Some people suggest that the local authority has such a connection with health visitors that it might be beneficial for it to be restored to a position within the local medical officer of health's staff. I want to deal with this point specifically, because it is one of the dilemmas that we face in the Bill. Certainly there are administrative and structural relationships between health promotional services and the necessary involvement of health visitors within the community in terms of a close relationship with general practice. A health visitor is a general practice preventive health worker. To some degree, that impinges on the role of the medical officer of health within a community.

There is an answer to those two ways of looking at the role of the health visitor —either as part of local authority services under the medical officer of health or within communities having a role in terms of primary care, which, in my view, is the most important role of all for health visitors. As I favour the latter, I think that it is essential that the training and role of health visitors in health education and preventive involvement is not given a secondary place as is implied in certain parts of the Bill.

I want to be brief, in the interests of allowing other hon. Members to speak and because I should like to catch Mr. Speaker's eye at some future date, so I make one final point. When these councils have been established and when they are looking at the training of nurses, midwives and health visitors, I should like them to give some consideration to the way in which they can contribute to a position in which nurses and midwives who have served in hospitals and within the communities can be trained as doctors, in order to overcome the shortage of doctors in the NHS at present.

The hon. Member for Reading, South, being a learned member of the profession, probably frowns on the notion that such people should enter training as doctors. However, in my view, this is long overdue. If the Bill and the establishment of training within four general councils permitted us to make one step towards that objective, I would welcome its present clauses, with the addition, I hope, of some amendments in Committee that would draw attention to the comments that I have made in regard to the role of health visitors in the future.

5.11 p.m.

It is hard to argue with a measure whose primary purpose is to establish and improve standards of education, training and professional conduct for nurses, midwives and health visitors, because, obviously anything that this House can do to improve the standing of these joint professions, for which I think all hon. Members on both sides of the House have a great deal of respect, must be applauded. The question that I have in my mind is whether the slightly monolithic structure that seems to be proposed in this Bill is actually going to help in this way.

I know that Briggs himself had absolutely no doubt about the matter. I am also lucky enough to have a copy of his report. Paragraph 71 says that
"There is a strong feeling which has been conveyed to us by many witnesses, that too many bewildering distinctions exist within nursing and midwifery—too many avenues of entry, too many courses in too many places of study, too many qualifications, too many grades, too many controlling or regulating bodies."
The point which emerges from that is the point that was raised in questions during the Secretary of State's speech, particularly the question by the hon. Member for Hemel Hempstead (Mr. Corbett). Nowhere is the patient actually mentioned. The patient seems to me to be absolutely primary and most important of all.

People prefer to be ill at home. They feel more comfortable at home, they feel more relaxed and more reassured at home and they will probably make a speedier recovery at home. Not only will they be more relaxed and make a speedier recovery; they are probably cheaper to look after at home. The capital cost of our modern hospitals and all the ancillary functions that go with them is very great. Therefore, it seems to me that the role of community care, of the primary health team working in the community, is essential. This has not necessarily been fully appreciated in the way in which the Bill has been drawn up.

In the summer, we discussed the question of preventive health, and the Government's response to the Select Committee's report, and we had some very interesting observations from all sides of the House about the role of prevention. But the key to prevention must be the people who are actually going to work in the community—district nurses, health visitors, and, to a lesser extent, the midwife. Their role is important now and will certainly become more and more important because, as was pointed out in that debate—and it has been pointed out in subseqeunt debates—the number of elderly and, particularly, very elderly people will increase rapidly. I believe that I am right in saying that the number of people who are very elderly, that is, aged over 85, will rise by nearly 50 per cent. over the next 15 years. I suggest that those will require a tremendous input of community care and health visiting on the ground, in their homes, if we are to prevent their becoming sick and ill, and thereby clogging up—and I mean that in the nicest possible way—the hospital structure.

I fear that if the Bill is implemented precisely as it stands there could be a step back and away from community care. I do not think that as it is presently drawn it gives enough protection or recognition to those nurses who are involved in extra-hospital care.

Why is this? The Secretary of State referred to the question of the structure of the profession. Briggs, I think, again talked about the relative balance between local authority health employees—as it was when he wrote his report—and the nursing staff. In the tables in the back of the report, Briggs points out that there are about 300,000 nursing staff—I know it is seven or eight years ago, so it is obviously well out of date now—and that the local authority health nursing staff was under 30,000. Therefore, there is obviously the fear that, as a smaller number of people, they will be squeezed out and that, indeed, their profession will not be adequately recognised.

Then there is the attitude amongst the nursing profession itself. I would not want it thought that in my questioning of the attitude of the nursing profession, I am implying that there is any malice amongst the nurses but, rather, that hospitals are relatively neat and well-organised packages, which nurses and the nursing administrators can handle. By contrast, community care is messy and fragmented. It does not allow the neat boxlike approach and structure that can be followed when one is bringing patients out of the community into a hospital where they are entirely under one's control.

Thirdly, there is the question of the differing needs of different areas. If one considers—and I do not want to dwell on this point for more than a moment—the different community health needs of an inner urban area, an outer suburb or a rural county, one finds it hard to see how this sort of structure—again, slightly monolithic is how I describe it—will be able to meet and have the flexibility to cover the needs of areas as different as those I have mentioned.

The Secretary of State says "Not to worry". He answered a number of interventions during his speech and said "I can assure you that it will all be all right and that the powers for joint councils contained in one of the clauses of the Bill will be sufficient to project the midwives and the health visitors." I am not sure that that is entirely correct. Perhaps I may use an analogy. The right hon. Gentleman's colleague, sitting on the Bench beside him, the Minister of State, was good enough to receive colleagues from both sides of the House in an all party delegation on homoeopathy earlier in the summer. I am not a homoeopath and I have no particular interest in homoeopathy, apart from the fact that I believe that those who find homoeopathic treatment useful and effective in treating their illnesses should be able to get it under the National Health Service.

There seems to me to be little doubt that, as developments are going on at present, homoeopathic treatment is gradually being squeezed and squeezed. We put forward to the Minister a number of examples of where homoeopathic facilities and the number of beds at various hospitals in different parts of the country were gradually being removed from homoeopathic treatment and given over to general clinical treatment of the normal kind.

It is possible that that was because it was thought that there was no demand for homoeopathy. In fact, however, that was not the evidence that this all-party delegation had. It seems to me that there is a good analogy here between what could happen to district nurses and health visitors. One has a slightly specialised and small profession operating on its own outside the general structure, and, in that case, just as homoeopaths are getting squeezed out, it is not surprising, no matter what the Secretary of State says, that district nurses, midwives and health visitors have some concern that they may go down the same route.

I noticed that the hon. Gentleman said "no matter what the Secretary of State says." I shall, nevertheless, say that, quite apart from the assurances that I gave in relation to the Bill, I think that the hon. Gentleman will know that in the priorities that we have set for the development of the Health Service we have envisaged a much faster rate of growth for health visitors than we have for nurses in general. Six per cent. a year is the growth rate towards which we are heading, and want to achieve, because we see the vital importance of the health visitor, particularly in the field of primary health care, as has so rightly been said.

Again, I am grateful for that further assurance from the Secretary of State. None the less, it seems that there is a very easy solution here. Either the Secretary of State can follow the suggestion made by the hon. Member for Preston. South (Mr. Thorne) about bringing out the health visitor under the local authority and thereby creating a more autonomous local unit responsive to local needs, or following the suggestion of using one of the optional statutory units under clause 3 and paralleling the compulsory body that will have to be set up for midwifery with something to cover the community care side. If that were done it seems to me that in large measure it would meet the genuine fears which the community care nursing profession, in the broadest sense, may have.

Earlier, I quoted from Briggs, against myself. Perhaps I can quote once more in favour. I refer to paragraph 627, where Briggs underlined the difference between nursing and midwifery. He said:
"After careful consideration, we conclude that there are aspects of midwifery practice on which a body dealing also with all aspects of nursing could not rightly pronounce with the necessary degree of authority."
If that is true of the midwifery profession, it is also surely true of people dealing with very different, very special and very localised requirements of community medicine. I would like to see clause 3 amended in such a way as to enable some special recognition to be given to the needs of community care.

One of the omissions, which I regretted, related to recommendation 8 of the Briggs report, about the setting up of colleges of education which would enable the nursing profession to have more contact with people outside their immediate professional interests. It is important that we should not create a nursing profession that is cloistered away from prevailing attitudes and educational influences. I shall be grateful if the Minister will say why recommendation 8, which I do not see anywhere in the Bill, has not been progressed further. Is there any intention of progressing it shortly?

I come next to the question of the national boards. This is where we come again to the monolithic question. The House went over some of the arguments when, in the last Session, we discussed the Medical Bill which set up the national boards based on the Merrison committee recommendations. I wonder whether a national board is the right way of structuring the nursing profession in order to meet local needs, because the relative size of the constituencies, for nurses as well as for doctors, must be very disparate. I do not know what the numbers are, but I remember that in the case of doctors there were about 45,000 doctors in England and about 2,500 in Northern Ireland. If those sorts of ratios exist in the nursing profession, and I presume they do, it does not seem to fairly represent the aspirations, ambitions and wishes of the vast majority of nurses who are employed in England if we give such in-equal constituencies equal weight on the governing body.

Apart from what Briggs himself wrote in his report, I wonder whether there was any real demand from nurses at the grass roots for this sort of structure. When they said that they wanted some local autonomy or influence, did they not really mean "local" in terms of their area rather than "local" in terms of Scotland, England, Wales and Northern Ireland?

My hon. Friend the Member for Essex, South-East (Sir B. Braine) referred to enabling legislation and was rather cavalierly treated by the Government Front Bench. To start with, the Medical Bill last Session was a fairly slim volume, but by the time it had gone through all its stages, from Lord Hunt's amendments in the other place to Third Reading here, it had become a pretty fat volume. It is all very well for the Secretary of State or the Minister to say that my hon. Friend did not have a fair point, but on the record of what we saw with regard to the doctors' profession, and the reorganisation of the GMC, I believe that he had a very fair point.

One cannot argue with the overall aim of the Bill. However, is the proposed structure flexible enough to cater for local conditions? Is it balanced enough to meet the increasing need of community care? Many people have spoken of how Briggs began in 1970. The main period of his deliberations was between six and eight years ago. After six years there has been such a change in attitudes towards the relative merits of hospital and com- munity care that I believe that we are in danger of bringing in a structure for the nursing profession which covers yesterday's needs rather than the needs of tomorrow.

Order. Before I call the next hon. Member, I should say that it may have occurred to the House that there is a little local difficulty, inasmuch as the present incumbent of the Chair is in the dark—some hon. Members will probably think not for the first time. What is more important, the digital clocks have gone off. They are off at the Table, too, and until further notice we shall take our time from the clocks at each end of the Chamber.

On a point of order, Mr. Deputy Speaker. Can you assure us that although we cannot see you, you can see us?

5.25 p.m.

The hon. Member for Walsall, North (Mr. Hodgson) has echoed the cry which has gone through the NHS for the last 25 years about how one should concentrate attention upon the place where it really happens—in the community, in domiciliary care and prevention. Unfortunately, under all Governments, Back Benchers have these things to say, but when it comes to the balance of power—when one seeks to tranfer any resources into that area—there is tremendous resistance from all hon. Members if it means touching their local hospitals. As a result, we always have a problem of trying to concentrate our minds on domiciliary and community care and yet failing to give practicality to a general theory with which we would all agree.

This Bill is a thin Bill. It is a skeleton of a Bill. I had some sympathy with the hon. Member for Reading, South (Dr. Vaughan) when he listed most of the things that the Bill does not do. Unfortunately, no Bill does all the things that hon. Members want it to do. This Bill is only about a limited thing.

From time to time I share the hon. Gentleman's feelings, especially when I think that my attention to the health of the individual and the community leads to a need to solve all the problems in the world, because frequently that brings us back to the question of how one organises the social and economic life of the country.

However, let us give a welcome to the Bill, thin and skeleton as it is, for at long last—after too long a delay—trying to tackle the problem of putting the right professional status into the nursing education and training schemes.

I also share the disappointment of the hon. Member for Reading, South at the way in which legislation seems to be increasingly distant from Back Benchers. The hon. Gentleman said this was not the proper way for legislation to take place, because things come in by the back door through statutory instruments. Unfortunately, this has been a habit of Governments since 1971. It is a change in the pattern of the House. Before that time, we used to have a Bill with most of the provisions already in it. It was the right hon. and learned Member for Surrey, East (Sir G. Howe) who found a new method of having a framework Bill—on the Common Market—into which everything was put after it had been passed. This Bill is a framework Bill. It does none of the things that Briggs is about, except establishing the framework upon which those things can be done. I therefore accept that all the consequential matters pertaining to the Bill are hardly before us in this Second Reading debate. All the matters that have so far been raised are mainly concerned with the contents, and that will happen after the framework has been put into operation.

The top floor is in the Bill, by establishing the Central Council and the national boards. We all accept that this is just the first step, because the real work will be done by the standing committees, which will be set up by orders which we may or may not discuss in this House. This will make it even more important that in Committee we get on the record all the things that we want to see eventually put into the Bill.

Even more important than our responsibility at our own Committee stage is the point that has already been made by various hon. Members, namely, that the standing committees provided in this Bill, when constituted, must have the full con- sent, support and participation of the people it is supposed to be serving. For example, in the two cases most before the House today—health visitors and midwives—each standing committee must carry those bodies with it. That will be an essential part of the responsibility of my right hon. Friend.

I take seriously the misgivings expressed about the Bill. We have all received representations about it. I commend the points made by my hon. Friend the Member for Preston, South (Mr. Thorne) concerning the constitutional position and work of the health visitors. Representations about the Bill have been received from the Council for the Education and Training of Health Visitors, the Central Midwives Board and the Health Visitors Association. We have already dealt with the numbers-game point. As a minority man, I do not believe that we must always look only to the large battalions. However, my right hon. Friend has responsibility for dealing with the vast majority.

The fact that there are 405,817 nurses and only 15,358 midwives means that my right hon. Friend has to pay a great deal of attention to the training and education of nurses, whether in the community or hospital services. Nevertheless, there is a fear that the Royal College of Nursing, NUPE and COHSE may act in negotiations as a "Big Brother", or perhaps in this context I ought to say "Big Sister"? There is the fear that the small organisations will be oppressed by the larger bodies.

I understand those fears and am certain that they can be allayed. Meaningful discussions with all concerned should take place before the standing committees are established. This is one of the few Bills to come before the House in the drafting of which those with whom it deals have been involved. This was a breakthrough that came in November 1976 when a Briggs co-ordinating committee was established, comprising all those concerned with the negotiations arising from the original concept of the Bill. I hope that the fact that the Bill receives its Second Reading today will not mean that the work of that committee will cease. It should continue until all the arrangements have been concluded.

I hope that before the Bill goes to Committee there will be discussions with all involved and that the Government will be prepared to table amendments aimed at allaying fears. I have received an amendment from the health visitors in connection with clause 7. The health visitors wish to add something that will give them an extra safeguard. I would be prepared to move such an amendment in Committee but would prefer the Goverment themselves to do so, because I believe that it would improve the Bill.

One of my fears is that the establishment of this new organisation may lead to greater bureaucracy and administrative clumsiness. Like all other drawing board structures, it is frightening in its diagrammatic shape. My concern is that we should not have too many clinically qualified people carrying out committee chores. Nursing is concerned primarily with patients. It would be a tragedy if the bedside were emptied to fill the committee rooms. This fear is shared by others, following the costly restructuring carried out in 1973 by the right hon. Member for Leeds, North-East (Sir K. Joseph). Are we, through the Briggs structure, to return to another monstrosity of bureaucracy?

The Bill gives us the opportunity to look again at the implementation of the Salmon report. I have been contending for years that that report, implemented in 1966, needed the educational structure of Briggs to make sense of its career structure. We are now to carry out a few of the Briggs proposals. This is a step in the right direction. The educational and training structure must be seen to be geared to the structure of Salmon. Now, after 12 years, we have the opportunity of re-examining the Salmon structure and learning from experience.

It is difficult to get through the House of Commons Bills dealing with health matters. When we have dealt with this one it may be some time before we see another. I wonder whether we could not add something to deal with one of the basic problems arising from the present career structure for nurses in hospitals. In the last 10 years since the implementation of the Salmon report, the emphasis has been upon a management career for nurses. It is about time that the Govern- ment introduced a proper career ladder for those nurses who wish to remain in clinical nursing.

The best nurses do not always want to become administrators. They may wish to remain nurses, using the nursing skills which they have so painstakingly acquired. However, the grade I sister has no way of advancing other than by moving to grade 6, grade 7, and so on. This takes her away from the bedside. It is possible that this problem could be dealt with by creating a new grade of clinical nurse consultant. We could then build up a structure which did not take nurses away from patients and also ensured that they continued to use their nursing skills.

Would such a scheme require new legislation, or is it possible within existing arrangements in the Department? If new legislation is needed, could we introduce a "piggy-back" clause into the Bill? Obviously we shall not have another Bill dealing with nurses for some time. If we