House Of Commons
Tuesday 5th December 1978
The House met at half-past Two o'clock
Prayers
[Mr. SPEAKER in the Chair]
Oral Answers Toquestions
Oral Answers Toquestions
The House knows that yesterday we crawled at Question Time. This is very unfair. I do my best, but if I do not get short questions and answers we cannot make progress.
Social Services
Secure Units (Expenditure)
asked the Secretary of State for Social Services if he will detail the expenditure so far actually incurred on the building of regional secure units.
I refer the hon. Member to my reply to my hon. Friend the Member for Ormskirk (Mr. Kilroy-Silk) yesterday.
Is the Minister aware that an incredibly small proportion of the moneys which his Department has allocated to regional authorities is being spent on regional secure accommodation? This amounts to a national scandal, and as a result 1,000 people who are mentally ill are languishing in prison. How long will his Department continue to connive with the regional authorities in this matter?
It is not a national scandal, and we are not conniving. We have told regional authorities that if they cannot spend the money on regional secure units they should spend it on alternative psychiatric care. They are doing that. I expect regional secure units to be operational from the early 1980s onwards.
Will the Minister give a clear assurance that he will not agree to the closure of any community home until he has carried out the fullest investigation into the recommendations made for closure by any children's regional committee?
If my hon. Friend will table a Question on that matter, I shall do my best to answer it.
What discussions has the Minister had with his own union —NUPE—whose declared policy is to oppose the siting of regional secure units in the grounds of existing mental hospitals? Does he realise that this has led to considerable problems at the Prestwich hospital and others? Will the Minister deal with this as a matter of urgency because it is causing great anxiety?
I have had discussions, and I have been to Prestwich hospital. I am aware of the problems, but I do not think that we should exaggerate them as an obstacle to the creation of regional secure units. These units are, after all, new concepts. They were ordered about four years ago. They require extensive planning and consultation. There is also the question of tying them in with the interim regional secure units. I think that we should put the matter in perspective.
Pensioners (Telephone Rentals)
asked the Secretary of State for Social Services if he is satisfied with the operation of schemes by county councils for assisting pensioners and the disabled to pay for telephone rental.
Overall there has been progress by local authorities in helping disabled people with telephone rentals. The House is well aware of my concern over disparity of provision as between authorities, and I shall continue to do all I can to encourage further progress.
Is my hon. Friend aware that for thousands of our senior citizens and the disabled the telephone is the only link with the outside world? This is a severe drain upon their financial resources. Therefore, will he issue a new directive to county councils asking them to be more helpful and understanding and to give assistance wherever possible?
I am very well aware of the importance of a telephone as a lifeline for frail elderly and disabled people. I emphasise that the total number of households in England provided with telephone rentals has risen from 47,000 for the year ended 31st March 1975 to nearly 74,000 for the year ended 31st March 1977. I am prepared to take up any case with the local authority where it is alleged that the requirements of the law are not being carried out. I shall have fully in mind all that has been said here this afternoon.
Is the Minister aware that this problem is even worse in rural areas because of the number of disabled people who are away from telephone facilities and neighbours? If he intends to issue a further circular to local authorities will he draw to their attention the fact that it is possible to get assistance towards this and that there are Acts other than the Chronically Sick and Disabled Persons Act 1970?
The problems of disabled people can be compounded in rural areas. But there is much that right hon. and hon. Members can do to nudge things forward in their own localities. I saw recently a very important article by my hon. Frend the Member for Aberdare (Mr. Evans). I hope that it will be widely read, because its message was very important.
Is my hon. Friend aware that for the disabled and the elderly, who are often not in good health, the telephone is no longer a luxury but a necessity? It is the only way in which they can maintain contact with their families and friends. Will he go further than my hon. Friend the Member for Derby, South (Mr. Johnson) and liaise with the Telephone Communications Board and the unions involved? If he does so, I am sure that he will arrive at some compromise to enable those who need telephones to have telephones.
My hon. Friend's argument was very much the one that I advanced in the House in 1969 and 1970 in commending to Parliament clause 2 of the Chronically Sick and Disabled Persons Bill, as it then was. I shall consider the suggestion that has been made. I can give no further undertaking this afternoon. I emphasise that I shall do everything possible to nudge things further forward.
Does the Minister agree that for the elderly and disabled who are living alone, quick communications in an emergency can easily make the difference between life and death? Bearing in mind the difficulty of the enormous costs of extending the telephone scheme, will he consider the electronic alarm system that is being introduced in Stockport? I understand that it is not only for those who live in warden homes but for some who live in their own homes. That scheme may help a great deal.
There are alternatives to the telephone that may be important in some instances. I emphasise—I think that even"Mr. Buzby"would agree with me—that the telephone is deeply important to those who are isolated by disablement. I shall keep in mind all the suggestions that have been made.
Benefits (Industrial Disputes)
asked the Secretary of State for Social Services whether he is satisfied with the present arrangements for paying supplementary benefit during strikes.
Yes, Sir. Where necessary special arrangements have to be made to cope with the extra work load.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that in all parts of the House there is considerable concern about the increasing number of strikes where, first, there has not been a ballot of the workers concerned? Bearing that in mind, and the fact that most hon. Members agree in principle with the paying of supplementary benefit to strikers, should not he be considering in his review the making of an exception of those who are on strike without first having had a secret ballot of the workers involved?
No. Supplementary benefit is paid to families only where need is proved, and that will continue.
Will my right hon. Friend stand up against the campaign from the Opposition to penalise the rising generation, for whom we should be providing resources by, for example, providing supplementary benefit? Is he aware that at the next General Election Conservatives look like having a deliberate campaign against that generation?
I accept what my hon. Friend has said. The right hon. Member for Wanstead and Woodford (Mr. Jenkin) has brought the issue into the political arena in a recent speech. I can only reiterate that I and the Government will stand up to the campaign. We believe that where benefit is due to families of strikers and to others who are entitled it should be paid.
Does the right hon. Gentleman agree that, instead of taxpayers having to find the money, the unions should look after their members' families?
No. Where need is proved, the Government will pay supplementary benefit.
Secure Units (Trent)
asked the Secretary of State for Social Services how many medium security units exist in the Trent regional health authority area for the mentally sick and mentally handicapped persons, respectively; how many places there are in each unit; and how many units are to be built within the next four years.
There are no permanent units in Trent at present. Plans to build one with 60 beds at Towers hospital, Leicester, are well advanced toward a building start early in 1980. Detailed local consultations will begin soon on proposals to site a second unit of 45 beds at Balderton hospital, Newark. Both units will cater for mentally ill and mildly mentally handicapped patients who require treatment in regional secure units.
Does that mean that the Trent regional health authority area will be neglected still further? Will my right hon. Friend bear in mind that the parents of these children—the children are not all young, as some of them are approaching middle age—are deeply disturbed about what will happen to their children when they, the parents, pass into the next world and their children will be left in this world on their own? What will he do to help? Will he give some guarantee to the unfortunate parents that their children will be looked after?
There are interim places already in existence. Four such places have been provided at Pastures hospital, Derby, and 12 more should be in use by August 1980 at Towers hospital. The main regional secure unit will be constructed at Towers hospital, Leicester. That will begin in 1980 and should be available for the children of the parents about whom my hon. Friend is so concerned.
Bearing in mind that the Trent region is so vast, is the right hon. Gentleman satisfied that that answer is satisfactory? Will he tell the House what he intends to do in the next four years to provide special units for younger persons so that they are not mingled with much older people?
I am grateful for the hon. Gentleman's expression of confidence that for four years I shall be able to continue the administration of regional secure units for the Trent regional health authority. I take that as a good omen. I am completely satisfied with the answer. It will eventually provide about 100 places in regional secure units. There will be places for younger people.
Does the right hon. Gentleman's answer to an earlier question—that money is now being spent on other psychiatric projects—means that there will now be a shortage of money for secure units? If so, will he provide extra funds for them?
I think that the hon. Gentleman misunderstood my answer. We have made money available for the funding of regional secure units. As long as they are not actually in existence, we give permission to regional health authorities to devote that money to other psychiatric needs in the Health Service. As the regional secure units come on stream, the money will have to fund the regional secure units.
Supplementary Benefit
asked the Secretary of State for Social Services what proportion of people in Cornwall and the United Kingdom, respectively, are currently in receipt of supplementary benefit.
In November 1977, about 8·9 per cent. of the United Kingdom population were partly or wholly dependent on supplementary benefit. Comparable information for Cornwall is not available.
Does the Secretary of State recognise that this is a scandalous situation? In 1963 the Labour Party published a document entitled"The Twelve Wasted Years"which condemned the proportion of the population forced by the then Conservative Government to live on means-tested benefits. Since then the proportion of the population living on these means-tested benefits has increased and increased again and again—
Order. The hon. Member for Cornwall, North (Mr. Pardoe) is advancing an argument and not asking a question. The hon. Gentleman must ask a question.
I am perfectly prepared to accept that, Mr. Speaker. However, I did phrase it as a question. Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that we now have the means-tested society in place of the Welfare State? What will the Government do to reduce the proportion of the population forced to live on these means-tested benefits?
It is not a scandal. There has been a great increase in the number of retirement pensioners. There has also been a faster increase in the number of these means-tested benefits has increased families. However, the responsibility of the State is to ensure that people are relieved and that they have a decent standard of living. There is no need to be ashamed. The people who should be ashamed are those who are sometimes disparaging of those who claim supplementary benefit.
How many people are receiving supplementary benefit because they are in arrears with their national insurance contributions and those contributions have been waived?
I take it that my right hon. Friend has in mind allegations made yesterday in a court and while the case—
Order. If that is what the right hon. Member for Blackburn (Mrs. Castle) is talking about, we cannot have it. We must not in any way refer to the case that is now under way.
In the light of recent cases in Cornwall and elsewhere of unemployed persons receiving £130 a week tax free from social security, will the right hon. Gentleman now consider placing an upper limit on the amount that any one person or family may receive in any one week from social security? Is it not completely unjust that an unemployed person can, by not working, get the equivalent of almost double the average national wage of someone who is working, and for that matter six times the single old age pension?
The hon. Gentleman will believe anything that he reads and anything that he hears. He goes scraping in the gutter in the House as elsewhere to bring allegations against those who claim supplementary benefit. I shall have no more of it.
On a point of order. Mr. Speaker.
I shall be much obliged if the hon. Member for Bolsover (Mr. Skinner) will wait until after Questions.
Later—
On a point of order. Mr. Speaker. You will recall that during the course of Questions to the Secretary of State for Social Services my right hon. Friend the Member for Blackburn (Mrs. Castle) asked about insurance cards, and so on, that have been discussed down at Minehead. I do not want to get involved in that because I am a disinterested bystander, but you, Mr. Speaker, were quickly to your feet to point out to the Minister that he could not refer to that matter.
I rise purely for this reason: arising out of another incident some time ago in the same case, Lord Goodman, who sits in the other place, made a statement of retraction along certain lines in order to make his position clear. The question that I want cleared up—I seek no more than that—is why Lord Goodman could make a statement along those lines when my right hon. Friend the Minister cannot. Is it that this House is covered by privilege, as is the court? What is the reason? I cannot understand why one set of circumstances applies to one person but not to the other.I think that the hon. Gentleman will discover that the noble Lord to whom he referred did not make that statement in another place; he made it outside. I have no control over what people say outside this House, and I do not want it, but within this House I am quite sure that it is the overwhelming wish of everyone, including the hon. Member for Bolsover (Mr. Skinner), that nothing shall be said about a case which is already under adjudication and which I am sure no one in this House would seek to prejudice in any way.
Myoelectric Hand
asked the Secretary of State for Social Services how many representations he has now received about the use in Great Britain of the Swedish myoelectric hand.
My Department has received 123 inquiries relating to children of all ages.
Is my hon. Friend aware that his policy of demanding extensive trials before children can be fitted with this hand under the National Health Service—whereas in the private sector children are being fitted with the hand without any trials at all, as all the trials have been conducted in Sweden—is causing tremendous anguish among parents with children who desperately need this important new invention and do not see any prospect of getting it in the foreseeable future?
I appreciate how important this invention is to the parents of the children concerned. We are not wasting time with the trial. The trial is very necessary. Dr. Sorbye in Sweden has built up a level of experience over a number of years, but this was in a research environment. The hand being used has only recently gone into commercial production. We must not give the impression that this is a magic wand. It is an artificial hand. There is a great deal of work to be done. I assure my hon. Friend that there will be no delay whatever in coming to conclusions about the trial.
Is the Minister aware that none of these appliances has been issued in Northern Ireland, even on a trial basis? Will he have discussions with his hon. Friends in the Northern Ireland Office to see that this situation is remedied?
I am constantly in touch with my right hon. Friend the Minister of State, Northern Ireland Office. Twenty-five children are included in the trial at the moment. Our resolve is to try to make sure that the trial succeeds. I shall bear in mind what the hon. Gentleman has said about consultation.
Is the Minister aware that there is widespread dissatisfaction about the quality and range of appliances available, particularly for children with bilateral amputations? Will he, when he is looking at the Swedish instrument, also look at the other instruments available under the National Health Service?
Yes, I shall he glad to do so. There may be dissatisfaction in some quarters, but there is also a great deal of satisfaction that we are taking this new step forward in trying to provide a new form of help under the National Health Service.
On a point of order, Mr. Speaker. In view of the unsatisfactory nature of the Minister's reply, I beg to give notice that I shall seek an early opportunity of raising the matter on the Adjournment.
Disabled Persons
asked the Secretary of State for Social Services what recent consultations he has had with representatives of disabled people.
asked the Secretary of State for Social Services what recent consultations he has had with organisations representing disabled people.
I and my hon. Friend have frequent meetings with a wide range of organisations representing the disabled. We consult them regularly about major changes in policy and about proposed new regulations or circulars.
As a result of those representations, does the Minister agree that the benefit system now presents a ragbag of provisions, based on different and conflicting principles, with a vast range of varying rates and overlapping allowances? Will he, in view of the fact that the system is now regarded as so complex, introduce a Green Paper on the subject so that meaningful consultations can take place with a view to producing a much simpler system?
I am surprised by the attitude of the hon. Gentleman. Well, I am not actually. Since we came to power, we have made a tremendous advance in benefits for disabled people. With new benefits affecting hundreds of thousands of our population, we have dramatically increased the resources available for disabled people. They appreciate it. The war disabled organisations appreciate it. We have never had a closer relationship or a better dialogue with disabled organisations than we have at present.
Will the Secretary of State have an urgent meeting with the Motability organisation to discuss the very serious problem it is now facing with its leasing scheme? Is he aware that the £10 mobility allowance does not now cover even the leasing of a basic unadapted Mini? Is it not a disgrace that there is a double charge of VAT on both the purchase and the leasing of these vehicles? Will he press his right hon. Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer to have this tax clawback removed?
I believe that the Mot-ability decision, and the establishment of the organisation which enables a £10 mobility allowance to be turned into the availability of a vehicle, was an enormous step forward. I understand that the question just raised by the hon. Gentleman is to be taken in Standing Committee on an amendment that has been tabled. Therefore, I will make no further comment on it today.
Has my right hon. Friend had any representations from groups representing the remaining"Y"list of thalidomide-damaged children? Does he agree with me that the only way in which this tragedy can be brought to an end is for the remaining"Y"list children to be compensated in the same way as the others have been compensated?
There have been further representations, as I think my hon. Friend knows. I will not go further in making a statement about those on the"Y"list at the present stage. I will write to my hon. Friend and give him a reply.
Is the Secretary of State aware that his decision to refer the order relating to the housewives' disability pension to the National Insurance Advisory Committee has been welcomed by some of the organisations representing the disabled? But why on earth did he need two and a half months, until the very last minute, before making that decision?
I think it is true that the decision has been welcomed, because, as a result of NIAC considering this question, it will be able to look at a very wide number of representations, not only from people within the House but from those concerned with equal opportunities. I agree with the right hon. Gentleman that, on reflection, it would have been wiser if we had decided to refer the matter to NIAC in September rather than now.
Will my right hon. Friend comment on the development of any replacement for the trike? I know that he is very concerned about this. Will he accept that the Motability scheme is no substitute for a proper system of suitable vehicles for disabled persons?
My hon. Friend will recognise, of course, that those with three-wheelers will be able to use those vehicles, including some replacement, for a number of years to come. I gave an assurance—it has been repeated often by my hon. Friend—that we would certainly not be leaving such people without a vehicle of some sort or another. He will know that a good deal of research is being done by the Motor Industry Research Association. We are looking very closely at what is being done on the Continent. I assure my hon. Friend that we shall be looking at these things in order that we can fulfill the pledge that we made to this House and to disabled people.
Mobility Allowance
asked the Secretary of State for Social Services when he expects to have completed the phasing-in of mobility allowance for men up to the age of 65 years.
It is still our intention to complete the phasing-in of the mobility allowance scheme by the end of 1979, even though we shall now be giving the allowance to an estimated 20,000 extra women aged between 60 and 65.
Now that the phasing-in will be completed within approximately 12 months, can the Minister give any indication of the possibility of extending mobility allowance to those over 65 years, in view of the fact that there is no criterion attached to the scheme that a person is employable or not, and that there are many more people over 65 years who have problems with mobility than those under 65 years?
We recognise the importance of mobility to elderly disabled people, but it is estimated that an additional 500,000 could qualify, at an added cost of £260 million a year, if there were no upper age limit. There are infinite claims and finite resources. We shall build as quickly as we can on what we have achieved so far.
I recognise the great work that my hon. Friend has done for old people, but may I ask him to use his best efforts to ensure that the time will not be far off when the mobility allowance will be available to everyone, irrespective of his or her age, no matter how old he or she may be? I can assure him, now that I am getting towards my seventieth year, that old people need far more than young people.
I am grateful to my hon. Friend. He will have noticed that under the provisions of the Bill now before the House we are providing the mobility allowance for disabled women between 60 and 65. At the same time, we are allowing elderly people to keep the allowance up to 75. There is very much more to do and I shall certainly want to see further progress as soon as resources allow.
Will the Minister ensure that those who are in work, and who are considering surrendering their trike in order to obtain a mobility allowance and then a car through the Motability scheme, are made aware of the very long period during which they may be without any vehicle at all? Has he any guidance for those people?
The aim will be to ensure that there is no hiatus. Motability is being as helpful as possible. I have tried to spread information about the new scheme and what it provides as widely as I can. I shall go on informing people of the options available to them. At the same time, I shall try to avoid any possibility of disabled people being left without transport.
National Health Service (Industrialrelations)
asked the Secretary of State for Social Services if he will make a further statement on industrial relations in the National Health Service.
I do not think I can usefully add to what I said in the debate on the Address on 2nd November and in replies to Questions from the hon. Members for Orpington (Mr. Stanbrook), Walsall, North (Mr. Hodgson) and Eastleigh (Mr. Price) on 7th November.
Will the right hon. Gentleman now initiate discussions with the Health Service unions about the possibility of their members renouncing the right to strike in exchange for some form of index linking of their pay? Will he also take this opportunity to make clear that the right of industrial action does not extend to the right to take selective industrial action without loss of pay?
Having put forward proposals for dealing with local disputes, which are now being considered by the Whitley Council, as a result of discussions with the Health Service unions and the leaders of the medical and nursing professions—proposals which have so far been warmly welcomed—I am shortly to have discussions with the leaders of the unions and of professions about ways in which we can minimise the danger of industrial action as a result of disputes related to pay and working conditions.
What progress has my right hon. Friend made in his study of the very modest claim of the nurses for a 15 per cent. increase in their pay? Before he completes those studies, will he recognise that if he regards this as an exceptional case it will receive the unanimous support of the British people and a large section of this House?
I know that there is enormous support in this House for the work done by nurses, and a great appreciation of their dedication and commitment. Nevertheless, I will not be drawn into making comments about a pay claim which has been submitted and which is being considered by my colleagues and me.
Is the Secretary of State aware that the Birmingham ambulance drivers' dispute still continues despite the intervention of his Ministry? Will he make a statement today about what he intends to do to bring this dispute to an early conclusion, because it is causing a great deal of concern to many people in the medical world and elsewhere in Birmingham?
I am sure that the hon. Gentleman and others will be delighted to know that the men have returned to work today. There was roughly a five-hour negotiation last night, and as a result of further meetings this morning it was decided that work could be resumed.
Will the Secretary of State now confirm that, contrary to press reports at the time, his Department has no evidence that any patients in National Health Service hospitals died as a result of the hospital engineers' dispute?
I was satisfied that patients' lives were endangered by this dispute. However, there are no arrangements for recording industrial action as a cause of death and I certainly do not propose to institute records of this kind.
You mean you are going to let the Tories go on telling lies about it.
Order. I could not help hearing that remark. I believe that the hon. Gentleman used the word"lies ". I think that he asked the Minister whether he was telling lies again, and I must ask the hon. Gentleman to withdraw.
I did not say that, Mr. Speaker.
If the hon. Gentleman did not say that, I would be pleased if he would rise and say so.
On a point of order, Mr. Speaker. I said nothing of the sort. I said nothing remotely resembling what you thought that I said.
I am very relieved to have that assurance.
Will the right hon. Gentleman now tell us what steps he is taking to deal with the threatened 40 per cent. pay claim by the National Union of Public Employees? Is he aware that it is planning a strike for January?
A pay claim has already been submitted, not only by NUPE but by other unions concerned with the ancillary services for the National Health Service. These matters are being properly considered within the Whitley Council. I shall not make any further comment at this stage, but, of course, the claim which has been submitted is a difficult one to tackle. However, I can assure the House that the Government will stand by their commitment to their pay policy.
Local Authority Social Services
asked the Secretary of State for Social Services if he remains satisfied with the general level of social services as operated by local authorities.
I shall not be satisfied with the level of provision of the social services until we can meet all demands made upon them. There is, however, a continuing, though moderate, rate of growth.
I welcome my right hon. Friend's statement that he remains dissatisfied with the present position. However, is he aware that many local authority social services are not meeting the needs of pensioners and sick people? Does he not agree that much of this is a result of public expenditure cuts? When will we see his Department fighting for the reinstatement of those cuts in order that local authorities can meet the urgent needs of these people?
It must be recognised—I am certain that my hon. Friend does recognise—that there is a tremendous disparity between the performance of one local authority and another. It is absolutely right that from time to time my hon. Friends should take the opportunity to point out this fact.
As to growth, if we take into consideration the joint finance money provided by health authorities, we now have a growth rate of about 4 per cent. This additional expenditure is needed partly to keep pace with demographic changes. It means that there is about a 2 per cent. real growth rate for an improvement in the service, particularly in relation to elderly people and children.Is the Secretary of State aware that some social services operated by local authorities are not functioning at present because of industrial disputes? Is he further aware that some hospitals are either unaware of this fact or ignoring it and discharging sick people into impossible home conditions? Will he please look into that situation and act to overcome it?
The time at which a patient should be discharged is, of course, a matter for the hospitals themselves to consider. Of course, the performance of social service departments is a matter which should be taken into consideration. The fact that some of the social workers are taking industrial action is disturbing. I have made clear on a number of occasions how much I regret that social workers should put their clients at risk, as I believe they have done, in this way. I have urged them to find a negotiated solution through the proper channels. I think that that is the right way.
Does not my right hon. Friend agree that the inadequacy of the hospital service is one of the major causes of concern and is resulting in many people who ought to be in geriatric hospitals being in residential homes, thus placing an unreasonable burden on the social services?
There is no doubt at all that the Health Service, including hospitals, as well as local authorities, could do much more if there were more resources. There is no question at all that the restraint upon resources has imposed a limitation on growth. That is one reason why in certain parts of the country, including that from which my hon. Friend comes, we have been able, as a result of redistribution of resources, to produce a faster rate of growth in those areas which traditionally over the years have been deprived. I am certain that that principle is absolutely right.
Will the right hon. Gentleman comment on the allegation of some area health authorities that a good portion of their difficulties is caused by the totally inadequate efforts made by the local county councils to provide social services?
This is absolutely true. We constantly seek to get joint planning between health authorities and local authorities, but in order to get an agreement one has to have a partnership which must involve active participation by both sides. That is why I said earlier that all of us have an obligation to ensure that in the areas in which we have a concern, pressure is brought to bear upon local authorities properly to fulfil their responsibilities.
Pension Fund Boards (Trade Union Representatives)
asked the Secretary of State for Social Services whether it is still his policy to allot half of the seats on pension fund boards to trade unionists.
The Government's policy on member participation in the management of occupational pension schemes has not changed.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that that policy has been consistently opposed by an overwhelming majority of public opinion in a number of public opinion surveys, and that it is both presumptuous and illiberal for trade unionists to assume that they can be the only channel of representation in these matters?
I refute what the hon. Gentleman has said. When I visited firms and discussed this matter with trustees, trade unions and employers, I found that there was a wide measure of support. The Government see no reason to reverse their policy.
Does my right hon. Friend agree that if seats on the board were allocated in relation to the occupation of those who contribute, trade unionists would be entitled to more representation than is recommended at present?
I agree that the 50–50 representation that is recommended is a modest proposal.
Everybody would applaud the idea of member representation on the management bodies of pension schemes, but does the Minister agree that it is the exclusive nomination by trade unions which arouses so much opposition from so many different quarters? May I appeal to the Minister to recognise this opposition and to abandon this foolish proposal? Will he now restore the bipartisan policy on pensions?
The Government have not changed their views about member participation. We feel that the running of pension schemes can best be achieved by giving certain rights to recognised, independent trade unions. We are confident that these rights will be exercised responsibly.
Hospital Waiting Lists (Cheshire)
asked the Secretary of State for Social Services if he will list the number of patients awaiting operations under each category in the hospitals covered by the Macclesfield health district of the Cheshire area health authority.
On 30th September 1978 there were 2,503 patients awaiting admission to Macclesfield hospitals for surgery. I will, with permission circulate in the Official Report the detailed information requested by the hon. Member.
I thank the Minister for that reply. Is he aware that the situation is totally unsatisfactory? The situation is unsatisfactory in Macclesfield,
MACCLESFIELD HEALTH DISTRICT: IN-PATIENT WAITING LISTS (SURGICAL)—30TH SEPTEMBER 1978 | |||||||
Specialty
| Macclesfield Hospital (Infirmary)
| Macclesfield Hospital (West Park)
| CongletonWar Memorial Hospital
| Alderley Edge Cottage Hospital
| Total
| ||
General surgery | … | … | 913 | — | 131 | — | 1,044 |
Ear, nose and throat | … | 219 | — | — | 7 | 226 | |
Trauma and orthopaedic | … | 343 | — | 103 | — | 446 | |
Ophthalmology | … | … | 14 | — | — | — | 14 |
Dental | … | … | 122 | — | — | — | 122 |
Gynaecology | … | … | — | 415 | 143 | 93 | 651 |
TOTAL | … | … | 1,611 | 415 | 377 | 100 | 2,503 |
Hospital Services, Romford
asked the Secretary of State for Social Services, what representations he has received on the subject of hospital services in Romford.
a growing area. Will the Minister, in addition to giving the numbers of those who are waiting for operations, say how long those on the waiting lists have been waiting and how much longer they will have to wait before they receive the treatment which they should, by rights, have immediately?
If the hon. Member tables a Question asking for that information I shall provide it. I do not regard the situation in Macclesfield as satisfactory. Waiting lists are increasing. Action has been taken by the regional and area health authorities to bring a new operating theatre into use, to bring a new surgical ward with 28 beds into operation next May, and to introduce a new obstetrics unit which is to be completed in 1981. In addition, the first phase of the Macclesfield nucleus hospital will be completed in 1984. This leaves a gap for immediate short-term palliation of the situation. I shall consult the area health authorities to see what they intend to do about it.
Does my right hon. Friend agree that the situation in Macclesfield reinforces the need for machinery to exchange information between regions—not only within the regions—about the availability of spare beds for really urgent and distressing cases?
Since my hon. Friend has his arm in a sling his point will have special relevance. If I can get the exchange of information within regions working properly that will be a tremendous step forward.
I have received letters from my hon. Friends the Members for Hornchurch (Mr. Williams) and for Dagenham (Mr. Parker) about the Barking and Havering area health authority's proposals for the future use of Victoria hospital, Romford.
Will the Minister accept my assurance that, if the Barking and Havering area health authority persists in its plans for Victoria hospital, the growing pile of protests on my desk will be transferred quickly to his? Can the Minister do nothing to discourage authorities which, in the name of rationalisation, are prepared to destroy community assets such as this excellent cottage hospital?
I am not prepared to comment on an individual case which might eventually come to me for decision. I would not wish to prejudice any decision by remarks this afternoon. If the matter can be settled locally it will not come to me.
Child Minders
asked the Secretary of State for Social Services what is his estimate of the number of child minders in England and Wales.
At present there are estimated to be approximately 33,000 registered childminders in England and Wales.
Does the Secretary of State recognise that the growth of child minding services and other substitute services weakens the link between the mother and her child? Will he make it Government policy to strengthen the family unit by giving tax and financial incentives to allow mothers to stay at home intead of forcing them to go out to work?
Of course, I want to strengthen the family links. Taxation is a matter for my right hon. Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer. I believe that good child minders who are properly supported and assisted can perform a useful function for mothers who feel that it is in their interests and in the interests of their family to go to work on a part or full-time basis. A good child minder often can provide a better, closer and more personal service than that provided by day nurseries.
Prime Minister (Engagements)
asked the Prime Minister if he will list his public engagements for 5th December.
In my right hon. Friend's absence, I have been asked to reply.
Today my right hon. Friend is attending a meeting of the European Council in Brussels.In view of the importance of the Prime Minister's engagements today, will the Lord President talk to him about the possibility of making a ministerial broadcast when he returns from the summit meeting?
I shall certainly discuss that possibility with my right hon. Friend. I cannot say whether it will be possible to do so today. I dare say that my right hon. Friend will be making a statement to the House tomorrow.
Does the Leader of the House appreciate that when the Prime Minister returns from Brussels, he might have to impose sanctions against British Leyland as he has against Fords? Will he therefore explain from whom the Government intend to buy their cars in the coming year?
Before the hon. Member or anybody else jumps to accept what was said by the Leader of the Opposition last week he should await the discussions that are still proceeding with British Leyland. We believe that the offer that has been made is within the guidelines for a settlement. If Opposition Members, including the Leader of the Opposition, would study the facts instead of jumping to conclusions, they would reach the same conclusion as I.
Will my right hon. Friend contact the Prime Minister and ask him to refute suggestions in the press that, to obtain a good deal on the European monetary system, the Government are prepared to abandon the fishing industry?
My right hon. Friend has already repudiated such suggestions. As he has indicated, he does not expect the question of fisheries to be raised at this meeting.
Will the Leader of the House discuss with the Prime Minister the difficult case which involved Mr. Joe Thompson of the National Union of Dyers, Bleachers and Textile Workers, since that has arisen largely out of Government legislation? Will the Leader of the House point out to the Prime Minister that during the Committee stage of the Bill the Opposition fought hard for an independent tribunal which could examine such cases? Such a tribunal would prevent from being aroused the type of passions which were aroused in this case and which can only bring trade unions and the country into contempt.
I am prepared to discuss the matter with the Prime Minister. But it would not be right for any Minister at the Dispatch Box to pass an off-the-cuff judgment on a particular case or individual. That is particularly so when it is evident from the supplementary question by the right hon. Member for Lowestoft (Mr. Prior) that he has taken seriously the report on the subject in The Daily Telegraph today, which is misleading.
By what the Leader of the House has just said, does he seek to justify depriving a man of his livelihood now for something that happened 13 years ago?
I said nothing of the sort. I said that I did not think that it was right to pass judgment on an individual case until the facts have been established. I said that some hon. Members and some people in the country might have been misled by the report in The Daily Telegraph today which is grossly misleading, particularly about the independent review body to which the right hon. Member referred. The case has not been referred to that body. The matter is still possibly a matter of internal procedure within the union. For all those reasons, the House should not pass judgment.
Will my right hon. Friend consult the Prime Minister about the prospective siting of the research and development INMOS facility at Bristol and give an undertaking that the Government will publish the criteria on which the decision was based?
I cannot give an undertaking to publish all the criteria, but I shall discuss the matter with my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for Industry and others. I agree that this subject raises important questions and is not an easy matter to decide. It is not necessarily advantageous for one region or another that we should publish all the criteria in such cases.
Will the right hon. Gentleman advise the Prime Minister to make a recommendation to the agricultural wages board on the award that it has to make on Thursday? Does he accept the view of his hon. Friends and many of my hon. Friends that the wages of agricultural workers are lamentably low? In view of the National Union of Agricultural and Allied Workers' claim for a 125 per cent. increase, does the right hon. Gentleman seriously expect them to settle within the Government's 5 per cent. limit?
I am gratified to hear, in whatever circumstances, representatives of the landlords' party supporting improvements in the wages of farmworkers. I do not believe that my right hon. Friend the Prime Minister should intervene in the way that has been suggested, but during the past three or four years, despite all the difficulties, the comparative position of farm workers has improved and I certainly hope that it will do so further in the years to come.
Secretary Of State For Transport
asked the Prime Minister if he will dismiss the Secretary of State for Transport.
I have been asked to reply. No.
Is the Lord President aware of the seriously detrimental effect on rural areas of the proposed abolition of the road fund licence and its replacement by an extra charge on petrol? Will he convey to the Prime Minister the great worry in rural areas, where a car is not a luxury but a necessity because of the absence of rail and bus services? If the road fund licence is to be abolished, will the Government consider the substitution of general taxation to make up the revenue?
All these matters were carefully considered before the announcement was made and there will be considerable time for discussion in the House in the weeks, months and years that lie ahead before the proposition is put into practice. All those considerations can be brought to bear. There is no question of the Government rushing it through. There will be plenty of time for discussion.
Has my right hon. Friend noted the concern expressed by Plaid Cymru about the potential job loss in my constituency caused by the proposed abolition of the road fund licence and that Plaid Cymru has conveniently forgotten that the Swansea centre is a United Kingdom facility which would not be there if we had a separate Wales?
I agree with my hon. Friend. It will be of benefit for Wales in future, as it has been in the past, that the policy of diversion which the Government have pursued should be continued. We intend that it should be pursued further.
Since the Government are not arranging to dismiss the Secretary of State for Transport, may I make a more modest request? May we have the consultative document debated fairly soon, so that all the discussions to which the right hon. Gentleman referred do not proceed on the wrong lines?
I shall be glad to have a discussion in the House fairly soon. I repeat, because of the misapprehensions that have been spread in some quarters, that the House will, of course, have the fullest possible opportunity to debate the matter and look at the detailed measure that will be required to make the change.
Is my right hon. Friend aware that the measure proposed by the Secretary of State for Transport will be generally welcomed throughout the country as a fair measure which will make sure that the licence dodgers pay their fair share for road usage?
One of the considerations in the matter is that about £50 million of revenue is lost under the present arrangements. Any Government are bound to take that into account, along with many other considerations. We have also considered the effect on rural areas because that is our duty as well.
Prime Minister (Engagements)
asked the Prime Minister if he will list his official engagements for Tuesday 5th December.
I have been asked to reply.
I refer the hon. Member to the reply I gave earlier to my hon. Friend the Member for Kingswood (Mr. Walker).
If the Lord President has not already done so, will he look at reports in today's Scottish press of the concern among trade unionists in the whisky industry in Scotland about the continuing exports of malt whisky? In view of the failure yesterday of the NEDO to reach agreement on the question of voluntary restrictions on the export of malt whisky, will the Government step in to look at the international agreements that allow not only the continuation, but the expansion, of this industry, irrespective of the jobs involved in the bottling, packaging and printing industries in Scotland?
I am aware of the concern that has been expressed, some of which has been reported in the newspapers. The Government welcome the general analysis of the industry's problems which the group has undertaken in the NEDO report. We shall be studying the recommendations carefully. I am sure that the hon. Lady will appreciate that it is not possible for the Government to make a final judgment today. She and everyone else who wishes all considerations to be taken into account would not wish us to do that.
Has my right hon. Friend had any telephone conversations with the Prime Minister about the report that has come out of the Heads of Government meeting that the salary of the so-called MPs in the European Assembly will be based on the national rate for the job? Is he aware that such an arrangement would be regarded by Government Back Benchers as a very good thing but that the salaries ought to be paid by national Governments so that the British taxpayer will not have to make a contribution towards German Members and others who will be getting two or three times the salary of British Members of the Assembly?
I have no doubt that my hon. Friend will put the same question to the Prime Minister when he returns, though I do not know whether my right hon. Friend will be able to make a statement on that subject tomorrow. It just shows how difficult it is to satisfy everybody.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that removal vans have been extremely busy in Edinburgh today? The old St. Andrew's House has been virtually emptied into New St. Andrew's House, which is being emptied into another new St. Andrew's House, and the Inland Revenue departments are also being moved—all to accommodate the 1,000 civil servants and 150 Assemblymen who may be given a job if there is a"Yes"in the referendum, which I very much doubt. How can the Lord President justify that public expenditure long before the referendum and before he can be sure what the result will be?
The hon. Gentleman should not take his prospective defeat in the referendum so sourly. He should understand that the Government must make preparations. If we did not, there would be legitimate criticisms in other respects. Let us see who wins. It depends on what the people of Scotland say whether they get their Assembly. Most of us have absolute confidence that they will say"Yes"with a resounding voice and that all the preparations we have made will be fully justified.
Does my right hon. Friend appreciate that the general arrangements regarding salaries for Members of a directly elected European Assembly will be welcomed? Has there been any agreement on expenses for such matters as subsistence, travel, research and office expenses for Assembly Members?
I do not think that agreement has been reached on any aspect yet. Discussions on these matters have been taking place. I know that many of my hon. Friends and many other hon. Members are more immediately concerned about salaries in this House.—[HON. MEMBERS:"Hear, hear."]—I am glad to hear that hon. Members agree. I thought that that would command some applause. That is one reason why we are referring the matter to the Boyle committee as we promised in our debate a few months ago.
Reverting to the case of the dismissed trade unionist, Mr. Thompson, while I fully accept the Lord President's view that he ought not to make a statement until the facts are established, may I ask him to give a firm undertaking that, when he has established the facts, he will make a statement to the House in the context of possible revised legislation on the closed shop, having regard to the brutalities that are now commonly occurring?
The hon. Member has completely misconceived the situation. The closed shop under which this person was originally excluded was created even before the Industrial Relations Act 1971. I believe that trade unionists, like everyone else, should use their powers in a liberal and proper manner. However, to a considerable degree the whole atmosphere in these matters was soured by what was done under the Industrial Relations Act. I do not believe and the right hon. Member for Lowestoft (Mr. Prior) can confirm this—that there is any proposal now for legislation by his party to ban the closed shop under its aborted proposals.
Does not my right hon. Friend agree that it would be a major national scandal if the research and development facilities of the new NEB-created microprocessor industry were to be located in Bristol? Will my right hon. Friend give an assurance that the expectations and promises that were made that those facilities would be located in an area of high unemployment—in an assisted area—will be fulfilled?
I do not think that the use of the word"scandal"in such a context is the right way to approach the matter. Many considerations have to be taken into account. Of course, those who come from areas of high unemployment, such as my hon. Friend and myself, believe that they have a strong claim, but there are other aspects to be taken into account.
Is the Leader of the House aware that we do not think that it is acceptable that the only right of appeal is to a TUC-nominated body, which is, in a sense, judge and jury in its own case? Is he further aware that there always ought to be a right of appeal to a totally independent court or tribunal? Nothing else would suffice to allay widespread public anxiety.
It is absolutely wrong for the right hon. Gentleman to describe the independent review body as judge and jury in its own case. That is a completely false account of the position. Moreover, that suggestion is shown to be false by the references that have been made to that body already. I am sure that the right hon. Gentleman originally believed what was in The Daily Telegraph. I am glad that he now has that correct, and I hope that the House will reserve judgment until it knows the facts before passing any further comment.
House Of Commons (Picketing)
On a point of order, Mr. Speaker. I apologise for not having been able to give you notice of it. When I came into the House at 3 pm, I noticed that there were National Union of Journalists pickets outside the House, presumably seeking to prevent journalists and other members of the media from reporting our proceedings. It may be, Mr. Speaker, that you cannot give an answer today, but is this practice not an infringement of the rights of a free Parliament to have its report made public throughout the country? Is it justifiable for the House of Commons to be picketed, I think for the first time, in connection with the reporting of its proceedings to the people outside?
Further to that point of order, Mr. Speaker. Those of us who have met the pickets find that they have been behaving exactly as they have been instructed, without placards, and quite peacefully. Will you confirm that it is the right of pickets to picket this place in exactly the same way as anywhere else?
No.
Order. I shall not give the hon. Member for Rutland and Stamford (Mr. Lewis) an answer today, but I can tell the hon. Member for Lewisham, West (Mr. Price) that it is nobody's right to try to hold up the work of the High Court of Parliament.
Seel House Press, Liverpool
I beg to ask leave to move the Adjournment of the House, under Standing Order No. 9, for the pur- pose of discussing a specific and important matter that should have urgent consideration, namely,
The item is specific because it deals with Seel House Press, a printing plant, located in the inner area of Liverpool, that, since July, has been working under threat of closure. On Friday the final episode in the Seel House Press history took place when my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for Industry turned down a deal that had been arranged in the locality to enable that firm to continue in operation, saving the jobs of more than 90 print workers in an area of very high unemployment where the level concentrates at about 28 per cent. The matter is important because the Department of Industry has been involved in negotiation over Seel House Press, and about £600,000 was committed to it, as part of the original deal, in order to sustain the jobs there. After £400,000 of the money had been advanced the company decided to close down, thereby failing to fulfil its obligation under the original agreement with the Department to use the money to protect and extend the activities of and the jobs at Seel House Press. The matter is urgent, because last Friday the first redundancy notices were issued, and there now begins an orderly rundown of the firm. I do not say that Merseyside is alone in facing the unemployment problem, but the inner city area faces an acute form of it. Under Government policy it is contradictory for one Department to plough into such areas millions of pounds in order to revive them while another Department is deciding not to proceed to give effect to a promise that it made to save lobs. That promise was that if the unions and the Members of Parliament concerned—myself and my hon. Friend the Member for Liverpool, Scotland Exchange (Mr. Parry)—could find a buyer for the place and a backer prepared to operate on a pari passu basis, the Government would uphold their side of the bargain. It is a serious matter when the Ministers behave in this way, when the House is not aware that money has been used for purposes other than those for which it was originally intended. For those reasons the House should have a short debate on the matter and the Secretary of State should present himself in the House to answer questions." The closure of the Seel House Press, Liverpool."
The hon. Member for Liverpool, Garston (Mr. Loyden) did me the courtesy of giving me notice before 12 o'clock today that he would ask the leave of the House to move the Adjournment for the purpose of discussing a specific and important matter that he believes should have urgent consideration, namely,
I listened with great care to what the hon. Gentleman said. As he knows, it is not for me to decide whether that matter is to be debated. The only question for me is whether it must be debated tonight or tomorrow, and I have to rule that the hon. Gentleman's submission does not fall within the provisions of the Standing Order and, therefore, I cannot submit his application to the House." the closure of the Seel House Press, Liverpool ".
Orders Of The Day
Education Bill
Order for Second Reading read.
3.41 p.m.
I beg to move, That the Bill be now read a Second time.
I begin by welcoming the hon. and learned Member for Runcorn (Mr. Carlisle) to his new responsibilties as the Shadow spokesman on education and science. Those on the Government Benches know of the honourable and constructive contribution that he made as Minister of State at the Home Office. He will find that representing the interests of his party in education and science will involve him in certain circus riding tricks, and he may learn some of the adaptability and adept qualities of the hon. Member for Chelmsford (Mr. St. John-Stevas). The hon. Member for Chelmsford, I discover, has departed with one of the jewels of the crown in the Department of Education and Science, namely, his responsibility as spokesman for the arts, but as he decorated that post so spendidly it is perhaps appropriate that he should take it with him. More seriously, I hope that the hon. and learned Member for Runcorn will criticise when he feels he must, but also I hope that he will have the courage to support what he thinks is right in the Government's education policies. I am sure that he will agree with me that there is nothing more important than the education of our children and that we should not make political capital out of that except in cases where we have profound differences of opinion.Oh, who is talking?
I am talking, and I shall go on talking for some little time to come.
There is general agreement that the role of the parent should be much more widely recognised than it was in earlier legislation, and, in particular, that parents should be represented as of right on the governing bodies of schools. Since the publication of the Taylor report, just over a year ago, there has been a lively period of public discussion, and three things in particular have emerged. The first is that as there is now very wide agreement that, wherever possible, each school should have its own governing body and that the custom under which in some authorities a whole group of schools has been grouped together under one governing body, sometimes under the education committee, is not a proper way of managing and governing schools. Secondly, there is widespread agreement that the composition and method of appointment of school governing bodies should be changed to include, in particular, parents and teachers who are, in most cases, elected by the people whom they represent. There has already been a substantial move in this direction over the last few years, and I believe that the time has come to lay down minimum standards of representation in a statutory form. The Bill proceeds by laying down in general terms requirements that are to be worked out in regulations, and we shall be issuing a consultative document to encourage discussion on them. The consultative document will, I hope, be fully available to the Committee that meets to discuss the clauses of the Bill. We shall take very careful note of what is said by hon. Members in the debate and in Committee, and will take that into account in laying the regulations before the House.I apologise for intervening so soon, but I have an important point to make. There is a strong case for saying that the main principles of this matter should be written into the Bill. Will the Secretary of State give an assurance that it will not be impossible, if the Committee should so decide and the Government should be so persuaded, to write the main provisions into the Bill rather than that we should have to wait for regulations?
I am happy to give that assurance to the hon. Member for Aylesbury (Mr. Raison), provided he and his colleagues also bear in mind that it would be undesirable to have an extremely rigid system, which might allow no local flexibility. One reason why we have left open the possibility of amend- ing the Bill on Report in this matter is that we are anxious to hear the views of hon. Members on both sides of the House before finally laying down statutory regulations, I believe that that is a proper way of treating the House of Commons and of respecting its wisdom and knowledge in this area.
Will the Secretary of State be as sensible about another aspect of the Bill, namely, clause 11? That clause appears to indicate that Catholic parents will no longer be able to send their children to school outside the borough in which they reside. Would it be possible to be flexible about this and make changes at a later stage of the Bill?
I hope that the hon. Member for Richmond, Surrey (Sir A. Royle) will not mind if I say that that is a rather unfair intervention, as I have not yet reached even clause 1. I shall be happy to give way to the hon. Gentleman when we reach clause 11.
This applies to flexibility.
I agree, but if I give way at this stage I shall not get through the clauses. I am still talking about the governing body clauses.
Thirdly, there is still no agreement about what the formal powers of governing bodies should be. Most people, in my view rightly, see the nature of the relationship between the governing body and the school as something organic, which is individual to each school. Where the relationship works, it does not need any over-elaborate delegation of statutory powers, and where it does not work no amount of formal statutory power will increase its usefulness or its influence. The Bill, therefore, does not contain any provision relating to the specific powers of governing bodies, partly because I believe that the time is not yet right for such legislation and partly because I believe that getting the right people on to governing bodies in sufficient numbers will be enough to do the necessary task on its own. We are, however, indicating that minor authorities should continue to have a right to appoint governors to primary schools, and we are putting forward proposals that there should be community governors in secondary schools, which will create a closer bridge between schools and industry and, not least, between community and industry. I turn next to the question of school admissions. There is often a great deal of talk in the House about parental choice and parental wishes, as if it were not the case that under the old selective system only 20 per cent. of parents had any right to choose. That should be made quite clear. The purpose of the Bill is not to deal only with the articulate minority of parents who have the confidence to ring up heads and question teachers but, rather, to deal with all parents. The Bill protects and therefore legislates for all parents in all parts of England and Wales. For the first time it lays down the right for parents to express their preferences about the schools that they want their children to attend and for those preferences to be met if they reasonably and properly can be, compatibly with an efficient education service and with the comprehensive principle. Incidentally, many thousands of parents do not have that right at the present time. Because the expression of wishes without any knowledge about schools would be meaningless, as every good consumers' organisation and parents' association knows, the Bill also lays down, again for the first time, that parents shall have full information about the schools in their areas. Again, the House can discuss what the scope of that information should be. Certainly, apart from information about admission procedures, it is essential that there should be information about the subjects offered; about the examinations available to pupils; about the pastoral system; about the age range; about the question whether the school is voluntary aided, and whether it is a single-sex school or is coeducational; about what games and school societies are available; and not least, about how parents find out more about their own child's progress in the school. The Bill also gives local authorities the power to limit admissions to schools. Frankly, there has been a fair amount of politicking, some of it wholly irresponsible, on this issue. Let me say this bluntly: we cannot manage an education system in which the secondary school population is falling by a quarter within 10 years—from next year's 4,083,000 children to 3,082,000 in 1989—without some such instruments, for either we will throw millions of pounds of taxpayers' and ratepayers' money away by keeping hundreds of schools half or three quarters full, including many in old, worn-out and unsuitable buildings, or we will allow a chaotic situation to develop in which some schools are so overcrowded that their own teaching achievements are put at risk, while others become unviable without regard to the buildings, the equipment or the teaching staff. There must be sensible planning, and that planning must have regard to the efficient provision of the education system in each area and to the comprehensive reorganisation of our secondary schools. But it must have regard also to local opinion. The Bill does not repeal section 13 of the 1944 Act, under which significant changes in the character of a school entail section 13 notices, local consultation, the lodging of objections and a final decision by the Secretary of State. But there is some uncertainty about the precise cases to which the phrasein the 1944 Act applies. I am looking into this matter to see how it can best be clarified, but I stress to the House that section 13 procedures are still open to those who wish to object. It is ironic, perhaps, that the local education authorities themselves have been calling with increasing desperation for the power to limit admissions, believing that otherwise the falling school population will create expensive havoc with our schools. I tell the House—I stress this—that Conservative and Labour local authorities alike have been calling for this power." a significant change in character "
Will the right hon. Lady give way?
Not for the moment.
Both the Association of County Councils and the Association of Municipal Authorities are Conservative-controlled now. Both have pressed strongly for these provisions. Therefore, I was pleased to read in The Guardian of 1st December that the hon. and learned Member for Runcorn was trying to findand that the Leader of the Opposition had enjoined him to" a Carlisle solution to the conflict between national party philosophy and local administrative needs "
He will be a brilliant choirmaster if he can achieve that—perhaps even better than the right hon. Member for Sidcup (Mr. Heath). With all respect, however, I doubt whether the solution that the hon. and learned Member is said to have found, of a planning review every few years, would tackle effectively this desperately serious problem. I believe that the hon. and learned Gentleman will have the honesty and concern for education and educational standards to admit that as he learns all that is involved, he may find that this proposal will not be sufficient to deal with the problem." produce a coherent chorus from the competing voices of Conservative education."
As the right hon. Lady mentioned section 13, which refers to the significant extension of a school as being necessary for the operation of the procedures under section 13, why did she feel it necessary to table clause 6, as it stands, for annual changes in admissions levels, when she could have made a slight change to section 13 of the existing law to make it clear that not only enlargement but a diminution of the size of school could perhaps be operated under those proposed procedures?
Because the hon. Gentleman will learn that if the phrase is not actually"a significant extension"it is a significant"enlargement of the premises"of a school. We are now talking not about changes to the premises of a school but, rather, changes to the numbers of a school. The hon. Member will appreciate that one of the great problems here is what happens if there is a steady small decline over several years in a school, none of which amounts to a significant change in its character. It is this point to which we are addressing ourselves and on which we hope to be able to say more at a later stage.
On this matter, I should like to quote from The Times Educational Supplement:We are, I would say, trying to find a new balance between parents—I repeat, all parents, everywhere—legitimate right to express a preference and genuine administrative needs. I say frankly that it would be easy to meet the needs and the choices of 10 per cent. or 15 per cent. of parents—one could guarantee their first choices—and then let the other 90 per cent. or 85 per cent. go hang. That sometimes happens now. I am concerned to meet, as far as possible, the preferences of the great majority of parents—though not always their first preference, I readily agree. Indeed, it would be wholly hypocritical to say anything else. Last year a number of authorities—to name three, the Inner London education authority, Hertfordshire and Sheffield—met over 96 per cent. of their parents' first or second preferences for schools. They did so by a variety of methods, from linked primaries to listing one's first three or four choices. What matters is that parents must be consulted, and must be able to appeal locally and with the minimum of fuss if they do not like the allocation made. But no one should pretend that every parent can get exactly what he wants for his child. I quote from The Observer, and I believe that it is absolutely right:" In theory, the Conservatives are being more consistent about parental choice, but whoever is in power has to deal with the practicalities of looking after the interests of all children, and there can be little doubt that it is right and responsible for the Bill to include the planned admission capacity provisions."
Therefore, the Bill tries to give all parents the right to express a preference and not some parents the overriding right of their first choice. Since the publication of the Bill—this deals with the point raised by the hon. Member for Richmond, Surrey—a number of hon. Members have drawn to my attention their concern that clause 7(5)—it is that clause which is more significant in respect of the point raised by the hon. Member—could reduce the opportunity at present enjoyed by children seeking denominational education in districts other than their own. This subsection was drafted to protect the position of local authorities with respect to their own children. I am urgently looking into this matter. Its effect on voluntary schools is quite inadvertent, since it is not my intention in any way to limit parents' wishes in regard to a denominational education. We shall be bringing forward amendments to protect the position. I assure the House that the effect of this is wholly inadvertent." Choice has never existed for most parents and can never exist for all. It exists at the present time only for the rich, the strong and those with the sort of children any school may be happy to have. It is one of the functions of Government to see that the strong do not walk over the weak."
I certainly welcome the last mention that the right hon. Lady made. She has moved on slightly. I wanted to ask her whether she is aware that, certainly in the ILEA area—the ILEA has a good record and is a good authority on the whole—parental choice is guided by the primary school headmaster and that it is often fairly strongly guided. I very much doubt whether it would be 95 per cent., or whatever the figure was, if there were pressures from the primary school headmaster guiding the parent on the question of which school would be suitable for his children.
I accept what the hon. Member says. I think that he will find that this is very common throughout much of the country, in Conservative and Labour authorities alike. There is a problem here, in that many parents will welcome guidance from the head, but, of course, that guidance should never amount to a form of pressure upon the parent. The clause in the Bill which lays down a requirement for very full information about schools will put parents in a very much better position to argue with the headmaster or the class teacher, if that is what they wish to do, about guided parental choice.
I turn next to higher and further education. The main provisions of the new Bill cover education maintenance allowances and the implementation of the Oakes report. On education maintenance allowances, let me say right away that I wish that I could today be announcing a national scheme. I make no bones about that. I am afraid that the need to keep a tight rein on public expenditure at a time of great uncertainty in the world's financial situation, and also the overriding need to fight inflation at home, precludes a full start in 1979, but I believe that this delay, much as I regret it, can be turned to useful effect. The Bill means that Parliament can extend the scheme for education maintenance allowances to all 16 to 19-yearolds by an affirmative resolution of both Houses, when resources allow. I hope that that will not be long delayed. Meanwhile, pilot schemes can be started in the areas of England and Wales most seriously afflicted by unemployment and with the lowest participation rates among 16-year-olds. I hope that we shall also be able to include some inner city areas. I was astonished to read the attack on EMAs by some members of the Conservative Party, not least the chairman of the Association of Municipal Authorities education committee, Councillor Malcolm Thornton. I put before the House what are in my view three appalling facts. First, we have the lowest staying-on rate, after compulsory education, of any major EEC member country except Italy. We are simply losing a lot of our talented youngsters before they gain the higher qualifications of which they are capable. Secondly, the present power of local education authorities to make discretionary awards has been more honoured in the breach than in the observance; according to a recent survey, 2·4 per cent. of our pupils over 16 get EMAs, and 7 per cent. in full-time further education; and in 1974 the allowance averaged just £2·40 a week—rose—
—I shall give way to the hon. Member in a moment—yet I have heard of cases of such hardship, involving parents who are invalids, or those on low wages with several children, that they are hard to believe—and all this at a time when we are so short of skilled men and women that growth in some areas is being held back, and when a youngster can draw far more on the dole than by qualifying to meet this pressing, national need. The hon. Member for Ripon wrote a long letter to The Guardian newspaper the other day about the educational maintenance allowance. In that letter he said:
The hon. Member for Ripon has a high standard of educational debate but on this occasion he has not done his homework, because he seems singularly unaware of the fact that EMAs will be readily available for courses in further education colleges leading to vocational qualifications; and at the present time there are more than three times as many educational maintenance awards for courses of this kind in further education colleges as there are for youngsters staying on at school."Why is The Guardian so willing to assume that an extra year in school will do anything for those who have for years been bored and alienated? All the evidence suggests that most young people want vocational courses that they see as relevant and useful. Already more and more go to further education colleges to find them. This is the crux of Conservative opposition to Mrs. Williams."
indicated dissent.
I have given the House the figures—2·4 per cent. and 7 per cent. which is approximately three times as many. I must tell the hon. Member for Ripon, certainly before his Front Bench commits itself against EMAs, that the Conservative Party should be quite clear that the opportunity to extend support to youngsters from poor homes going on to vocational education and vocational skills is at the very heart of these proposals, and I hope that in future hon. Members on the Conservative Benches will recognise that before condemning them.
I pointed out that it was the lack of discrimination in the right hon. Lady's scheme that led those on the Conservative Benches to feel that the money should be concentrated on further education grants rather than on further education in schools. There are two vital points that I would like her to answer. A Select Committee pointed out that, strictly, the educational maintenance allowances were not applicable to further education. Secondly, the right hon. Lady keeps making charges about disparaging the staying-on rate. A fortnight ago in this House she said that this country was worse than any other country apart from Spain, Portugal and Italy. Today she says that we are worse than any other country except Italy. The latest OECD figures that I was able to get from the Library show that if we include further education with the school staying-on rate we come up to almost 35 per cent., which is not the worst in Europe.
I think that the hon. Gentleman was not listening very closely. I spoke of the Community. Secondly, quite frankly, if hon. Members read in the Official Report what is said in this debate and the letter of the hon. Gentleman to The Guardian, they will not be able to conclude from that that the position of the Conservative Party is one of favouring EMAs for further education. It certainly does not read one little bit in that way.
Some newspapers attack the scheme as"pocket money for teenagers ". At this stage I will not suggest that any member of the Conservative Party has used such a silly phrase, but that is really rubbish. We are talking about awards that will be means-tested and payable to parents unless the authorities decide otherwise. Frankly, I would have far more respect for the newspapers that oppose EMAs in these terms if they followed through their argument to a logical conclusion and opposed awards for students in universities and polytechnics as well. Nor, I must admit, have I heard urgent representations from the Conservative Benches to that effect. Until I do, I shall regard those who oppose EMAs and at the same time support higher education awards as operating something of a double standard. The last major section of the Bill deals with legislation following from the Oakes report, designed principally to implement two of the main recommendations of the report of the working group on the management of higher education in the maintained sector, chaired by my hon. Friend the Minister of State for Education and Science. This was published as Cmnd. 7130 in March 1978, and there has been widespread consultation since then to enable the Government to take into account the views of interested bodies on the report. Let me remind the House why this review was necessary and why we are now taking steps to implement the report. We on the Government Benches believe that the local education authorities who have done so much to build up higher education in their establishments of further education should continue to have a major responsibility for higher education outside the universities; but under the present system for pooling the cost of higher education, financial responsibilities are insufficiently defined and there is no central focus for planning the maintained system of higher education. We want to preserve local responsibility but combine it with better accountability and with more effective arrangements for financial control and forward planning. In this we are supported by a great majority of those who have commented on the report since its publication. I shall mention one or two other matters of interest to the House arising on particular clauses, though I do not wish to detain the House for more than a few moments. I trust that in doing so I shall be helpful to the House in what is necessarily quite a complicated Bill. With regard to the Taylor report and the changes proposed in school government, Clause 1 allows all future governors and managers alike to be called"governors ", and indicates that there should be a governing body for each school, subject to agreement by the Secretary of State if there is a desire to group schools together. Clause 2 concerns the composition of governing bodies. Perhaps it is worth saying a word on voluntary aided schools. As the House will know, those schools have foundation governors whose job is to safeguard the character of the school and the way in which they are appointed. All types of foundation governors will continue to be appointed for the types of school to which they are appointed at present, but in respect of voluntary schools we have now agreed with representatives of the Churches that they will relinquish their present entitlement to a two-thirds majority and, instead, will wish for a clear majority, amounting to a majority of two, in governing bodies under 18 in number. I am glad to say that the Churches have agreed that within the governing foundation group they will include at least one representative of parents, which is helpful in carrying out the spirit of the Taylor report in the voluntary schools as well as in the maintained schools.My right hon. Friend will be aware that many hon. Members feel that there ought to be opportunities for pupils in secondary schools to serve on boards with governors. In a number of respects the Bill falls short of what many of us would wish it to achieve. Although there may be opportunities for some hon. Members to seek to push this matter further, will my right hon. Friend say a word or two about this? Surely it is desirable that all local authorities should recognise the desirability of advancing in this direction by making places available for pupils.
I am aware of that point. I was about to come to the Taylor report and the changes in governing bodies.
The Bill makes it quite clear that local authorities may appoint governors between the ages of 16 and 18. It is a permissive clause and is not mandatory, because one cannot force local authorities to take this course. My view is that local authorities will be able to look at the schools which undertake this proposal. I think that they will learn that many of the perils that they fear are beside the point and that pupil governors can often make a substantial contribution to governing bodies. This is an area in which we need to make haste little by little in the light of experience rather than to force local authorities to accept pupil governors whether or not they wish to do so. I wish to deal with individual cases in regard to choice of school. This matter can give rise to great difficulties and disputes. Clause 8 requires local education authorities and school governors to provide, as many do already—this does not apply to all—for a local review of decisions, which can be a review on procedural grounds or on the merits of an individual case. The important thing about such a local review procedure is that it should be no more formal than is necessary to ensure that it is fair, and that it should operate speedily to prevent parents and children being subjected to long and damaging periods of delay and uncertainty. However, there are a small number of cases in which decisions are not taken on the basis of published criteria or where the admission procedures laid down by the authority are not followed. Where cases of this kind cannot be resolved locally, clause 9 provides for a right of appeal to the Secretary of State. The House should know that sections 76 and 99 of the Education Act 1944 are not repealed by the Bill. Both provisions allow for appeals to the Secretary of State in certain circumstances. Therefore, some of the comments on the Bill, seeking to suggest that it supervenes all other methods of appeal, are wrong, because these provisions remain. They add an additional provision, which will allow appeals if admission procedures are not properly followed. Clause 10 requires local education authorities and school governors to publish their school admission arrangements and policies, details of school admissions limits and their arrangements for the expression of parental preferences and local review of decisions. The clause also contains the additional requirements relating to the publication of information about schools.I wish to ask my right hon. Friend about clause 10, subsection (1)(b) of which mentions information concerning schools not maintained by local education authorities. Does this mean that the Department accepts the Manchester situation, where rate money is being used to provide places for a small selected group of pupils in independent schools?
I assure my hon. Friend that this provision has nothing to do with that aspect. The Greater Manchester Council operates under the Local Government Act, and no part of this Bill or of earlier education legislation bites upon local government legislation. That matter is quite separate from this Bill.
I followed my right hon. Friend's earlier comments about clause 7(5), but will she explain why she considers clause 11(2) to be necessary? Does that not remove a right which parents and children in Greater London have had since 1963?
Clause 11(2) deals with a purely transitional phase following the reorganisation of local government. Under clause 23 additional and more generous provisions are made in respect of extra district provision for children from outside the district. Because there have been legal doubts about clauses 7(5) and 11(2), in respect of their effect on voluntary schools, the assurance that I gave to the hon. Member for Richmond, Surrey on this matter also covers the position on clause 11(2). They are intended for quite different purposes, but the Churches have brought to our attention the fear that they may be misused. We intend to protect the position so that those provisions cannot be misused.
rose—
I cannot give way further on this point. My hon. Friend the Minister of State will be replying, and will take note of the various points raised during the debate. I suggest that I leave such detailed matters to my hon. Friend. I do not want to cut into the time of Back Benchers.
Will the right hon. Lady give way?
Order. The right hon. Lady has just said that she did not intend to give way.
Then will the right hon. Lady reconsider her decision?
I am afraid not. I must get on. It is 4.15 p.m., and many hon. Members wish to take part in the debate.
Will my right hon. Friend leave subsection (2) out of the Bill?
My hon. Friend the Member for Tottenham (Mr. Atkinson) will have an opportunity to deal with these matters. I have already said that the Minister of State will reply to the debate. I suggest that it is foolish to press a position on which I have already said that we are willing to legislate, and to ask me for an assurance that goes beyond an opportunity to consult those affected. Such an assurance is beside the point.
I turn to clauses 12 and 13, which contain detailed amendments to the school attendance procedure—amendments that are necessary to give effect to the general principle that the parent who is to be the subject of a school attendance order should have exactly the same rights to express a preference for the school that he wishes his child to attend as any other parent, and exactly the same rights of appeal and objection. It is provided that if at the time at which notice of intention to serve an attendance order is given the parent is not content to accept a place at a school offered by the authority, he may apply for a place at other schools under the normal school admission arrangements made in clauses 6 to 8 and published under clause 10. The maintaining authority or the governors will be under the same duty to try to meet that preference and the parent will have the same rights of objection and appeal. I believe that this will be accepted as a fair and reasonable way of organising these procedures. Some amendment to the law on school attendance arrangements is urgently necessary if some of the unfortunate cases that were publicised last year are not to be repeated. In recent years a small number of parents have kept their children out of school for long and disruptive periods, in breach of their statutory duty to secure their education, in order to pursue their claim for a place at the school of their choice. We are talking here about no more than several hundred or a thousand out of the 600,000 or 700,000 children who each year transfer from primary to secondary school. When 60 or 70 parents have been disappointed in their hopes for a place at a particular school, it is not fair that one or two who are prepared to keep their children out of school for long periods and who take the serious step of putting themselves in breach of the law should be able to gain admission for their children where so many others cannot. Clause 12(8) provides for an interim amendment to the school attendance procedures that will ensure that in considering cases that arise in the period in which consultation is taking place local education authorities and the Secretary of State can consider the more general matters that have to be taken into account in determining which school is to be named in attendance orders. I wish to mention briefly a few of the clauses dealing with other matters. Clause 14, relating to day nurseries, enables the DHSS and the Department of Education to press forward more urgently the present co-ordination of services for children under 5 years of age. As part of the strategy, my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for Social Services and I propose to encourage the development of day nurseries and nursery schools and classes as resource centres for the under-fives serving in the localities in which they are situated. I am making an additional £3·3 million available for nursery education projects over the next three years, and I shall shortly be announcing expanded 1979–80 nursery education building programme allocations. Clause 14 is an enabling power to permit local education authorities to provide education in local authority day nurseries and day centres for those children who are among the most disadvantaged in our society and who can benefit most from it. I commend the clause to the House. I turn next to clause 15. This allows mandatory awards to be extended to additional courses in higher education. Under the relevant provision of the Education Act 1962, as amended, local education authorities have a duty to make awards to students on first degree and comparable courses. Clause 15 of the Bill would extend this range of courses in two respects. It would enable the Secretary of State to designate for mandatory awards advanced professional and vocational courses, and certain courses provided by a United Kingdom establishment in conjunction with an education institution overseas. The clause would also consolidate existing legislation governing awards to students. I am sure that my hon. Friends will welcome this new enabling power, which will extend mandatory awards into professional and vocational higher education courses. I turn now to the last clauses of the Bill. Clause 17 authorises Government expenditure on industrial scholarships intended to encourage more of our able young people to take courses relevant to careers in industry, and would extend to the whole of the United Kingdom. My hon. Friend the Minister of State will be saying something more about this matter in winding up the debate. However, it is perhaps worth telling the House—I believe this to be important—that in the last four years, after a long period of stagnation, the number of young people applying for degree level courses in engineering and technology has increased by no less than 57 per cent. I believe that that reflects favourably on the policies that we have followed in trying to bring education and industry closer together. Clause 18 allows the Secretary of State for Wales to pay specific grants towards the teaching of Welsh and of subjects in Welsh. If he catches your eye, Mr. Deputy Speaker, my hon. Friend the Under-Secretary of State for Wales will say something about that later in the debate. Finally, I turn to Clauses 23 to 30. Clause 23 makes one change of substance in the provisions of section 6 of the 1948 Act. In cases where one authority provides primary or secondary education for a child from the area of another authority, the providing authority is entitled to recoup the cost from the home authority unless the Secretary of State directs otherwise. The clause allows authorities to determine whether or not they will be able to recover the cost of making provision for a child from another area before the child has been admitted to the school. It is hoped that this change will help to remove the difficulties that have arisen over the question of extra-district admissions. I hope that these proposals will ease the difficulties. The operation of these provisions should assist parents in making a choice of school. This is a substantial Education Bill, which will, I believe, be welcome to those concerned with the welfare of our children, teachers and schools. It will give parents a much more significant role in the governing and management of schools. It will provide new opportunities for young people. It will also reform the management of the public sector of higher education. I commend the Bill with confidence to the House.4.22 p.m.
I thank the Secretary of State for the remarks which she made about me at the beginning of her speech. In the somewhat hectic two weeks since my appointment, one thing has certainly been brought home to me very firmly: that, wherever one goes, to many people education is indeed a burning issue of concern. I have no doubt that I shall find this subject extremely interesting. I hope that, as the right hon. Lady said, I may be able to make a constructive contribution to the debate.
The right hon. Lady also mentioned my hon. Friend the Member for Chelmsford (Mr. St. John-Stevas). I cannot think of a person whom I would rather follow in this post than my hon. Friend. Certainly I propose to try to follow in general the line that he has taken. Having said that, I think that I must sympathise with all Members who regularly attend education debates. I am terribly conscious of the fact that the wit and erudition which normally comes from the Opposition Front Bench on this subject will be sadly missing in coming debates. I thought it appropriate that my hon. Friend's last contribution as Opposition spokesman on education should he on Second Reading of the Public Lending Right Bill, to which he made such an important contribution. For the purpose of preparing myself for this debate, I felt it right to read my hon. Friend's speech on that occasion. Referring to the right hon. Lady, he used these words:I felt that, in view of my married status and the fact that I come from a profession which is known to be somewhat cautious in its use of language, I should not be so extravagant towards the right hon. Lady. However, I very much hope that, as long as I have anything to do with these matters, where we disagree, as undoubtedly we shall on certain aspects of education policy, and where we differ, as we shall in some respects substantially on certain aspects of the Bill, we shall be able to maintain the debates in the argument of genuine disagreements on policy rather than involve in debates on personalities. We now have this Government's second Education Bill. Looking at the press cuttings, I think it is right to say that it has had a good degree of pre-publicity." She knows that I am devoted to her ".—[Official Report, 10th November 1978; Vol. 957, c. 1369]
Order. I hope that the differences of opinion which the hon. and learned Gentleman forecasts have not led to the casualties I see among Labour Members.
Until the other hon. Gentleman came in, I had always imagined education to be a quiet and polite area of politics. Now that I look round and see, almost before my arrival, two Members with identical arms in slings, I feel somewhat concerned about the future of the Bill.
As I said, the Bill has had a great deal of pre-publicity. The right hon. Lady put it forward as a substantial Bill. I am not sure whether it is all that substantial. There are parts of the Bill which we support and welcome, but there are other parts to which we are clearly opposed. Its aim, as the right hon. Lady put it, of widening parental choice is indeed one which we strongly support. But our concern is that, as the Bill is written, it could in practice lead to a total disregard of the choices of parents on the altar of bureaucratic convenience. We do not propose to oppose Second Reading of the Bill today, but we shall look at it searchingly and critically in Committee. We shall hope to persuade the Minister of State of the value of amendments which we shall put forward to ensure that the Bill achieves the aim described by the Secretary of State. As this is my first opportunity to speak on education, I hope that the House will forgive me if, before turning to the details of the Bill, I make certain remarks about the Opposition's general approach to education and the context in which we shall tackle the Bill. I suppose that the fundamental of a good education is that it should be based on a partnership between the home and the school and the parent and the teacher. Therefore, it follows that we believe that parents should be encouraged to take as great an involvement as they can in the education of their children and should be given the widest possible choice which is reasonably practicable concerning the school which their children attend. I accept, as the right hon. Lady said, that absolute choice is unobtainable, but the fact that absolute choice is unobtainable does not mean that we should not strive to provide the widest choice that is available. As I said, education is not about bureaucratic convenience or political dogma but is about children and their parents. For concerned parents, the most important matter is the standard of education being provided in the types of school at which their children are being educated. I am aware that more than 80 per cent. of children of secondary school age are being educated in comprehensive schools. We have made clear in the past, and I repeat today, that we are totally opposed to those clauses of the 1976 Act which impose compulsion on local education authorities. We have made it clear that we will repeal them. We believe that education is a national service locally provided and that the local education authority should have the right to choose the type of education system it considers most suitable to its area. I repeat what my hon. Friend the Member for Chelmsford has said on many occasions. We would look at any schemes put up for reorganisation on the basis of educational merit rather than political dogma.Since the hon. Gentleman has given a statement of his fundamental philosophy for the first time on this subject, does he believe that in any one area it is possible for a comprehensive school and a grammar school to exist side by side?
I think it is. Perhaps I might complete this point. I believe that we should try to encourage the widest variety in types of education. It is because the dogmatic approach of the Government has deprived many children, especially from less affluent homes, of the opportunity of benefiting from the type of education most suited to their ability and has driven many schools totally into the independent sector that we believe that an assisted places scheme can give to children of ability whose parents cannot afford to pay the fees the opportunity to benefit from the education provided at those schools.
We must see whether the education system is meeting the needs of society or is adequately answering the social ills that exist. I admit that I am alarmed and concerned that at a time of high unemployment we still seem, as a society, to be desperately short of many necessary skills. I am equally alarmed and concerned at the clear connection that can be shown to exist between truancy and vandalism and juvenile crime. I accept that 80 per cent. of children in secondary education are attending comprehensive schools. I also accept that what is needed most of all in many areas of the country is a period of stability. Our aim will be to devise policies aimed at providing the highest standard of education in the schools that exist. Having made certain general remarks, may I now turn to the Bill? I start by welcoming the clauses which we can support practically without reservation. I record particularly the implementation of the proposals of the Taylor report in the early part of the Bill. Ever since the drawing up of our"parents' charter"in 1974, we have, as a party, pressed for parents to be represented on governing bodies and for those governors to be elected by all parents with children at the school. We made such a commitment in our October 1974 manifesto. We are delighted, therefore, that those principles should now be recognised in law, as they are in the Bill. I notice that the right hon. Lady has said that she proposes to deal with the composition by means of regulations. I was glad to hear that she proposes to give the Committee an opportunity to discuss what those regulations should contain and to indicate before we reach that part of the Bill what she has in mind. I hear rumours that some of the Government business managers may wish to attempt to get the Bill into Committee next week, before Christmas. Since it is the early part of the Bill that deals with the regulations, a good argument for leaving it until after Christmas is to give the Department sufficient time to enable us to have the information on which to base a case. I suspect that if we met next week for either one or two sittings, little progress would be made. We welcome the inclusion of teachers on the governing boards of schools. We also welcome the recommendation on community representatives. We believe that teachers should serve on the boards because education is a partnership between school and home. It is a fundamental ingredient of a good education. To have representatives of the community on the governing board provides a link between school and the working life of the area and facilitates the exchange of ideas between those studying and teaching in the school and those living and working nearby. This is not all new. Many local education authorities already co-opt such members on to their governing boards, but I am glad that this is now getting statutory recognition. I was glad to hear the Secretary of State's remarks about clause 3. I understand that she goes along with the spirit of the Taylor report—namely, that every school should have a separate governing body—although we accept that cases will exist in which, with the permission of the Secretary of State, twinning may be required. I have read the Taylor report with care, and I thought it important in the emphasis that it gave to the role of the governor in the school and in wanting to involve the individual parent with the school. I notice that, at the beginning of the report in its guiding philosophy it says:The Taylor report recommended that one of the duties of the governors should be to protect and promote the special characteristics of the individual school. I welcome that. If we can ensure that the individual child feels a close connection and a pride in the school, we shall go a considerable distance in dealing with some of the social ills that exist among teenagers. While I welcome the changes in the composition of the governing bodies, I am concerned about the new powers that the Secretary of State proposes to take in clause 4 to amend the articles of government without reference back to the local education authority. I should like to know from the Minister of State what is the purpose of this. What are the motives? On the face of it, it seems like an arbitrary extension of Government power without any apparent justification. I should now like to turn to clause 14, which deals with nursery education. We welcome that clause. We have always attached the greatest importance to nursery education. My right hon. Friend the Leader of the Opposition, when Secretary of State for Education and Science, made great strides in this area. We believe that it is a decisive factor in a child's future educational development, so we welcome the small improvement involved. Every report on under-fives in the last few years has emphasised the difficulty caused by the fragmentation of provision. Allowing nursery teachers to teach in different nursery schools will help to draw together two of those strands and will greatly benefit those children who often are among the most socially and educationally deprived of their generation. We support the extension of mandatory awards in clause 15. The sharp cuts in local authority spending over the last few years have hit all local education authorities hard and have meant that the provision of discretionary awards has been among the first areas to suffer. This has led to substantial discrepancies in the approach to this matter in different parts of the country. As a result, many highly qualified young people have been unable to pursue their professional training because the local education authority cannot find the funds to support a discretionary award. We have in the past urged that some of those awards should be made mandatory. I am glad that the Bill does this, and I hope that the awards will be used to fund courses which include such subjects as accountancy, law, nursing and social training. I also welcome the clause which deals with industrial scholarships. That seems to be an extension of the national engineering scholarship scheme which was launched last year and which went off with more of a whisper than a bang. We hope that the new scheme will be better managed and publicised and that these scholarships will become an effective way of encouraging talented and highly motivated young people to take courses directly relevant to the revival of British industry. I turn now to clause 16, which would provide grants to those over 16 in full-time education. We believe that the scheme proposed by the right hon. Lady is a totally wrong use of scarce resources. I ask rhetorically, what now is the purpose behind these proposals? Is the scheme intended as a means of increasing the staying-on rate at school? If so, we support her aim, but we do not believe that a means-tested payment, to a maximum, I believe, of £7·50 to every child in school in a particular LEA area, is the right way to achieve it. So far as it may encourage those to stay on who have no real desire to do so, there is a danger that those pupils will become a disruptive element to the education of the other children. Or is the scheme no longer aimed at providing a wider take-up in education? Has it become, as we suspect, merely a means of masking the true figures of youth unemployment in the run-up to a General Election? So far as the pilot scheme in areas of high unemployment was limited to individual geographical areas, it would be unfair and divisive. Of course, I accept much that the right hon. Lady said about the need to help those parents of children aged between 16 and 18 who find it difficult to allow their children to stay on in education from which they have the ability to benefit. There may be a case for considering the work of the scheme for educational maintenance allowance as it now exists. The right hon. Lady was critical of the press for describing these payments as payments to children rather than to parents. Drafted as it is, the clause certainly gave me the impression that the payment was intended to be made to the child. I should like the Minister of State to consider this. The wording of clause 16(1) seems to me as a lawyer to say specifically that. We want to make sure that any help is given to those parents who need it, and we believe that any spare resources that the right hon. Lady has would be better used in discretionary awards in this way than in blanket payments to all children over 16 merely because they happen to be in a particular area. Equally, we believe that there is a case for the rationalisation of all the provisions for the payment of grants to those aged between 16 and 19 in different forms of full-time education. But I repeat that we find no case for supporting that part of the scheme for blanket payments which the right hon. Lady appears to have managed to salvage from its substantial savaging in the Cabinet. One clause gets rid of the power to make grants for the removal of air raid shelters at schools. I welcome the departure of that last relic of the war, but I would add that in an area like mine, with an expanding new town, the pressure on existing schools, even those built recently, is such that if any had an air raid shelter it would quickly be used for educational purposes. I turn now to the heart of the Bill, the clauses dealing with choice and school admission. At the risk of repetition, I want to make it totally clear where the Opposition stand on parental choice. We have never said, and never would say, that parental choice can be absolute. Popular schools cannot be expected to grow elastic walls to acccommodate an ever-increasing number of pupils. In the nature of things, some parents are always bound to be disappointed. But the fact that something cannot be absolute does not invalidate the aim of making it as great as possible. In parts of her speech, the Secretary of State implied that it did. We want parents to be given as much choice as is reasonably practical. That is a fundamental element of our educational policy, which places the interests of parents and children before those of the bureaucrat. We believe that the falling rolls over the next few years give us an opportunity to make a practicality of that choice. It is on those lines that we shall consider those parts of the Bill, and it is to meet those aims that we shall seek to amend it. If parents are to have choice, two things must happen. First, they must have the widest possible information about the schools concerned so that they may make an informed choice. Second, there must be a proper system of local review where their choice has not been met. We welcome the proposals which will oblige all local education authorities to publish their admission arrangements and which impose the duty on local authorities or governors to try to comply with parents' wishes. That is a substantial change in the burden of requirement on the LEA from section 76 of the 1944 Act. However, we are by no means happy with the wording of some of the ifs and buts which hedge around that principle. We fear that the proposed planned admission limits in clause 6, which appear to be very much more restrictive than the recommendation of occupancy limits put out in the consultative paper, will simply undo all the potential good in the other clauses and allow some local authorities to show a cynical disregard for parents' wishes. We fear that, after all the talk and publicity about parental choice, parents' rights are still in danger of being sacrificed for administrative convenience. If that were so, the Bill would be a sham and a charade and it would be recognised as such. Our approach to the Third Reading will depend on the constructive reaction of the Minister of State in Committee. Our main criticism of the proposed planned admission limits with the provision for annual review and change is that they will enable schools to turn pupils away even when there are empty places, in order to keep other less popular schools open. We believe that this would be a tragic infringement of freedom at a time when school rolls are falling and thus providing greater opportunities for choice than ever before. I shall quote from a letter in The Daily Telegraph on 17th November written by the headmaster of a well-known and successful comprehensive school. He said:" Within the framework of national and local policies…the special character of the individual school is precious to most people and should be protected."
That sums up far more succinctly and far better than I could the view that we take about this part of the Bill. While the availability of a vacancy must be a major criterion in school admission, any limit set under the Bill must be real and not artificial. We aim to amend the Bill in this way. I was interested to hear what the Secretary of State said about clause 13. It appeared to go some way towards meeting our concern. Clause 13 allows for any substantial change in the character of the school and has been understood to mean also any extension of more than 10 per cent. in the size of the school. As drafted at the moment it does not deal with any reduction in the size of the school. The very least that we shall ask is that if by planned admission limits there is to be a sizeable reduction in the size of a school, it must be subject to clause 13 procedure so that parents can be heard on this issue. Another disturbing feature is the erosion of the powers of voluntary school governors. I listened carefully to the Secretary of State and I am grateful to her for her undertakings on certain clauses. Traditionally voluntary schools have enrolled their own admissions, and now it seems that they are to be made to toe the line. If the local education authority does not agree with the limit set by the governors, it will be able to call on the Secretary of State to override the figure and set a new one. The earlier clauses also reduce the position of the foundation governors on governing boards. It is no wonder that the Secretary of State was recently heaping praise on denominational schools. Probably it was to make sure that they did not have too many ruffled feathers when they read some of the provisions of the Bill. My hon. Friend the Member for Brent, North (Dr. Boyson) will deal with clause 7(5) and clause 11(2) when he winds up the debate. I make it clear to the Secretary of State that, as we understand it at present, these provisions of the Bill, and particularly the abolition of the section of the London Government Act, could be a grave attack on the existing rights of parents to choose schools outside the boundaries of their own authorities. Indeed, if it did that, it would be rigid zoning with a vengeance. A full local appeals procedure with an independent element is an indispensable feature of any system of parental choice. Parents who are dissatisfied with the official allocation of schools must be able to make their complaints heard. Considered in this light, the provisions of clause 8 of the Bill are quite inadequate. They merely oblige local education authorities to enable parents to submit objections in writing. Put in plain language, they seem to mean that an education officer can be asked to review that which he has already decided. It is absolutely essential that there should be a small local appeal panel to make an independent judgment of the case at local level. The elected county councillors or the elected councillors of the authority responsible for education have an important role to play at that level. Nobody disputes that the present section 37 procedure is anomalous. It is hard to condone a system which entails keeping a child away from school while the parents and the authority argue about the best place for the child to be educated. However, it is at present the only effective appeals procedure left. If it is to go, it is a necessary prerequisite that it should be replaced by a proper local appeals procedure. The reference in clause 9 to appeals to the Secretary of State appears to relate to appeals against procedure and not to appeals on merit. My last point on this part of the Bill concerns the provision of information about schools. Clause 10 as drafted makes only a grudging reference to providing such information about schools as the governors or the education authority think fit. We consider that once again an opportunity has been missed to make some major advances in this area. We want to see a requirement on all schools to publish a full prospectus giving details not only of admission arrangements but also of a school's academic record, its character, its specialities and its objectives. I turn to the part of the Bill that deals with the implementation of the Oakes report. I have known the Minister of State for many years. We have neighbouring constituencies and I have always thought that we were friends. Having read the Oakes report, I must say that I regret that it is not as readable as the Taylor report, and at times I found my feelings of friendship towards the hon. Gentleman somewhat strained as I tried to stagger through the complexities of the problem. We welcome the fact that local education authorities should continue to retain an interest in polytechnics and other colleges in their areas. We accept that the present financing arrangements are inadequate as an open-ended commitment and that there is insufficient control. There may well be a case for a national body to guide the development and financing of polytechnics. At the end of the day, however, the scheme proposed in the report seemed extremely bureaucratic and complicated. I am anxious to listen to the views of other hon. Members on what I concede is not an easy area. Because the Bill has some good aspects and because there are some matters in it which we support, clearly we shall not vote against it tonight. However, we will look for significant amendments in Committee before agreeing to support it at any later stage. I hope that the right hon. Lady, the Minister of State and the Under-Secretary of State will be able to take a constructive and amenable approach in Committee. I hope they will listen to the case for the amendments moved by my right hon. and hon. Friends on their merits. If they do, I have no doubt that we shall achieve our aim of seeing wider parental choice. If they do not. I fear that parents will feel that they have been sadly let down by the Bill." With falling rolls in schools, over-subscription will become increasingly less of a problem. We must ensure at this moment when parental choice can operate more freely, that full ' means the inability of a school to admit pupils without overcrowding, not the exceeding of an arbitrary number laid down by a local authority to guarantee equality of distribution among popular and unpopular schools. That is absurd, hypocritical and uneconomic. If a school can admit pupils and parents want their children to go there, it must be allowed to take them. There is no other honest or humane policy."
5.0 p.m.
I congratulate the hon. and learned Member for Runcorn (Mr. Carlisle) on his maiden speech as the Opposition spokesman on education. In accordance with the tradition of the House, I express the hope that we shall often hear him speaking, but from the Opposition Benches.
The hon. and learned Gentleman has started well. He has announced that the Opposition do not propose to oppose the Bill's Second Reading. He has spoken of many aspects of the Bill, including essential features concerning the management of higher education and grants. I take up his remarks on those matters with particular reference to Wales. Clause 20 provides that for advanced further education there shall be established separate councils for Wales and England. I am sure that the two national councils will need and will wish to keep in close touch with each other, There is a general recognition that it would not be in the best interests of students, institutions and authorities of either country if the arrangements for the provision of higher education in one or the other diverged to the point where the great advantages represented by the present free flow of students and the interchangeability of courses and qualifications were put at risk. The arrangements in Wales, although separate, should be similar to those applying in England. On the other hand, there are elements of the Welsh situation that create special problems and call for a special solution. I refer especially to the existence of the Welsh Joint Education Committee, which was established by an order made under the Education Act 1944. Among its other functions it already acts as the regional advisory council for further education in the Principality. In view of the success of that body, I am convinced that in any new structure it would be essential for the WJEC to play a key role. It is of the greatest importance to avoid any wasteful duplication of effort and resources, and any new organisation must reflect the special needs, interests and circumstances of the Principality in this important area. I warmly welcome clause 18. It will enable the Secretary of State to make special grants towards the teaching of the Welsh langauge and the teaching in Welsh of other subjects. The clause is the realisation of the hopes of many people in Wales, not least, I am sure, my right hon. and learned Friend the Secretary of State for Wales.I am sure that the hon. Gentleman will acknowledge that, apart from the matters that he has mentioned, there is little in the Bill about education in Wales. That in itself suggests satisfaction on the part of the Government with the standard of education in Wales. Is the hon. Gentleman satisfied with the general standard of education in Wales, bearing in mind the comparison between the levels of achievement as regards CSEs and O-levels in England and Wales? Is he satisfied that we have an adequate number of teachers who are capable of teaching all the subjects required in the Welsh language?
I say"Yes to the last part of the intervention of the hon. Member for Conway (Mr. Roberts). My answer to the first part of his intervention is that we should never be satisfied. We should always be aiming for perfection. I am not suggesting that in the Bill the Government are expressing satisfaction, but the Bill goes a long way to encourage the teaching of Welsh.
In the past, the Government and local authorities have made great efforts to enable Welsh to be taught as a subject and used as a medium of teaching and learning in the schools. I pay an especial tribute to the efforts of the Glamorgan county council, which, among others, has a proud record in the establishment of Welsh schools. Despite that encouragement, the task has been heavy and the attainments sometimes disappointing. The fault does not lie with the local authorities or the schools. They are fully aware of the problems but they have been faced with many different pressures upon their limited resources. There can be no doubt that the operation of a bilingual system involves additional costs, especially for local authorities. For example, there is the training of teachers, the need to purchase books and teaching aids and in some instances the transportation of children over long distances, especially in rural areas. All those factors add to the costs in varying degrees that authorities have had to meet. The provision of teaching material is expensive because comparatively low demand means that per copy they cost more to produce than those produced in English. However, cost apart, existing reference material in Welsh compares unfavourably with that in English. It is fair to acknowledge not only the clause but the announcement earlier this year that my right hon. Friend was injecting substantial additional sums into research designed to produce materials for teaching through the medium of Welsh in secondary schools. I welcome the words in the clause that indicate that not only local authorities may benefit from the specific grants but that my right hon. Friend will be empowered to aid other persons acting in that area. It may be that initially the resources available for the specific grants will be on a fairly modest scale. I urge my right hon. Friend to consider increasing the grants as soon as possible. It is significant—I am sure that it will be greatly appreciated—that resources have been found in addition to the rate support grant. That is of special importance to local authorities because it means that assistance towards the cost of Welsh language teaching will be provided without other resources suffering. That is essential. The principle involved is also of great importance. No matter how much a Government may want to assist, a start has to be made by putting on to the statute book the necessary power to enable that assistance to be given. It was my privilege to serve as a Minister in the Welsh Office when the Welsh Language Act 1967 became law. The principles embodied in that Act represented a milestone in the efforts made in recent years to preserve the Welsh langauge. I feel that in the years to come the proposals now before the House will be regarded as every bit as significant. Equality in law is important, but I am convinced that the survival of the language will depend as much upon the encouragement of its use among all our people. It is, therefore, a matter of education. Also called for is a spirit of understanding, co-operation and toleration. Toleration is especially needed. Any attempt to drive a wedge between Welsh-speaking Welshmen and non-Welsh-speaking Welshmen is a disservice to the language itself. The clause will make a valuable and effective contribution towards safeguarding the future of the language. It will be far more effective and will do far more good than the destructive methods being employed by some in Wales. The great majority of Welshmen object to the destructive actions and deplore the irresponsible statements that are made by a few people in high positions in Wales who seek to support such actions. In contrast, I warmly welcome clause 18 and I congratulate my right hon. Friends on their realistic and practical efforts in helping to foster education in the Welsh language. Great stress has been laid by my right hon. Friend and the hon. and learned Member for Runcorn on the emphasis being placed on industrial scholarships in clause 17. I am glad to hear what my right hon. Friend has said. But in view of the importance that we attach to industrial strategy in dealing with our economic problems, I stress the important part that education has to play in industrial training. The essential part that industrial scholarships can play cannot be over-emphasised. The technological challenge confronting industry demands the highest and the best training. I hope that the widest publicity will be given to the provision of these scholarships. There is still a great potential of untapped skill in the country, and I hope that these scholarships will lead to a new and a glorious chapter in our proud tradition of industrial and engineering skills. I am very glad to support the Second Reading of the Bill.5.11 p.m.
I am particularly grateful, Mr. Deputy Speaker, for the opportunity to speak in the debate and to speak in it so early. I hope that the House will acquit me of any discourtesy if I am not able to stay throughout the debate, but it is for urgent family reasons that I want to be away: my wife is in hospital, due to produce our first child in the not very distant future.
Does the hon. Gentleman realise that he has announced to the House that his wife is performing the greatest service to education that we have at present?
I was about to say that I was therefore, God willing, coming to the debate with a new form of interest about to be born in it. But I have to arrive at the hospital within the planned times for visiting.
The Minister of State, in the education debate on the Queen's Speech, referred to the forthcoming Bill as beingHe went on to say that it would cover" one of the longest, most comprehensive and wide-ranging Education Bills since 1944."
I wonder, on reflection, whether he would stick to that judgment when we look at this Bill. I am not sure that he would necessarily want it as his epitaph that he was the Minister of State to the Secretary of State who introduced the Education Bill of 1978. I should have thought that the extravagant description he used might have been better reserved for a Bill that I suspect may have to be introduced before too many years have passed, which would include provisions regarding better educational preparation of young people for the more complex working life that we are likely to see in the latter part of this century. It would need to include a coherent strategy for the 16 to 19-year-olds, and a better deal for the least qualified 40 per cent. of the school population. I do not say that all hon. Members would take the same view as to the particular provisions, but such a Bill might also have to deal with community education, continuing education throughout adult life, social education and political education. But certainly a Bill embracing those serious questions would have been better deserving of the description that the Minister of State saw fit to give to the Bill on 3rd November. I suspect that there will be no blue plaque fastened to a house in Widnes stating that"The Minister of State concerned with the Education Act 1978 lived here ". In dealing with the Bill, I shall confine my remarks principally to the admissions policy which is enshrined within it. I question the need, the intent, the suitability, and the results which are likely to flow in particular from the planned admission limits of clause 6. Why bother to resort to law to establish this concept? Surely it is replacing common sense by bureaucracy. It has always been reasonable to consider that a board of governors of a school is likely to take a view as to what the optimum size of that school should be. There will no doubt be discussion between the board of governors and the local education authority about the optimum size. If we are to be discussing in the Bill the position of the governing body of the school, we ought not to make remarks which decry the importance of the role that it plays. Surely the governors are entitled to their view of the school that they are there to govern and what its size should be. There is a great danger of bureaucratic rigidity coming into this area. We are often told by Labour Members that it is wrong to bring the law into various areas because it interferes, and creates rigidity. I do not understand how having the force of law behind this approach will help matters in any degree whatever. I do not believe that parents will be any more understanding of what happens, or any more respectful for the law, when they are disappointed that their child has not got into the school of their first choice. They will not be mollified by being told that the law says that the limit is such-and-such in terms of numbers. The provisions in clauses 6 to 10 are concerned far more with regulating numbers than with genuinely widening parental choice. If the Secretary of State's concern in this part of the Bill is to widen parental choice, let us see the ways in which it can genuinely be done. It may be that we shall conclude that not all of these ways are practical, and that certainly not all of them are immediately practical, but let us at least discuss the question on the basis of how we may genuinely widen parental choice. There are several different circumstances with which we have to cope. There are some areas within the country which, despite the fact that, nationally speaking, there is a fall in the number of people who will be entering secondary education, will nevertheless be experiencing an increase. The Under-Secretary of State was not able to answer my parliamentary Question on this, simply pointing out that the information will be available at a later date. I hope it will be, because it helps our understanding of the problem to realise that we are not dealing with uniform circumstances throughout the country. It is particlularly difficult where the population is still on the increase. There are also difficulties in rural areas. In rural areas, it is not a matter of parents trying to choose between one school which is one mile to the east of them and another school which is one mile to the west of them. If children are not admitted to a particular school, the distance for them to travel in rural areas may be very considerably greater, whether they are taken to school by the parents or transported by the local authority. When we talk of choice, therefore, in an urban area we can mean one thing, whereas in a country area the position is quite different. Within urban areas, where the schools are thicker on the ground, it would be possible, if we were talking genuinely of extending choice, to have certain schools beginning to specialise in particular subjects, so that instead of their being chosen merely on their geographical convenience or the supposed quality of their teaching staff at that time, parents might also take into account that a school specialised in mechanical engineering, or whatever it might be. There are particular factors that we have to look at in trying to extend choice. No mention has been made of zoning. This creates particular difficulty in regard to the implementation of choice. Two villages in my constituency have just been told, with very little notice, that they are to be zoned out of the catchment area for the Saffron Walden county high school. If there is a more brusque way of dashing the cup of parental choice from the lips, I should like to be told what it is. If we are talking of choice, we have to take into account what the powers are, and how extensive they should be, for the zoning of neighbourhoods. Then there are transport costs. I do not suggest that there is an open cheque to be signed for increasing the costs of transport, but undoubtedly transport is a factor in determining the exact breadth of choice that parents can have. If they want to choose between two schools and the two schools are 10 or 20 miles apart, transport very much comes into it. If we are to widen choice in particular circumstances, we shall need more schools built. I do not say that very lightly. It is a question of massive resources being required. In some areas there is absolutely no opportunity for parents to exercise an option at the present time for single-sex education, because another school would have to be built if a different type of school was wanted from the straightforward comprehensive school. Of course, under a different dispensation we may have a wider variety. In certain cases it may be that new schools will have to be constructed, particularly in rural areas. But to pursue a policy which suggests that the accent is on closing schools hardly gives one confidence that one is moving in the direction of widening parental choice. As to getting over particular problems, we must try to find ways of helping parents" the whole spectrum of education."—[Official Report, 3rd November 1978; Vol. 957, c. 458.]