House Of Commons
Monday 19 February 1979
The House met at half-past Two o'clock
Prayers
[Mr. SPEAKER in the Chair]
Oral Answers To Questions
Industry
Private Industry (Financial Assistance)
asked the Secretary of State for Industry what is the total of financial assistance, for which his Department is responsible, provided to private industry, since February 1974.
Financial assistance for which my Department is responsible to all sectors of industry in the period from 1 April 1974, including forecast expenditure in 1978–79, totalled £6,148 million at 1978 survey prices and is included in the programme detailed in table 2.4 of the Public Expenditure Survey—Cmnd. 7439. Records are not kept which distinguish in all instances between financial assistance to the public and private sectors, but assistance to the private sector during the period in question totalled approximately £5,000 million.
In view of the colossal sums of taxpayers' money which have been given to private industry, does the Minster agree that it is high time that we introduced much better procedures to secure public accountability and value for money? Are not much tougher regulations long overdue to cover top civil servants leaving Government Departments, including the Department of Industry, for more lucrative jobs in British industry which has received large handouts from the British taxpayer?
My hon. Friend will know that there are established procedures for monitoring such appointments. Obviously we wish to secure the best value for money. During the period in question investment projects worth £7,300 million were generated from the selective assistance, 235,000 jobs were created and 133,000 jobs were saved.
Is it possible to break down the total amounts? Can they be broken down into areas or even counties? If so, what is the amount for Norfolk or East Anglia?
I do not have such detailed information available at the moment. There is a regional breakdown. If the hon. Member indicates whether he wants the breakdown on a constituency, county or regional basis, I shall attempt to provide him with all the information possible.
Industrial Production (Disruption)
2.
asked the Secretary of State for Industry how far British industry has been affected in the first six weeks of 1979 by employment and industrial disputes.
3.
asked the Secretary of State for Industry when he expects the level of industrial production in the United Kingdom to return to normal following the recent industrial disruption.
On the basis of early reports from industry it is estimated that about 10 per cent. of normal manufacturing production may have been lost between 7 January and 10 February as a result of the transport disputes. It is difficult to say with certainty when industrial production will return to normal, but by the week ending 10 February production was back towards 95 per cent. of normal. I believe that production may rise above normal in the next few weeks as some of the lost production is made up.
The estimated number of lay-offs rose to a peak of some 235,000 around 30 January at the height of the disruption. The last estimate made was of 85,000 laid off on 5 February. It is believed that virtually all those who were temporarily laid off as a result of the transport disputes will by now have been recalled by their employers.Since secondary picketing contributed to that 10 per cent. drop in production and to the 85,000 people who were laid off, why did not the Government tell the public from the start that secondary picketing amounted to a civil offence, instead of leaving it to a private individual to take the matter to court, after which the picketing melted away? Was not that an abdication of government?
No. I assume that the hon. Gentleman is, from the best of motives, over-simplifying the law relating to secondary picketing. We regret that 235,000 people were laid off. But that figure is far lower than the 1,135,000 who were laid off in January 1974.
Does the Minister agree that there was a sharp fall in production in that limited time? Does he agree that further falls in production cannot be ruled out if industrial disruption reoccurs when other large pay claims come through the system? Does he feel, in that context, that the concordat document is a sufficient commitment by the unions to having a higher rate of growth than the low rate that we have had in recent years?
I am sure that the hon. Member, as a member of a party that has advocated free collective bargaining, appreciates that the consequence of free collective bargaining is a substantial job loss. Indeed, during the period of Conservative control in 1972–73 one-third more days were lost because of disputes than we lost in the first four years of office.
Has my right hon. Friend noticed in the news today, and especially in the Financial Times, comment that we can easily make up the ground that was lost during the strike?
As I indicated in my initial answer, it is highly likely that much of the ground lost can be made up. But we should not delude ourselves that we can go in for bouts of national self-flagellation without creating damage and injury. There is bound to be loss of output and orders. I hope that members of all unions will bear in mind the difficulties and hardships that they may be imposing on their colleagues in their own or other sectors.
The question by my hon. Friend the Member for Harrow, East (Mr. Dykes) referred to the normal level of industrial production. In the light of our levels of industrial production in this country compared with our international competitors, is the Minister satisfied that we are doing sufficiently well? If not, is it the fault of the Government, the unions or the British people?
We had a considerable debate on this last week. Both sides of the House agreed that it has for a long time been a shortcoming of the British economy that we are not able to attain the levels of productivity and growth attained by some of our competitors. One of the major objectives of the industrial strategy is to secure the competitive base to enable us to do that.
Capital Returns
4.
asked the Secretary of State for Industry whether he is satisfied with the present rates of return on capital employed in British industry.
The Government have repeatedly recognised that industry should become more profitable.
Is the Minister aware that in the first four years of this Government the return on capital was an average of 2 per cent., whereas the return on capital under the last four years of the Conservative Government was about 6 per cent.? Does not this prove that the mythical industrial strategy has failed?
The hon. Gentleman must turn his mind to the question that I posed to his right hon. and hon. Friends last week. If the industrial strategy has been a failure, why is investment so much higher now than when the Conservative Party was in office? Last year investment was 10 per cent. higher than in 1973 and 13 per cent. higher than in 1972. If investment by leasing is taken into account, last year investment was 19 per cent higher than in 1972 and 15 per cent. higher than in 1973.
Does the Minister recall that just over 10 days ago the Prime Minister said that he would do everything possible to put the needs of industry first? The next day the Government raised minimum lending rate by one and a half points, at a time when industry is already suffering from strikes. The most important help that the Government could give to British industry would be to cut their spending and borrowing.
The hon. Gentleman will be aware that, as a result of what happened, the Government were able to make considerable placings of gilts last week. This reduced the money supply. If he is preaching to the Labour Party about the level of public sector borrowing, I should point out to him that, during the last year of the Conservative Government in 1973, the public sector borrowing requirement was running at 6·6 per cent. of the gross domestic product. Last year it was running at 5·3 per cent.
British Steel Corporation
5.
asked the Secretary of State for Industry when he expects next to meet the chairman of the British Steel Corporation.
17.
asked the Secretary of State for Industry whether he will seek a meeting with the chairman of the British Steel Corporation.
My right hon. Friend expects to meet Sir Charles Villiers later this week.
Bearing in mind that the losses of the Corporation were £443 million in the year ended 1 April 1978, can the Minister tell the House what is his latest estimate of the loss of the Corporation for the year ending 1 April 1979? Secondly, can the Minister tell the House by how much he expects the manpower of the Corporation to fall during the next financial year, ending 1 April 1980?
At this stage I cannot give an estimate of what the annual loss is likely to be. The hon. Gentleman will know of the half-yearly figures that were given. We do not expect the second half-yearly figures to be as low as that in view of such developments as the road haulage strike. On his second point, demanning is a matter for the Corporation in consultation with the unions.
Can the Minister tell us what he estimates to be the effect on the Corporation of the recent loss of production through industrial disputes? There has been a lay-off of 26,000 people. What financial impact will this have, and how will it affect the Corporation's hope to break even by this time next year?
I sought an estimate on that from the Corporation. While the strike was taking place its tentative preliminary estimate was that it was costing £30 million. That figure may be high, but clearly it cannot have helped towards the break-even point.
When my right hon. Friend next meets the chairman of British Steel, will he impress on him the desirability of looking at the industry as a whole on any decisions that may have to be taken? Does he agree that the fullest consultation with the trade unions is imperative? Does he agree that there should be agreement, and not just consultation, on the future of this great industry?
Whenever the Corporation has proposals for a closure, the Government have required it to consult the Trades Union Congress steel committee and the local work force. We have asked the corporation to seek to obtain agreement, and trust that it will do so. In the past 12 months every closure has been on the basis of agreement. But I repeat to my hon. Friend that in the end the Trades Union Congress steel committee or the local work force cannot have a veto on decisions that the Corporation needs to make in order to achieve overall viability. If overall viability is not achieved, the steelworks in my hon. Friend's constituency will also be damaged.
Does it remain the Government's attitude that the Davignon plan offers the best method of securing the continuation of a viable European steel industry? If so, how does he explain the conduct of his hon. Friend the Under-Secretary of State in the debate on 25 January in accepting the existence of the Davignon plan and then urging his hon. Friends to vote against it?
My hon. Friend the Under-Secretary of State cast a sensible vote. I would have followed him into the Division Lobby had I not been detached for other duties. The Davignon plan is a plan to sustain the steel market. At the Council of Ministers I have paid tribute to Viscount Davignon for that part of the arrangements. But it boils down to the Commission seeking to intervene in the right of the British Government to aid their own steel industry, and the resolution passed by this House is a resolution that I shall be taking to Brussels with me next month.
As the Opposition will not do so, will my right hon. Friend commend the Corporation for its continuing and determined efforts to achieve viability and its continuing and increasingly successful endeavour to promote the quality of production and increasingly to achieve efficiency in operation?
I wish that the Opposition would on this issue, if on no other, voice the tributes paid to Sir Charles Villiers by the Daily Express, which go somewhat beyond even the admirable tributes paid by my hon. Friend.
Has the Minister seen the press reports that suggest that Corby is to be closed before Shotton because Corby is not in a marginal seat? Will the Minister confirm the doctrine that he last week spelt out as applying to British Shipbuilders, namely, that decisions on closures were decisions for management and management alone?
I have never read such bunkum as the statement in The Observer yesterday on this issue. The Observer has a long record of accuracy on many matters, and I am astonished that in about three weeks it should have printed two totally innaccurate stories about the British Steel Corporation.
British Leyland
6.
asked the Secretary of State for Industry when he expects to meet the chairman of British Leyland.
My right hon. Friend meets the chairman and chief executive of British Leyland frequently.
Will the Minister impress upon the strike-happy sections of the British Leyland work force that their company is now tenth in the world league of car makers, producing less than 10 per cent. of the world's largest, and that, unless there is parity of production and parity of productivity, there can be no parity of payment?
The hon. Member's cheap jibes do not fit in very well with the votes cast by the workers in British Leyland in favour of industrial peace and of sustaining the future of that company. Although the performance of British Leyland leaves a very great deal to be desired, as is acknowledged on both sides, the company has for the past months been the market leader in this country.
Will the Minister and his right hon. Friend the Secretary of State ask the chairman of British Leyland to explain the failure of British Leyland to implement the 5 per cent. wage increase negotiated with national officials for the whole of Leyland but not implemented at the Long bridge plant—which was the principal cause of the recent strike at that factory? Is my right hon. Friend aware—and will he take it up with the chairman—that I have in my hand a document published by the British Leyland communications and public affairs department which, only five days before the strike started, congratulated the workers of British Leyland on having increased their production over the previous year?
I congratulate the workers at British Leyland on their decision to pursue their differences with the management in the proper area of negotiation and not by striking, as they very sensibly decided a few days ago.
Will the Minister say whether the corporate plan is yet with him? Has it been revised as a result of the Longbridge strike? Will he assure the House that the Longbridge work force will be informed of any reduction in output targets resulting from that episode—that not just the shop stewards but the work force will be told what the new targets are?
As I pointed out in an answer to my hon. Friend the Member for Coventry, South-West (Mrs. Wise) the other day, I attach the greatest possible importance to proper consultation with the work force and proper information for the work force on all these matters. On the other hand, I must point out—and that is why I hope we shall not have a series of jibes against the work force across the Floor of the House—that the work force, including the work force at Longbridge, having considered the consequencies of industrial action, decided that they preferred to pursue their problems through negotiation.
Is my right hon. Friend aware that I welcome very much his condemnation of the cheap jibes from the other side of the Chamber against workers in my constituency in the car industry and in other constituencies? Is he aware, further, that the workers in my constituency have a record of industrial relations second to none? Will he also tell the management of British Leyland that brinkmanship in any circumstances at present will do no good to the industry which they serve?
It is a great pity, bearing in mind that the Opposition have been prating for weeks now about the importance of votes and ballots among workers, that when workers vote and vote for industrial peace there are no words from the Opposition complimenting those workers but just cheap attacks upon them. That is not the way in which we shall achieve industrial peace.
On a point of order, Mr. Speaker. In view of the unsatisfactory nature of the Minister's reply to my supplementary question about the corporate plan, I beg to give notice that I shall seek the leave of the House at the earliest possible moment to raise the matter on the Adjournment.
Computer Industry
7.
asked the Secretary of State for Industry when he plans to meet representatives of the computer industry.
My colleagues and I meet representatives of the leading companies from time to time and keep in close touch with the activities of the computer sector working party. My right hon. Friend has no immediate plans for further meetings.
What lead is the hon. Gentleman's Department giving in the application of labour-saving computer techniques? When he next meets representatives of the industry, will he tell them what Civil Service jobs have been abolished in the process?
Civil Service jobs, of course, are not primarily a responsibility of my Department. But, in terms of the activities of my Department, I can tell the hon. Member that under various industry assistance schemes about £3·3 million has either been given or is under discussion and that, as part of more general schemes of support for the computer industry, about £4·5 million is currently programmed.
In view of the Minister's reply that only £7 million has been committed of the £400 million which the Government gave us before Christmas as their target for expenditure over the next four years, does not the hon. Gentleman think that it is about time his Department got a move on?
I do not think the hon. Member can quite add up. It comes to nearly £8 million. The £400 million, of course, is a package of total support for the whole of the microelectronics industry. If the hon. Gentleman looks at the support being given to the computer industry by my Department and by the NEB, he will see that it is much more substantial than that.
Investment
8.
asked the Secretary of State for Industry what was the level of industrial investment during the most recent 12-month period for which figures are available; and what was the com parable figure for the previous 12-month period.
Total investment by manufacturing industry in the 12 months ending September 1978 is estimated at £3,780 million at 1975 prices, 8 per cent. above the level of £3,496 million in the previous 12 months.
What are the Government doing to increase the demand for the products of industry without which industrial investment will never rise to the level we need?
To begin with, the fact that investment is increasing is an indication that industry is satisfied that there are adequate measures to ensure that there is demand for its products. Within the industrial strategy, much of the attention in the relevant sectors is being given to closer relationships between manufacturers, wholesalers and retailers and between manufacturers which compete in the same products so that each compliments each other's range instead of drawing in imports of, say, domestic electrical appliances from Italy to supplement ranges.
Kirkby Manufacturing And Engineering Company
9.
asked the Secretary of State for Industry what action he is proposing to take to aid the Kirkby Manufacturing and Engineering Company.
We are now considering a modified proposal from KME.
Will my right hon. Friend be generous in considering what aid should be given to KME, in view of the fact that earlier today he said that £6,000 million had been given to private enterprise since 1974? This is an attempt at a workers' co-operative in an area of high unemployment, and it should be given every sympathy by the Government.
I am sure that my hon. Friend is aware that we have given financial support to KME on four separate occasions. There was a grant when it was set up. My right hon. Friend and I gave it a further grant. It has had temporary employment subsidy. I provided interim finance while the working party was in operation. My hon. Friend will also know that the working party was set up at the request of the co-operative on the strict undertaking that it would abide by the recommendations of that working party. It is to be regretted that, substantially because of action on the part of certain people within the co-operative, that recommendation was never allowed to be implemented.
Is the Minister aware that most people who have followed the sad drama of Kirkby unreservedly condemn Ministers for having given nearly £5 million worth of aid, which has gone straight down the drain, against the advice on almost every occasion of the Industrial Development Advisory Board made up of employers and trade unionists? I ask him not to repeat this folly and send more money down that drain.
The hon. Gentleman will bear in mind that even the IDAB made the point in rejecting one of the co-operative's propositions that it had to bear in mind the difficulties within that locality in employment terms. This is a matter which the Government have also had to take into account. We have tried to consider each application on its merits as required under the Industry Act. The current application will be considered on the same basis.
Does not my right hon. Friend agree that in fact the money has not gone down the drain? If this support had not been given to KME workers. they would have been on the dole in an area with 100,000 unemployed. That would have meant paying out unemployment and other benefits to those workers. May I remind my right hon. Friend that there is a PAC report which indicates that with certain changes the co-operative can be made profitable and that the workers have worked exceedingly hard in extremely difficult circumstances? Instead of everyone always criticising them, they need assistance and management expertise. At present, the Opposition are constantly knocking workers who are doing their best in a difficult situation.
When I went, at the request of the directors of the co-operative, to speak to the workers, other than for perhaps three or four people on whom understandably the Press and television concentrated, the impression which came over to me very strongly was one of people who desperately wanted to work. One respects that wish. Our aim is to ensure that whatever work is provided there is provided on a long-term viable basis. It would not do a service to the work force in Kirkby if we kept propping up projects which were not properly considered and properly conceived. I will still consider financial support for a project which offers long-term viability.
Will the Minister confirm that the money that has gone to Kirkby is included in the sum of £600 million or so of financial assistance to private industry? Does he not agree that most of the money which goes as so-called assistance to industry goes for the same reason that this money was given to Kirkby—that is, to provide jobs in areas where people have resolutely refused to cooperate with management in making industry productive enough to stand on its own feet?
The hon. Member for Chingford (Mr. Tebbit) could not be further from the truth—
He is a squalid little man.
Nearly all the projects which come to me—many brought and supported by Conservative Members concerning factories in their constituencies—require considerable rationalisation and restructuring. I think, for example, of the textile and footwear industries where fin- ancial support has been given with an acceptance by trades unions and management that restructuring and higher productivity with, if necessary, the shedding of manpower, are an essential part of ensuring the long-term viability of the industry.
Later—
On a point of order, Mr. Speaker. I know that we are used to robust debate in the House. Nobody takes exception to that. However, may I ask you to say whether you think that the expression used by the hon. Member for Birmingham, Perry Barr (Mr. Rooker) about my hon. Friend the Member for Chingford (Mr. Tebbit) was in order? My hon. Friend made a comment that the hon. Gentleman did not like. The hon. Gentleman replied that my hon. Friend was wallowing in vomit. Will you, Mr. Speaker, rule that that is going too far, even taking into account the language that we sometimes use in the House?
Order. There are often noises below the Gangway which I am unable properly to hear. That is not for lack of hearing. It is that nobody in this place can hear everything that is said below the Gangway. I know how fortunate I am. I know that complimentary—and other—remarks are exchanged there.
In reply to the hon. Gentleman, I would say that it behoves all of us to remember that we are the highest court in the land, that we are the Mother of Parliaments and that we should behave according to the high office that we are privileged to hold.British Shipbuilders
asked the Secretary of State for Industry whether he will seek a meeting with the chairman of British Shipbuilders.
My right hon. Friend meets the chairman regularly.
The next time that the Secretary of State meets the chairman of British Shipbuilders will he ask whether the corporation will publish its proposals for manpower cuts in the industry? If it is true that these cuts have been announced to the trade unions concerned, does the Minister not think that Parliament is also entitled to that information?
The corporate plan, which has been put forward by British Shipbuilders to the Government, is being carefully considered. We will make our conclusions known at the appropriate time. The trade unions are being consulted on the corporate plan in accordance with the duty laid on British Shipbuilders by the Aircraft and Shipbuilding Industries Act 1977. By consulting the trade unions British Shipbuilders is obeying the law.
Will my right hon. Friend say whether British Shipbuilders is now meeting an increased proportion of British orders?
The problem is that scarcely any orders are coming forward from British ship owners or anyone else. However, without the intervention fund we would have lost many orders which have come from British ship owners but which otherwise would have gone abroad, almost certainly to the Far East.
When the Secretary of State meets the chairman will he tell him how the Government justify providing Vietnam with ships at favourable or subsidised rates when the Vietnamese Government are profiteering from a disgraceful traffic in refugees who are put into countries which are known to be too humane to refuse them entry?
My right hon. Friend the Minister of State for Overseas Development made a statement about the ships for Vietnam last week. If the hon. Member quarrels, in regard to the provision of overseas aid, with having those ships built in Sunderland, he had better have a conversation with the Opposition's favourite shipbuilder Mr. Derek Kimber who pressed the Government very hard for these aid terms.
Are British Shipbuilders able to offer the same kind of credit that Japan was able to offer Pakistan for a large order for six ships, namely, 100 per cent. credit payable over 30 years?
Since we have hopes of Pakistan, I do not think that I had better enter into any controversy on that issue.
Will the Minister of State assure the House that his own well known personal and political dislike of Mr. Christopher Bailey will not stand in the way of the possible sale of Falmouth Ship Repair to private enterprise? If some jobs can be saved in this way, would it not be wise to consider it?
Since I have never met Mr. Christopher Bailey, it is impossible for me to entertain any particular view of him one way or the other. On the other hand, if Mr. Bailey wishes to make a proposal of genuine quality and viability, British Shipbuilders will consider it.
National Enterprise Board
11.
asked the Secretary of State for Industry whether he will seek a meeting with the chairman of the National Enterprise Board.
15.
asked the Secretary of State for Industry when he expects to meet the chairman of the National Enterprise Board.
My right hon. Friend meets the chairman very frequently.
When the Secretary of State next meets the chairman will he ask him when the board proposes to pay a dividend?
If the hon. Member genuinely wants my right hon. Friend to put that question to the chairman, my right hon. Friend, when he returns from China, will think about it.
Is my right hon. Friend able to make a further statement following the exchange at Question Time on 15 January regarding the allegations about Allied Investments, apropos the NEB? Has he spoken to the chairman about the matter since then? If he has, has the name of the company Project Developments come to hand? That is the company that allegedly was used for the transfer of £3 million of bribes from Sir Richard Marsh's company to Saudi Arabian sources in order to get that order before the NEB took the company over.
As I undertook when the House discussed this matter, I communicated with the chairman of the NEB. I have had a reply from Sir Leslie Murphy in which he reiterated the assurances he gave me. I know that my hon. Friend will accept that the NEB, having twice reiterated those assurances, would not wish to move from that position. I repeat what I have said before. Anyone who feels, as a result of the various allegations that have been made, that his own reputation has been traduced has remedies available to him.
I thank my right hon. Friend for holding the conversations to which he has referred, but is he aware that the situation is not yet satisfactory? The next time he has conversations about Allied Investments and the other companies involved, will he tell the NEB that it is not sensible to concentrate so much investment of medical exports of this kind in one or two Gulf States where there is a real danger following what has happened in Iran? If we are seriously entering the business of medical exports, at least our investments should be spread rather more widely.
I am sure that by now the NEB has come to study very carefully all the exchanges in the House on these matters.
Does the Minister of State recognise that Question Time is the time for giving information to the House of Commons? Will he therefore treat the question of my hon. Friend the Member for Wolverhampton, South-West (Mr. Budgen) seriously? The Minister of State is responsible, after the Secretary of State, for the NEB. When will the Board pay a dividend on the thousands of millions of pounds of taxpayers' money that have been put into it? It is a simple question.
I had hoped that the hon. Member for Surrey, North-West (Mr. Grylls) was going to take the opportunity of his supplementary question to apologise to Lord Stokes for the wanton way in which he traduced his reputation in this House.
British Steel Corporation (Investment Projects)
12.
asked the Secretary of State for Industry if he will list those investment projects valued at £1 million or more which are currently under way or which have been completed during the last five years in the Sheffield or Rotherham areas of the British Steel Corporation.
There are 44 such projects, costing in all £337 million at outturn prices. I am arranging for the Corporation to supply my hon. Friend the Member for Rother Valley (Mr. Hardy) with details.
In view of those commendable and already justified investments, will my hon. Friend ensure that the opportunity they provide is not diminished by the unreasonable level of special steel import penetration that we continue to experience? Does he agree that urgent and emphatic action is needed in the interest both of the regions and the nation?
My hon. Friend is right to refer to the substantial achievements of the steelworks in the Sheffield area. We have acknowledged the continuing problem of special steel imports. I hope that my hon. Friend will take cognisance of the reply that I gave to my hon. Friend the Member for Sheffield, Heeley (Mr. Hooley) on 24 January which showed that in some sectors of that market import penetration is no longer increasing. I hope that my hon. Friend will also recognise that my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State is in continuing contact with Commissioner Davignon on this matter.
When the chairman of the British Steel Corporation replies, will the Minister ensure that the reply is deposited in the House of Commons or is printed in Hansard? Will the Minister indicate the extent to which investment in Sheffield has given and will give the best return on capital? Will he indicate the extent to which funds have been provided by the European Investment Bank, the European Coal and Steel Community and other Community sources?
I shall certainly arrange for this reply to be placed in the Library. I shall do my best to ensure that the other information to which the hon. Member for Sheffield, Hallam (Mr. Osborn) has referred is included. I refer, also, to the offer that my Department has made to the special steels section of the industry of a section 8 Industry Act scheme to help that section of the industry.
Aerospace Industry
13.
asked the Secretary of State for Industry what recent discussions he has had concerning the future of the British aerospace industry; and if he will make a statement.
I regularly meet the chairmen of the publicly owned aerospace corporations, and others, to discuss a wide range of matters affecting the future of the industry.
As regards sales of military aircraft by British Aerospace, including the Harrier, will the Minister of State confirm that he is not unduly influenced by the Morning Star, by the Kremlin or by the Tribune group, all of which are singing the same song on this matter, but that his main concern is the strategic interest of NATO combined with the commercial interests of both British Aerospace and the British taxpayer? Will he take it from me that the shop stewards at BAC Hurn fully support Her Majesty's Government in a determination to proceed with the sale of Harriers to China?
I do not know what that was all about. It was the usual load of vituperative pseudo-rhetoric which we get from the hon. Gentleman, when I was in fact hoping that we should have from him a good question on Concorde, which I was all prepared to answer. On the question of the sales of Harrier, I have nothing to add to the statement made in the House last month by my right hon. Friend the Prime Minister.
That is not good enough. After the invasion of Vietnam by China this weekend, will my right hon. Friend ask the Secretary of State to exclude from his negotiations in Peking the supply of military goods to China and confine himself, as America and Germany have done, to non-military goods? Would it not be shameful if at this moment, when the United Nations are asking for restraint, we heightened the war danger not only in the Far East but perhaps in the whole world by acting as merchants of death?
I recognise the strong and sincere feelings which have motivated my hon. Friend on all these matters over many years. He has a consistent record of opposition to sales of military weapons, and the whole House respects him for that. Nevertheless, I stand on the statement on this issue made by my right hon. Friend the Prime Minister.
Does the Minister realise, however, that there is considerable concern and that there is a developing pressure group from certain areas—they may be described as the extreme Left—which are trying hard to suggest that the Harrier order should not be proceeded with? Will the right hon. Gentleman take well on board that it is my belief that the majority of the British people would wish to see this magnificent British aircraft able to be sold overseas, and that an order from and delivered to the Chinese could well stimulate a great deal more orders from overseas countries throughout the world?
I know that the hon. Gentleman does not join many of his hon. Friends in the cheap way in which some of them approach these matters, and he is endeavouring to speak constructively. I know also that he will accept that some label of "extreme Left" or other is not to be attached to people who for sincere conscientious reasons have long opposed sales of military weapons to any country for any reason. Nevertheless, this Government have stated a policy on this issue, and that is their policy.
Although I agree with what was said by my hon. Friend the Member for Salford, East (Mr. Allaun), may I ask my right hon. Friend another question? What discussions has he had with Lucas Aerospace in relation to Merseyside, and can he say what will happen on Merseyside, especially in view of the possible forthcoming closure of the Victoria works?
Last Wednesday I took the chair at a tripartite meeting of representatives of the Government, unions—including members of the combine cooperative committee—and management of Lucas Aerospace at which we discussed the future development plans of Lucas Aerospace. A most important agreement was reached which, among other things, included a decision that Lucas Aerospace would proceed immediately with the construction of new factories at Huyton and Bradford, that the new factory at Huyton would employ 800 instead of 500 as originally proposed, that there would be no compulsory redundancies at Bradford and no compulsory redundancies at Liverpool in the next two years, that a group would be set up to consider the possible development of some of the alternative products proposed by the combine co-operative, and that if this group came up with positive recommendations Lucas Industries would use its best endeavours to manufacture those products on Merseyside so as to create or preserve jobs there. I hope that the House will agree that this is a useful and promising outcome of these meetings, and I shall arrange to publish in the Official Report the agreement which was reached after the meeting last Wednesday.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that British Aerospace has announced that more than half the contracts for the 146 airliner project are being let to foreign companies? Is it the wish of his Department that taxpayers' money should be used to keep foreign workers employed or to keep our workers employed?
When I announced last summer that the 146 would go ahead—of course, it went ahead only because of nationalisation—I said that British Aerospace would look to the possibility of collaboration with overseas partners in the manufacture of this aircraft. British Aerospace has been successful in finding partners, and, of course, that assists the project. If it assists the project, it therefore assists in providing jobs, including for example, jobs at Filton and Hatfield.
On a point of order, Mr. Speaker. I do not propose to seek to raise this matter on the Adjournment but, in view of the unsatisfactory nature of the answer, I am sorry to say, I propose to raise it under Standing Order No. 9.
I do not want the hon. Gentleman to set a precedent so that everyone will be rising to give me notice of applications under Standing Order No. 9. However, I understand the message which has been conveyed.
Following is the agreement:
This note records the basis of agreement at tripartite meeting on 14 February between representatives of the CSEU, Lucas Aerospace management and the Minister of State, Department of Industry the right hon. Gerald Kaufman MP.
British Council Of Productivity Associations
14.
asked the Secretary of State for Industry whether he will seek a meeting with the chairman of the British Council of Productivity Associations.
My right hon. Friend meets the chairman of the British Council of Productivity Associations from time to time, but he has no plans for a further meeting in the near future. My right hon. Friend will, however, be speaking at a British Council of Productivity Associations conference on the industrial strategy and efficiency in production at Leeds Castle in April.
When the Secretary of State next meets the chairman, will he remind him of this country's very low industrial production compared with other industrial countries—some 1 per cent. total improvement over the next five years—and will he ask him whether there is any correlation between that and the fact that we have the highest personal taxation of the majority of industrial nations?
The hon. Gentleman is confusing production and productivity. As regards production, there were only three European countries last year which had a faster rate of growth of output. As regards productivity—I can give the hon. Gentleman the figures and I ask him to note them carefully—the increase in output per person employed in industrial production between 1975 and the second quarter of 1978 was 13 per cent., and between the fourth quarter of 1977 and the second quarter of 1978 the increase was 4·5 per cent. That is an increase in productivity of which we should be proud.
In any case, will my hon. Friend point out to the hon. Member for Workington (Mr. Page) that his basic premise is wrong because we do not have the highest level of personal taxation? Obviously, the hon. Gentleman does not know what he means when he refers to personal taxation, but would my hon. Friend agree with him if he is advocating that there should be a greater amount of taxation borne by large companies?
My hon. Friend poses a very interesting question.
Answer it.
I am about to answer it if I am only given time. If taxation incentives of the kind for which the hon. Gentleman was asking were put into practice, I can only cite what happened on the last occasion, that is, between 1971 and 1974, when they did not give the sort of investment and output effort which the hon. Gentleman imagines. In fact, it went into office blocks and property speculation.
Is the Minister aware that at the meeting at Leeds Castle to which he has referred the other speakers will include the director-general of the NEDO, the president of the CBI and—believe it or not—myself? Will the Minister draw to the Secretary of State's attention the opportunity of speaking to the chairman of the BCPA then regarding the valuable work which the council does in promoting productivity throughout all sections of industry, and on both sides of the shop floor, and will he seek to persuade his right hon. Friend that perhaps some grant from the Government could again be extended to this very valuable body?
I am sure that my right hon. Friend will not change his mind when he hears that the hon. Gentleman is speaking. My right hon. Friend spoke at the BCPA annual conference last year and that is evidence that we regard the association and its work as important. I shall bear in mind what the hon. Gentleman has said.
Picketing
30.
asked the Attorney-General if, in the light of his recent statement, he will define legal intimidation.
Intimidation may be legal at common law or by statute.
At common law, as Lord Reid said in Rookes v. Barnard,By statute, intimidation which in Rookes v. Barnard was held to be unlawful at common law is made lawful if in contemplation or furtherance of a trade dispute under section 13 of the Trade Union and Labour Relations Act, 1974." to intimidate by threatening what you have a legal right to do is to intimidate by lawful means."
I thank the right hon. and learned Gentleman for that full answer. Is he not aware that his first use of the phrase in the House made those with ears and eyes feel that he and the Government were totally out of touch with what was going on during the recent lorry drivers' strike when intimidation took place in the normal meaning of the word? As a result of the marvellous new concordat, is there any likelihood of anything being done to ensure that ordinary people have the right to go about their work in peace without fear of intimidation?
I do not agree that my use of the term in that context was any more disturbing or likely to frighten people than the use by the right hon. and learned Member for Wimbledon (Sir M. Havers) of the term "peaceable intimidation", which he used twice in the course of his question to me.
I have no doubt that the agreement reached between the Government and the Trades Union Congress will go a long way to solve many of the problems to which the hon. Gentleman has referred.The House is grateful, as always, for the characteristic lucidity of my right hon. and learned Friend's answer. For the benefit of Opposition Members, will he tell the House whether the recent threat by the management of British Leyland to close certain factories and cause thousands of redundancies if the workers of British Leyland did not accept their conditions was lawful or unlawful intimidation?
Without knowing all the details, I am not able to inform Opposition Members or my hon. Friend. However, it seems highly likely that the action was lawful, whether it was intimidation or not.
Is not the right hon. and learned Gentleman aware that the concordat makes no attempt to discourage pickets from threatening other workers with the loss of their jobs if they cross picket lines? Does he agree that such threats are a form of blackmail and but for the Employment Protection Act 1975 might even be indictable as such?
The concordat does not seek to repeat in every particular the existing law. When matters are unlawful under the existing law, they may be dealt with under the existing law.
Director Of Public Prosecutions
32.
asked the Attorney-General when he expects next to meet the Director of Public Prosecutions.
Well within the foreseeable future.
Will my hon. and learned Friend ask the Director of Public Prosecutions to study the Peachey report with a view to possible prosecutions? The report refers to some confusion concerning what happened to certain filing cabinets. There may have been some confusion in certain people's minds after the bottle party at Downing Street.
The Peachey report contains a variety of matters, many of which are fairly sleazy and unseemly. I can assure my hon. Friend that the Director has already considered the report and has decided that no further inquiries are called for.
When my hon. and learned Friend meets the Director of Public Prosecutions, will he consider the question of electoral expenses under regulation 68 of the European election regulations? If, as I understand it, the campaign may be deemed to have started by virtue of the fact that the election date is fixed, any expenditure undertaken by way of promotion must be accounted for in the election expenses of the candidates. If the candidates exceed their expenditure, they are liable to be unseated if elected.
My hon. Friend has raised an interesting matter. If he will send me details, I am sure that my right hon. and learned Friend will consider it in detail.
When my hon. and learned Friend's right hon. and learned Friend next meets the DPP, will he discuss with him his policy for bringing prosecutions for contempt of court? Will my hon. and learned Friend confirm that his right hon. and learned Friend has decided to bring no prosecution for contempt against the authors of the paperback book on the Thorpe committal, Peter Chippindale and David Leigh, so that W. H. Smith and Son Limited, which is as present banning the book and censoring it in all its retail outlets, may lift the ban?
That matter is still under consideration by the DPP. My right hon. and learned Friend, who is also my hon. Friend's right hon. and learned Friend, is responsible for bringing contempt proceedings and not the DPP. No doubt my right hon. and learned Friend will discuss with the Director everything that my hon. Friend has raised.
Public Documents And Records
33.
asked the Attorney-General how many times public documents and records released for public inspection and study after the prescribed 30 year period have subsequently been withdrawn over the past five years; and if he will make a statement.
I assume that my hon. Friend has in mind the use of the power conferred by section 5(1) of the Public Records Act 1958, as amended by the 1967 Act, to prescribe a period of closure exceeding 30 years. In the past five years public records over 30 years old opened to public inspection in the Public Record Office have subsequently been made the subject of such a prescription on six occasions. The documents belong to 11 separate classes.
Will my right hon. and learned Friend confirm that certain Metropolitan Police reports on the hunger marches, including accounts that were compiled by police informers of meetings in the House of Commons attended by important Members of Parliament, were, as the result of a police review, withdrawn from the Public Record Office in the summer of 1976 after having previously been placed there after the prescribed 30 years? Is that not an extremely dangerous precedent? Does it not mean that the police or other authorities could withdraw from public scrutiny and study important documents that should be available for public investigation and research? Will he make it clear that the whole business will be reviewed with a view to stopping any recurrences?
The documents were not withdrawn. They were made subject to the additional period of prescription to which I referred in my answer. Since then, the matter has been reviewed. Three of the four documents in question have been re-opened to the public. My hon. and learned Friend the Parliamentary Secretary, in an answer to my hon. Friend in December, explained why the period of prescription is increased. Those are reasons that may apply to a document even after it happens to have become open to inspection It may be found that one of the reasons applies. These are difficult matters and my noble Friend the Lord Chancellor is giving his fullest consideration to the whole subject.
Weather Conditions
With your permission, Mr. Speaker, and that of the House, I should like to make a statement.
The House will be aware that the extremely severe weather conditions of last week brought widespread interruptions with communications and very considerable difficulties for hundreds of communities throughout the country. The Government thought it necessary to use the regional emergency centres and to contact immediately each local authority with responsibility for highways. The local authorities were immediately made aware of the circumstances in which Government assistance would be made available to them. The first were the normal arrangements when the Services give support to authorities overwhelmed by natural hazards—military aid to the civil community. I can inform the House that under this contingency many calls were responded to, chiefly in the form of helicopter assistance to provide fodder and to sustain livestock. The second were the special measures to help with salting and gritting problems arising from the current industrial dispute. On this, as my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for Transport, whose responsibility this is, said in a reply to the hon. Member for Sutton Coldfield (Mr. Fowler) on 29 January, the Government are ready to use troops so long as certain conditions are met. These include confirmation by the chief constable for the area that a serious threat to public safety exists involving risks to life and limb if the roads are not salted or gritted. No such action has been requested. Throughout this snow emergency the Ministry of Agriculture has been ready to respond with supplies of food and fodder in urgent cases and the Ministry of Defence has been available to deliver it. I should like to pay tribute to the magnificent effort of the work force throughout the country, who struggled with considerable success to keep British Rail main line trains operating, to London Transport, and, most importantly, to the labour force responsible for clearing and gritting our motorways, all of which are now passable. They had to work in appalling conditions. The police force and Service men responded in like manner, and I am sure that the House will wish to register its appreciation. Over the weekend, I have visited three of the worst affected areas of the country—South Yorkshire, Suffolk and Norfolk. Two matters of importance were raised with me. The first of these concerned the critically low supplies of salt. I have been able to make special arrangements with the suppliers to meet these difficulties and they were put in hand at once. The second area of concern was on the question of cost. It is clear that considerable additional expense has been incurred by local authorities in order to maintain the essential services and communications and there will also be an aftermath from additional road maintenance problems arising from the prolonged period of bad weather. I therefore informed those authorities that the Government would again make additional financial assistance available to them on the same basis as that which we provided during the storms and blizzards of last year. We shall pay 75 per cent. of all relevant additional expenditure over and above the sum raised by a penny rate in their respective areas where we are satisfied that it arises from this emergency.Is the Minister of State aware that with the best will in the world there is nothing that he or any hon. Mem- ber can do about the weather? However, he can take urgent steps to deal with the real emergency by jumping on a bicycle, if necessary, and going to see the TUC, to ask for something to be done immediately about the industrial dispute aspect of the failure of the relevant workers to come out, grit the roads and put sand down when the weather is bad.
Is the Minister aware that the relevant section in the latest concordat statement makes it clear that the TUC believes that in the industrial action it is vitally necessary that special steps should be taken to provide essential services and to avoid a situation where the health or safety of the community is put at risk? Will the Minister of State tell us what he will do to bring into play an appeal by the principal union leaders concerned, on the lines of that proposed in the ambulance dispute, to get the men responsible for gritting back at work straight away? Secondly, will the Minister tell us, in respect of the sums that have been mentioned, whether he is aware that in the last snow emergency—when he flew to the West Country in a helicopter to inspect the snow damage—the formula of a product of a penny rate was such that no West Country authority at that time succeeded in getting the special 75 per cent. grant? Will he now make it clear that the 75 per cent. level of support will be available for the gritting needs arising from the special emergency and that it will be possible to aggregate expenditure for this emergency with the flooding hazard that may arise subsequently and the exceptional cost of road repairs which will certainly arise with the thaw? It must be the responsibility of the Government to help local authorities up to and over £1 million worth of expenditure by this kind of grant aid.The hon. Gentleman asked me three questions. First, he said that I had no responsibility or control over the weather. That is another Conservative Party view which, I am glad to say, does not seem to be shared by the rest of the country.
The matter of the TUC is more important. I take note of the agreement that we reached last week. Wherever, in the last three or four days, within the spirit of that agreement, I made an appeal to the work force who were not gritting the motorways and highways for which the Government have responsibility, I had a considerable response. Indeed, I am able to give the House up-to-date news about the one 22-mile stretch of the Ml which was not being gritted until just before I came into the House. I am glad to report that the unions affected have met. I understand that they have agreed to recommend an immediate recommencement of gritting in those circumstances. I am grateful, therefore, that the concordat is producing the response for which the Government and the House hoped. As to the penny rate, I apologise to the hon. Gentleman. I know that he did not receive a copy of my statement in time, with the usual courtesy. I am sorry about that. If he looks at it again he will notice that I specifically included the aftermath, including maintenance and floods. I appreciate the point that he made. When I was in Norfolk yesterday it was estimated by the local authority leaders that the cost of all this to them would be about £ 2½ million. Under this formula, about half of that cost will be met by additional expenditure from the Government.Is the Minister aware that in counties such as Northumberland large numbers of council workers have turned out in appalling conditions and done a tremendous job, not simply in gritting but in opening up roads on to which most people would be frightened to go? This puts a very heavy financial burden on the county. Will the Minister explain how his proposed financial help will work out? When did the emergency start? Is the whole of the recent period of snow, which goes back to beyond Christmas, eligible for the assistance that the Minister has mentioned?
I am most grateful to the hon. Gentleman for emphasising that tremendous work has been carried out during these weeks, and especially last week, under terrible and deplorable conditions, in which few of us would wish to work. That applies to Northumberland as well as to other parts of the country. Undoubtedly we should express our appreciation.
Concerning the matter of aggregation—I am now adding to the answer just given to the hon. Member for Barkston Ash (Mr. Alison)—there have now been two such crises in this financial year, that is to say, the Christmas and January crisis, and the recurring one. In Norfolk and Suffolk, over the weekend, I undertook to consider the request put to me that the costs arising from both emergencies should be aggregated under the formula that I have announced to the House. Probably the answer is that it will be related to the additional expenditure on emergencies during the course of one current financial year. That would allow us to do it. But I do not want to give an absolutely specific assurance until I have had some time to consider it.Lewis: I thank the Minister for the speed with which he and the Government have acted and pay tribute to him for paying some well-deserved compliments to the lower-paid workers who have done so well. I hope that their efforts will be borne in mind when their salaries are discussed.
With reference to the Minister's remarks about the dangers that will arise from floods, will he tell the House why action cannot be taken now, before the floods arrive? The authorities know the danger areas. Is it not possible for the Minister to make an appeal now, so that prompt and early action may be taken to obviate at least some of the more serious aspects of the floods, as and when they come?I am grateful to my hon. Friend for referring to our thanks to the workers concerned, He is quite right in saying that there are known trouble spots at which flooding usually occurs. In this emergency I am in touch with the water authorities chiefly responsible, for the purpose of ensuring that they will do everything possible to assist the local population in advance of any flooding which is likely to occur.
On the financial aspect of the emergency, will the Minister be good enough to give early attention to correspondence that I sent to him this morning as soon as I received it? In relation to past events, there is an indication that there has been a substantial hold-up in payment. The correspondence is from the Somerset council and the Taunton council. It would be a great pity if the good will engendered by the Minister's visits to the West County in the past, and lately to East Anglia, were dissipated because of some difficulty over payments. Early attention to the matter would be much appreciated.
I appreciate the right hon. Gentleman's remarks. I do not think that these authorities have written to me directly, although I know the problems to which he referred. If he has written to me today, I shall look into the matter immediately.
I accept our general debt to many public service workers, but has the Minister received any reports about the number of occasions during this winter on which the M62, linking Yorkshire and Lancashire, has been closed? Can he say which body is responsible for deciding to close this and other motorways? Is he aware of the general criticism of local authorities in my district about the snow clearance arrangements of the West Yorkshire county council, and will he look into this matter, upon which he has received correspondence?
I shall look into anything that my hon. Friend puts to me. Speaking from memory, I think that the M62 has been closed this year on two occasions, not just two days. As I made clear in my statement, it is closed upon the judgment of the chief constable in each of the areas affected. The Government act on the chief constable's professional judgment.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that since the blizzard started eight weeks ago it is probable that North Yorkshire, Durham and Northumberland have been hit harder than most areas? In North Yorkshire alone, 150 miles of road are still blocked with snow. Since the emergency started, £2 million has been spent on gritting, salting and snow clearance. That is double the estimated cost to the county council for this year. It is anticipated that about £750,000 worth of damage will have been done to the roads by frost, and that the Government's bill will be 75 per cent. of £1,500,000. Will the Minister give an assurance that he will meet that 75 per cent. grant in full?
What about the cuts in public expenditure?
Notwithstanding the demands of Conservative Members to reduce public expenditure, I can give the assurance—which I thought I had already given here—that that formula will apply in that position.
Does the Minister recall that some of the local authorities on the East Coast had a very heavy burden to bear because of the "Eleni V"—that was not all through the fault of the Government—but the authorities have not yet received one penny in reimbursement for all this trouble? Will he ensure that when the payments are due to be made they will be made quickly in respect of the local authorities that are able to claim the financial assistance of which he has spoken this afternoon? Is he satisfied that the financial assistance will be anything like enough to meet the enormous burden on these local authorities?
I think that in a national emergency affecting its own area it is reasonable to expect a local authority to meet the cost of the first penny rate. It is probably a generous formula for the Government to accept 75 per cent. after that, certainly in regard to the fact that no such formula previously existed.
On the first part of the hon. Member's question, we had a little talk about this when I was in Norfolk over the weekend. It was not put to me that there was any dissatisfaction with the formula reached by my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for the Environment over the oil pollution problem. If there is a difficulty about the speed in paying out upon the certification of expense, I shall look into it and write to the hon. Gentleman.rose—
Order. I shall call those hon. Members who have been rising and hoping to catch my eye.
Will my right hon. Friend note that while he may not be able to prevent the occurrence of the bad weather, timely warning and the forecasting of its arrival are a necessity for all those who have to take decisions? I do not wish to be unduly critical of the Meteorological Office, but will the Minister try to find out whether the advice that it is giving is in the right form? It is one thing to give a forecast of impending snow or gales, but is special attention being drawn to these conditions by, for example, the use of flash warnings on radio and television? This is particularly important where there is some local differentiation in the extremely severe conditions, which arise only about once every seven years. Does the Minister agree that it is very important for everybody to be adequately warned about what is expected to happen in these one-off conditions that we are now experiencing?
Following the problems that arose in January, I instituted an immediate inquiry with all the local authorities. As a result of that, I have just received—and will make available to hon. Members if they want to see it—a report that tells me the time at which the appropriate warnings were received by the local authorities and the time at which they responded to them In almost every case the response was about 12 hours after the receipt of information. I understand that the authorities have to get their men out and get their arrangements working, but there seems to have been a time lag of about 12 hours between the receipt of the warning and the commencement of operations. That seemed to be adequate.
The second point raised by my hon. Friend is a very interesting ore. He asks whether, when there are national warnings to be given, something special ought to be done about giving warning flashes on radio and television. I shall look into my hon. Friend's suggestion.Will the Minister comment on the complete failure of the local government and public services responsible for gritting, salting and snow clearance last week? Should not the Government have taken action earlier in South Yorkshire and Sheffield? I tried to press this matter on Wednesday. Will the right hon. Gentleman comment on the fact that when volunteers went out this weekend those in the public works department responsible for gritting and salting withdrew even emergency services and condemned that very action? The citizens of Sheffield were desperate. Did the right hon. Gentleman discuss this on the occasion of his visit there on Friday? Is he aware that the cost to industry already is about £2 million?
I went to Sheffield first because reports which I studied overnight on Thursday and early on Friday morning showed me that it had the most urgent problems. During that visit I had several conversations with the leaders of the authority with their professional advisers not least the chief constable and his staff. Those discussions have continued every day, including today, so I am well aware of the situation.
As I explained to the House, no request was received by the Government, certainly not from South Yorkshire, to provide the assistance which we would have provided in an emergency.Why not?
The hon. Gentleman must ask his authority that. I am answerable in this House for the Government, not for the South Yorkshire local authority or the police authority. No request was received. I think it is true to say that the authority preferred to continue negotiations with the unions. That process has taken longer than any of us would have liked. But, as I have just reported to the House, it has today brought, I hope, a satisfactory conclusion at long last.
Will my right hon. Friend convey to his right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for Defence the appreciation of the House of the way in which my constituents at the Royal Air Force station, Wittering, opened their doors to many hundreds of travellers on the A1 last Thursday and gave them shelter for the night, food and, I believe, a very enjoyable time? Will he also note that I think that those travellers included at least two hon. Members?
I shall certainly convey my hon. Friend's thanks to my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for Defence, together with the public acknowledgment that if one must be stranded anywhere it should be in my hon. Friend's constituency.
Will the Minister take the opportunity, when he has cleared up the snow, to have a special report on how the roads have deteriorated because of lack of maintenance last year? Will he draw to the attention of the Minister responsible that it was false economy? The county councils tried to point that out to him, but that advice was never accepted.
I shall not ask for reports of that detail, but I note that the hon. Gentleman is yet another Opposition Member who wishes considerably to increase public expenditure.
I apologise to you, Mr. Speaker, and the House if you have difficulty in hearing what I have to say. I rise to echo the words of my hon. Friend the Member for Peterborough (Mr. Ward), as I was one of those two hon. Members who were stuck last Thursday outside RAF Wittering. Will my right hon. Friend pass the deepest appreciation of the House to Group Captain Bridges and all ranks of RAF Wittering for their wonderful hospitality and the wonderful job they did last Thursday?
May I take up the point made by my hon. Friend the Member for Brigg and Scunthorpe (Mr. Ellis)? The only message we received on car radios last Thursday was to the effect that the Ml was closed in places. The result was that most of the heavy traffic switched to the A1(M), which was in fact much worse that the Ml. That caused all the confusion and the stoppage on the A1(M). But my principal point is to ask my right hon. Friend please to pass congratulations to all concerned at RAF Wittering. They did a marvellous job.I shall certainly do that. I was due to be entertained by my hon. Friend on Friday night in his constituency. What he has said no doubt explains why my invitation was cancelled at the last minute.
In South Yorkshire, Suffolk and Norfolk the police chief made a special point of asking me to express appreciation to the local radio service, which did a wonderful job in informing people locally about the immediate difficulties. As I saw for myself, the local radio station at Sheffield had a man moved into police headquarters, and he could give the information immediately. I have already picked up the national point made by my hon. Friend, and I shall follow it up.
In order to allow the House to judge whether the compensation formula is helpful in practice as well as in theory, can the right hon. Gentleman say how much compensation—if any—has yet been paid out for the emergency conditions of last year, when the formula was first introduced? In order to make it more helpful, will he reconsider the answer he gave me some time ago after devastating floods in my constituency, particularly in the town of Sheerness, and say that the local authority should be able to aggregate all the losses arising from any freak weather conditions occurring during any one financial year, so that no local authority should pay out more than a total of a 1p rate product?
I have already said that I shall look at the hon. Gentleman's last point. I shall soon be meeting a deputation from the hon. Gentleman's constituency, or nearby, on that specific matter.
On the question of the practice and the theory, as an old local government man I can say with great satisfaction and without fear of contradiction that the 1p rate is a 1p rate. That is the basis on which all local government expenditure is already calculated. If one tells people "You should be able to meet the cost of a first 1p rate locally and then the Government will pay for three-quarters thereafter", that provides for large and small authorities alike.When the Minister has finished dealing with the present crisis, will he consider the representations made by those who feel that there should be some long-term planning in this matter? Does he agree that it should not be a question of bafflement and astonishment that bad weather, snow and ice may come in January and February, and that some projects should be started to try to deal with the problems before they even arise? Will the right hon. Gentleman recognise that there is a great reservoir of volunteers who would be willing to help in this regard?
Of course, volunteers do work in national emergencies. I am not quite sure what the hon. Lady means by long-term planning. The planning for the contingency arrangements which are in hand in my Department, the Department of Transport, the Ministry of Agriculture, Fisheries and Food, the Ministry of Defence and so on was of the greatest possible assistance to me. I was able to bring the arrangements into operation within a matter of hours of taking up my responsibility.
Banaba
On a point of order, Mr. Speaker. Have you received no request from the Government for them to make a statement in view of the serious disturbances that have occurred in a Crown colony—Ocean Island or Banaba? I ask this bearing in mind that the Government still have a residual responsibility for law and order there and that there has been a serious riot for the first time in the long and protracted history of that unfortunate territory, which is the subject of a great deal of injustice. I ask bearing in mind also that, ironically, the Bill for the independence of the Gilbert Islands—a controversial measure, as the House will discover—is being introduced this day, I think in constitutional impropriety, in another place rather than this. That Bill bears upon the future of the territory to which I am referring.
Further to that point of order, Mr. Speaker. Disturbances are taking place in a territory for which Her Majesty's Government are still responsible, and all the news indicates that the situation may deteriorate. This is happening at a time when legislation bearing on the underlying grievances is already before Parliament. Is it not almost a contempt of this House that the Goverment have not sought to make a statement?
My request to you, Mr. Speaker, today, which is the earliest opportunity, is simply this: if the Government relent, realising the gravity of the situation and the importance of the matter to hon. Members of all parties, and if they ask to make such a statement tomorrow, will you agree to its being made?I have never yet said "No" to a Government application to make a statement. With regard to the point of order of the hon. Member for Birmingham, Handsworth (Mr. Lee), I have received no request for a statement today.
Ambulance Services (Hertfordshire)
I beg to ask leave to move the Adjournment of the House, under Standing Order No. 9, for the purpose of discussing a specific and important matter that should have urgent consideration, namely,
The matter is specific in that an instruction has been issued to members of COHSE and NUPE in Hertfordshire to cease operations of all emergency and essential services from midnight, Tuesday 20 February. This instruction follows a meeting of shop stewards held in Birmingham last week who have called for a national strike of ambulance men commencing at Tuesday midnight. The latest information I have from the headquarters of the ambulance service in Hertfordshire is that this strike is likely to be effective. This action will affect a number of road links with Greater London, carrying the heaviest traffic loads in the county, all passing through the county of Hertfordshire—the Ml, M10, AIM, A6 and A5. All these roads require urgent casualty services. The number of journeys per day in the county of Hertfordshire is over 2½ million. The number of accidents in the 48 hours from midnight Friday to midnight Sunday was 16. Over the last weekend there have been 119 other emergency calls on the 999 system, giving a total of 135 emergency ambulance calls in that 48-hour period. The matter is, therefore, both national and specific. It is important in that 600,000 citizens will be deprived of ambulance services, adding to the difficulties which have already flowed from some of the disruptive action taken over the past few weeks. The needs of maternity cases and intensive care emergencies will be prejudiced in those circumstances. The behaviour of members of COHSE and NUPE in Hertfordshire has in many respects exceeded any voluntary code of conduct and action, but I think that this proposed action would prejudice their excellent behaviour. Their conduct until now has been admirable. This proposed action would violate all the agreements and, in particular, vitiates the guidance in paragraph 6 of the code of conduct, which refers to the health and safety of members of the community. The 24-hour withdrawal of emergency ambulance services breaks psychological barriers. In those circumstances, it is an important matter and the union members are extremely concerned that the Government's attitude has been one of complacency which has not taken proper account of their case and their needs. Although arrangements may well be discussed today, and indeed tomorrow for alternative services through volunteers and others, that does not alter the fact that this proposed action will cause danger to people on the roads and in their homes. I think that this is an urgent matter because the strike is to be called at midnight tomorrow. From that time there will be no ambulance services at all. It is uncertain what will follow after then. It will not be possible to call off the strike in those circumstances. The urgent attention of the Government and Ministers is required to prevent what I believe is merciless action. The leaders of the General and Municipal Workers' Union, the Transport and General Workers' Union, the National Union of Public Employees and the Confederation of Health Service Employees have all said that this action can only be detrimental to the interests of their members. It may be detrimental to their interests, but, more urgently, the situation will be desperate for the sick and injured of our nation on that day." the withdrawal of ambulance services in Hertfordshire."
The hon. Member for Hertfordshire, South-West (Mr. Dodsworth) gave me notice before 12 o'clock this morning that he would seek leave to move the Adjournment of the House for the purpose of discussing a specific and important matter that he believes should have urgent consideration, namely,
As the House knows, under Standing Order No. 9 I am directed to take into account the several factors set out in the Order but to give no reason for my decision. I listened carefully to what the hon. Gentleman had to say, but I have to rule that his submission does not fall within the provisions of the Standing Order and therefore, I cannot submit his application to the House." the withdrawal of ambulance services in Hertfordshire."
Harrier Aircraft (China)
I beg to ask leave to move the Adjournment of the House, under Standing Order No. 9, for the purpose of discussing a specific and important matter that should have urgent consideration, namely,
I shall be brief and careful not to transgress the rules which concern applications under Standing Order No. 9. The matter is specific since the Secretary of State for Industry is due to leave for Peking with such a proposal in his pocket. It is important since there could be nothing more vital to the British people than to avoid a war between the West and Russia and since this proposal—this deal—is bound to worsen relations. Clearly Britain will have little power as a mediator for peace in future if we arm a Government who are becoming as bellicose as most Conservative Members of Parliament. Unfortunately, the matter has become more important due to the worsening of the military situation this weekend, with 120,000 Chinese troops crossing the frontier with Vietnam. Many of us profoundly hope that the Secretary of State, and the whole Cabinet, will reconsider the scope of negotiations before they start, and will confine them, as America and Germany have successfully done, to non-military goods. Pressure will undoubtedly grow, so it would be a good thing to debate the issue now. The matter is urgent because, unless the Chinese divisions withdraw quickly, it may lead the Soviet Union into taking reprisals which, in turn, could possibly lead to a third world war. Finally, the matter is urgent because Dr. Waldheim, the Secretary-General of the United Nations, is today urging restraint and President Carter, hardly an agent of the Kremlin—a concept which certain Opposition Members have suggested lies behind this motion—is supporting him. Unanimous opposition now might induce the Chinese generals to halt before it is too late." the supply of the Harrier jet planes to China in the light of the invasion of Vietnam by China this weekend."
The hon. Member for Salford, East (Mr. Allaun) has asked leave to move the Adjournment of the House for the purpose of discussing a specific and important matter that he believes should have urgent consideration, namely,
This application arises out of a question and answer given earlier this afternoon. I listened carefully to the exchanges. As the House knows, under Standing Order No. 9 I am directed to take into account the several factors set out in the Order but to give no reason for my decision. I listened carefully to the arguments of the hon. Gentleman, but I have to rule that his submission does not fall within the provisions of the Standing Order and, therefore, I cannot submit his application to the House." the supply of the Harrier jet planes to China in the light of the invasion of Vietnam by China this weekend."
Bill Presented
House Of Lords (Reform)
Mr. Kenneth Lomas presented a Bill to abolish the right of hereditary peers to vote; to provide for the eventual extinction of the hereditary peerage; to make other provision with respect to the functions of hereditary peers; to make provision with respect to the composition of the House of Lords and to the powers of the House of Lords with respect to legislation and its other functions; to provide for the payment of salaries to certain members of the House of Lords; and for purposes connected therewith: And the same was read the First time; and ordered to be read a Second time upon Friday 6 April and to be printed. [Bill 91.]
Business Of The House
Ordered,
That, at this day's sitting, the business of Supply may be taken after Ten o'clock and that, if the Motion in the name of the Prime Minister for the Adjournment of the House is not disposed of by Ten o'clock it shall not lapse at that hour and may be proceeded with, though opposed, until any hour.—( Mr. Bryan Daries.)
Orders Of The Day
SUPPLY
[8th ALLOTTED DAY]—considered.
House Of Commons (Procedure)
[FIRST DAY'S DEBATE]
[ Relevant documents: First Report from the Select Committee on Procedure, Session 1977–78 ( House of Commons Paper No. 588); " First to Eighth Reports from the Select Committee on Procedure ( Sessional) in Session 1976–77.]
Motion made, and Question proposed, That this House do now adjourn.—[ Mr. Bryan Davies.]
4.10 p.m.
The Select Committee on Procedure produced its first and, indeed, main report in July. It is House of Commons Paper No. 588. It followed more than two years' work. Our chairman was the hon. and learned Member for Warrington (Sir T. Williams), who is now overseas as chairman of the Inter-Parliamentary Union. Therefore, the other members of the Committee have asked me to present the report to the House on this occasion.
Our terms of reference were to—I underline these words—" consider the practice and procedure of the House in relation to public business and to make recommendations for "
It was the most far-reaching and thorough inquiry of its kind for over 30 years, certainly since 1946. Although the membership of the Committee comprised almost every shade of opinion in the House, its recommendations were unanimous with regard to the main proposals. I am sure that every member of the Committee believes that if the main recommendations are implemented it will enable Parliament to serve the nation more effectively. On various details, some of which were minor ones, we disagreed. There were 44 Divisions. But we all agreed on the fundamental principles which guided our approach. They are set out on page viii of the report. I do not propose to read them in full, because they can be read in paragraphs 1.5, 1.6 and 1.7. However, I should like to stress two things. First, we agreed that the relationship between the Executive and the legislature is a crucial feature of our institutions of government and, secondly, we say that the balance of advantage in the working of our constitution is now weighted in favour of the Government—I do not make a party point, because it relates to a Government of whatever complexion—to a degree which arouses widespread anxiety. That occurs under our present system. Our proposals are aimed at enabling the House above all" the more effective performance of its functions ".
In other words, I think that there is sometimes a general feeling among those outside Parliament that we become remote from the opinions, feelings and needs of the people and, therefore, that we in Parliament should organise our affairs in such a way as to bring us all closer together. With those thoughts in mind, the Committee has striven to find ways, first, of improving the content and drafting of Acts of Parliament; secondly, of improving our control over delegated legislation; thirdly, of increasing the influence of the House over European legislation the importance of which is growing all the time, whether we like it or not; fourthly, of reorganising the Select Committee structure, which was the central theme of the report; and, fifthly, of improving financial control, but on this matter we say that a further, deeper inquiry is necessary, although meanwhile we have made some quite substantial proposals about it and commend them to the House. We also considered possible changes in our sessional arrangements and hours of sitting, but we do not recommend any major changes with regard to these matters. We propose two minor changes affecting the times of sitting, and I hope that it will not offend my colleagues on the Committee if I say that those recommendations—Nos. (71) and (74)—may not be as generally acceptable as we hope our main recommendations are. Our recommendations regarding the structure and powers of Select Commit- tees were so much the central theme of our report that I propose to outline them before I go any further. Our aim here is to provide the House with the means of scrutinising the activities of the public service on a continuing and systematic basis. That must surely be the key to the matter. We received evidence from various sources, including hon. Members, the Clerk of the House, and so on—to whom we are grateful—as well as evidence from outside. That evidence confirmed the view that Parliament has lost control of Government expenditure, and is at present not well enough organised to act as a watchdog over the activities of Ministers and their Departments. Let us consider what happens at present. I take the Floor of the House first. I know that the Leader of the House, whom I am pleased to see listening to the debate, attaches enormous importance to what happens on the Floor of the House. I fear that we touch only the tip of the iceberg of Government responsibility on the Floor of the House. If we leave aside the ritual dancing, such as Prime Minister's Question Time and some other important occasions, we see that the debates on the Floor of the House vary very much in importance, interest, quality and, indeed, effect. Question Time serves an important purpose, but it is a very limited one. We understand its limited character when we remind ourselves that in the normal course of rotation, some important Cabinet Ministers come to the Dispatch Box about once every five or six weeks to answer oral questions. They are questioned for anything from 40 minutes to 55 minutes. That is important as far as it goes, but it is limited. Let us face it, the Floor to the House is not suitable for examining accounts or for examining those specialised or detailed matters which are the day-to-day realities of modern government. What I am about to say is so obvious that it hardly needs stating, but I shall do so in order to build up the picture: that that is why we must have Committees—in order to scrutinise policies in detail, as well as the way in which they are carried out. The Select Committee on Procedure first considered the present Select Committee structure for doing that work. We found that it was not adequate. Our domestic Committees do not give rise to any problems, because they are working well. I refer to the Services Committee, the Privileges Committee and the Sessional Procedure Committee. I am glad to see present the right hon. Member for Dartford (Mr. Irving)—where I was born—who is the distinguished Chairman of that Committee. No fewer than eight of that Committee's reports in the 1976–77 Session are now before us, as well as the report that I am introducing. Those reports deal with detailed points of procedure, which the House will no doubt wish to consider. The unanimous view of our Committee was that we should leave the domestic Committees as they are. Then there are three important Committees which each perform a technical function for us. Those are the Statutory Instruments Committee, which deals with delegated legislation; the Joint Consolidation Committee, which is very technical; and the European Legislation Committee, about which I shall say more later. We recommend that these three Committees should continue. Then there is the Public Accounts Committee, under the efficient chairmanship of my right hon. Friend the Member for Taunton (Mr. du Cann). That is in a class by itself. It does not fit into any category with other Committees, as I shall explain. The main function of the PAC is to make sure that money voted by Parliament has been applied to the purposes which Parliament has prescribed. It also has to consider matters brought to the notice of Parliament in the reports of the Comptroller and Auditor General. The PAC's work is a work of audit, principally, and it is surely a separate function from that of examining Estimates, approving expenditure and probing the financial efficiency of administration, which is now done by the Expenditure Committee or, more particularly, its Sub-Committees. The House will recollect that the Expenditure Committee is under the distinguished chairmanship of the hon. Member for Bishop Auckland (Mr. Boyden), who gave evidence to our Committee. We recommend that the work of the Expenditure Committee and its Sub-Committees should in future be done by departmentally related main Committees, but we say that, for the reasons I have given, the PAC should be retained. We also recommend that its powers and the powers of the Comptroller and Auditor General should be strengthened. We say, above all, that he and his staff should be appointed by and become the servants of the House. Then their impartiality will be beyond question. I come now to the other Committees. I realise that I am entering into not a realm of controversy—I hope—but a realm in which exceedingly good judgment is required. They are the Committees which are at present responsible for the oversight of government and they have power to scrutinise policy, expenditure and administration. There are five of them. They are the Expenditure Committee, the Nationalised Industries Committee, the Science and Technology Committee, the Overseas Development Committee, and the Race Relations Committee—what one might call a good mixed bag. Within the limits imposed on them, those Committees have, as we all know, done some most valuable work. I myself will always be grateful to the Science and Technology Committee for the bold stand that it took on the population problem as long ago as 1968–70. It produced a most valuable report, which broke new ground entirely in thinking in public affairs. The reports of all these Committees bear the mark of quality, and we should all be grateful for the valuable work on which they have been based, but there is too great an element of chance about the way in which their responsibilities are engaged. Also, we find that when totalled up, the responsibilities of these Committees are incomplete. I hope to make my speech without too many quotations from the report, because everyone can read it, but I feel obliged at this stage to make a couple of quotations from two very important paragraphs—5.14 and 5.15. Paragraph 5.14 says:" to exercise effective control and stewardship over Ministers and the expanding bureaucracy of the modern State for which they are answerable, and to make the decisions of Parliament and Government more responsive to the wishes of the electorate ".
—" a decidedly patchy coverage ". Paragraph 5.15 says:" Despite the considerable growth of the select committee system since 1964 and the changes which have taken place in their powers, the facilities available to them and their methods of work, the development of the system has been piecemeal and has resulted in a decidedly patchy coverage of the activities of government departments and agencies, and of the major areas of public policy and administration."
There is not that clear understanding at present. Sometimes we find that there is overlapping—that several Committees are at least eligible to chase the same hare and sometimes have been found to do so. Then there are gaps in their responsibilities, as I indicated earlier. Assuming that the case has been made for restructuring, on what principle should it be done?" The House should no longer rest content with an incomplete and unsystematic scrutiny of the activities of the Executive merely as a result of historical accident or sporadic pressures, and it is equally desirable for the different branches of the public service to be subject to an even and regular incidence of select committee investigation into their activities and to have a clear understanding of the division of responsibilities between the committees which conduct it."
(Liverpool, Walton): Is the right hon. and learned Gentleman aware that the conclusions reached by the Select Committee are almost identical with the conclusions reached by the Labour Party, quite independently of the Select Committee? [HON. MEMBERS: "Oh"] Yes. That may turn hon. Members off, but, independently, the conclusions of the Labour Party's committee on the machinery of government were precisely the Select Committee's conclusions. It seems to me that this underlines the importance of the Select Committee's conclusions, and that there is a real feeling on the Labour Benches as well as on Opposition Benches that there must be a fundamental change in the whole relationship of Select Committees to the Government.
I must make clear to my hon. Friends that our proposals are in no way weakened by the fact that they commend themselves to our opponents. This is a matter on which we must try to bridge the gulf between the parties, in the public interest. The public get very fed up with us sometimes, merely for the way in which we disagree with each other. When the hon. Member for Liverpool, Walton (Mr. Heffer) is so good as to make the point that he has just made, we should welcome it with open arms. I hope that he will be equally open-minded about proposals coming from the Opposition Benches. From time to time we may commend them to him.
If the structure is to be reorganised, on what principle should that be done? What type of demarcation—if that is not a dirty word—should one allow to operate? In our Select Committee we discussed two real alternative ways in which one could organise a complete structure of Select Committees. One was called the functional method and the other the departmental method. I suppose that one could say, for example, that the Nationalised Industries Committee is based on the functional method. One could also say that the Overseas Development Committee is based on the departmental method. I give those just as two illustrations drawn from the present structure. We decided that it should be the departmental concept. For good, commonsense reasons, which I hope that there is not much need to elaborate, but if anyone wants to see our reasons he will find them set out in paragraph 5.18. We called them "Departmental Committees". If that is too big a mouthful we could call them "DR Committees" and ignore the coincidence. We do not want a large number of Committees. We say that there should be about one dozen. We grouped several Departments together, naturally. The results are set out in paragraph 5.24. We suggest that the Committee should be established as follows: agriculture; defence; education, science and arts; energy; environment; foreign affairs; home affairs—which includes the Lord Chancellor's Department and the Law Officers' Department—industry and employment; social services—which includes the Lord Chancellors' Department of Health and Social Security—trade and consumer affairs; transport; and the Treasury. We suggest that the Treasury Committee should be responsible for examining the affairs not only of the Treasury but of the Civil Service Department and the work of the Parliamentary Commissioner for Administration. The membership of each Committee should average about 10. That would mean that there would be about 120 members in all. That compares with the 105 members of the present Committees. This includes not only the live Committees that I have mentioned but the small Committee under the chairmanship of my hon. and learned Friend the Member for Colchester (Mr. Buck), which examines the reports of the Parliamentary Commissioner. I have no doubt that that Committee has been of great help to the Commissioner and to the House. We thought that since we were restructuring, the PCA Committee should be stood down and its general work done by the Treasury Committee, although individual cases would be dealt with by the departmentally related Committees. I confess that I do not feel strongly about this, but I know how strongly my hon. and learned Friend the Member for Colchester feels. I invite the House and my hon. and learned Friend to study paragraphs 5.33 and 5.34. I am not surprised to learn that the hon. Member for Feltham and Heston (Mr. Kerr), who has been an active and helpful Chairman of the Nationalised Industries Committee, will be defending his wicket. I have enjoyed playing cricket with him in the past for the Lords and Commons. He and his Committee, with him as captain, have scored many runs. But I hope that on reflection the hon. Member and the members of his Committee might feel that the time has come to draw stumps and enjoy playing in a new series. Apart from some of the members of the existing Select Committees who will want to defend their wickets, the only other people who may want assurance about the proposed new structure are past, present and future Ministers and their officials. We can assure them. These new Committees will have a dual purpose. First they will help the House by finding out what Departments are doing and why and how they are doing it, and examining their expenditure. Secondly, they will be of help to Ministers by trying to understand their problems, becoming well informed about their Departments' work and perhaps sometimes warning them about the dark clouds ahead. Any Minister or future Minister who is worth his salt should welcome the chance to co-operate with a small group of hon. Members who are taking a critical but constructive interest in the work of his Department. In chapter 6 we recommend the strengthening of the powers of the Select Committees, ensuring that they have the staff that they require. We are anxious that once the structure is set up the work of the Select Committees comes, as required, to the Floor of the House. Not each report can be debated. We are short of time for debates on Select Committees at present. In recommendation No. (44) we suggest that there should, in Government time, on eight Mondays each Session, be debates on the reports of Select Committees on substantive motions proposed by the Committees. That would not preclude either the Government or the Opposition from providing other days for debating reports on Select Committees. Many hon. Members feel that there are not enough debates on Select Committee reports at present and that those that take place are mainly on "take-note" motions. That does not get us anywhere. I turn to EEC legislation and the Scrutiny Committee.The proposed Committees will comprise either more or fewer members than the present Committees. They will be so well armed and so well researched that they will talk more. What effect will that have upon the attendance in the House?
It is good to see so many hon. Members from both sides present in the Chamber today. But I do not think that my hon. Friend the Member for Howden (Sir P. Bryan) would claim that the attendance in the House is as good as it might be. The House is empty on many occasions. Because it will be an improvement in the way in which we do our work and because of the arrangements that we have proposed for debating our reports, I should have thought that the attendance should be increased.
I am sure that that is right. Why would anybody think that the House would be worse attended for a well-informed debate than for a less well-informed debate?
I am grateful for the intervention, and I make no comment.
Our influence over EEC legislation is most important. On our Select Committee we did not see much need for change, but it is essential for the European Scrutiny Committee, as it has come to be known, to have a link with department-ally related Committees. The depart-mentally related Committees should be free to consider the merits of EEC documents that concern their interests. At present the Scrutiny Committee is not empowered to consider merits, but merits must be considered. The departmentally related Committees should do that, and in doing so they should have the briefing material on any European instrument that has been prepared for the Scrutiny Committee and any report made by the Scrutiny Committee. We are not satisfied with the present arrangements for debating EEC documents and we make various proposals for improving them. They were mentioned by the hon. Member for Newham, South (Mr. Spearing), who is a member of our Committee, in a debate 18 months ago. The Lord President will not be allowed to lose sight of the need to get EEC instruments debated on the Floor of the House when the Scrutiny Committee has drawn attention to them. There is a vital need to improve our procedure for making our own laws. The quality of Acts of Parliament depends on careful scrutiny of their substance and of their drafting. For the scrutiny of their substance, our principal recommendation is that there should be a new procedure at the start of the Committee stage, which would not interfere with our long-established detailed consideration of Bills in Standing Committees but would precede it, improve it and sometimes shorten it. Before the detailed consideration of Bills, as in Standing Committee, the Committee should be able to examine the factual and technical background to a Bill. First, there should be a business meeting of the Committee to decide what evidence should be called and how much time should be devoted to it. There should then be up to three meetings of the full Committee, but in Select Committee form, to enable Ministers and witnesses to be examined in public about the background of the Bill. We suggest that the Committee should be called a Public Bill Committee to indicate a change in the style and consti- tution. If that Committee finds that three meetings of 2½ hours each in the mornings are not enough, it may ask the House to allow more meetings, and a motion can be tabled for consideration of the House. That would be a valuable experiment which would enable a better understanding of the purpose of Bills tabled, especially by the Government, and of the method of achieving the purpose. In order to ensure a strong link between the departmentally related Committee interested in the Bill and the Public Bill Committee, the latter should always include some members of the former. On improving the scrutiny of drafting, I am grateful to my colleagues on the Select Committee for endorsing almost entirely the recommendations of the Committee on the Preparation of Legislation, of which I was Chairman. It reported as long ago as May 1975. Since then the Government have refused to accept the principal recommendations of that Committee. They have contented themselves with saying that the recommendations are a valuable summary of the best drafting practice and are taken into account when drafting Government Bills. Drafting has been improving in the last year or two. Textual amendment has become the general rule, which has helped those who have to understand the legislation and follow it in various spheres throughout the country. It has also been of great help in the administration of law. But there is a feeling on our Select Committee that there are still a number of major recommendations that the Government have not accepted which would further improve the quality of drafting and the structure of our legislation. Members of the Select Committee went into considerable detail in prescribing minimal intervals between various stages of legislation. In paragraph 2.28 we suggest that there should be a Standing Order in the terms set out to prescribe the minimal intervals. There are occasions when, owing to emergency, one cannot follow those intervals as a counsel of perfection. But it should be a general rule that they are followed, and that has not been so in the past three or four years. In recommendations (10) to (14) of our Select Committee's report, further support is given to proposals made by my Committee, especially the most important one that the Statute Law Committee should undertake a continuous review of the structure and language of statutes and of the implementation of our recommendations. The ostensible excuse given for the Government sticking their toes in over this was that it was not worth the modest cost. We must all be cost conscious. Much of what I have been saying will lead to greater cost consciousness. But to spend a trifling part of our vast budget to ensure that our laws are well drafted and that there is a simple monitoring process for so doing would be money well spent. Badly drafted laws are a disservice to democracy and bring the law into contempt. For many years Governments of both main parties have enjoyed dominion over the House of Commons. That is not merely because they have had a majority, large or tenuous, but more because of their power, which has grown over the last 100 years or so, of controlling business, including controlling, in effect, the amendment of Standing Orders. The recommendations in the report would help to restore the balance between the Government and the rest of the House in ways that would be advantageous to both. They would also be advantageous to the people who sent us here. Therefore, I earnestly hope that as soon as possible after the two days of this debate the Leader of the House will give the House of Commons a chance to reach decisions on our proposals. An early-day motion has been tabled, supported by all the members of our Select Committee, and other hon. Members may support it as well. It reads:I know that I speak for both sides of the House when I say that I hope that that will be done." That this House takes note of the First Report from the Select Committee on Procedure in the last Session of Parliament; believes that during this Parliament this House should decide on the principal recommendations made by that Committee; rejects the practice of tabling Motions to approve only those Select Committee recommendations which the Government favours; and accordingly urges the Leader of the House to provide an early opportunity for a further debate and invites him at the time of that debate to table all the recommendations of the Committee, grouped as appropriate, for consideration by this House."
4.51 p.m.
I congratulate the right hon. and learned Member for Huntingdonshire (Sir D. Renton) and the Committee on their Trojan effort. There can be few Committees which have worked as hard, met as many times and produced as many recommendations as this one. I believe that many of its 76 recommendations will be widely accepted on both sides of the House and will contribute to the more effective handling of our business.
I apologise to the right hon. and learned Member if time forces me to concentrate upon those few matters about which I have some anxieties. I ought to remind the House of what happened four years ago when a new Parliament assembled and there were great stirrings among many new hon. Members about our procedure. This hinged substantially on the very long and inconvenient hours that we worked. Indeed, we were told by one hon. Member that as a result we were sex-starved. As a result of that pressure, the Leader of the House then Mr. Edward Short, now Lord Glenamara, referred to the Sessional Committee on Procedure, of which I was then Chairman, the possibility of Report stages being taken upstairs because he believed that they were the most time-consuming of all the items of business on the Floor of the House. I think that he was very disappointed when the Committee could not accept his advice that they should be taken upstairs. It is not without interest, therefore, that the present Committee dealt hardly at all with the length of sittings or the inconvenient hours. Indeed, the consequences of its recommendations may well be that we shall work harder than we have done to date. Some of us insisted then that in looking at reform we should start by asking ourselves what we wanted Parliament to do rather than how much time we wanted to devote to it or how long the hours should be. Although the Committee did not deal with sittings and hours in any great detail, I suggest that these matters are still important, and I hope that the Committee will come back to them on another occasion. The Committee dealt with what Parliament ought to be about, and it made a number of quite important statements. It said that Parliament had four tasks—to legislate, to scrutinise the activity of the Executive, to control finance and to secure the remedy of grievances. Then it said, in paragraph 1.6:Then it made a statement of equal importance about the" a new balance must be struck, not by changes of a fundamental or revolutionary character…but by changes of an evolutionary kind, following naturally from the present practices."
Despite these statements, the Committee's major recommendation for Departmental Committees, if accepted would be the biggest jump that this Parliament has made in modern times. It is not the principle of this matter which disturbs me but the big and sudden jump from the present system to an almost totally departmentalised system. In recommending these new-style Committees, the Select Committee opts for a degree of specialisation which so far has been largely foreign to Parliament and which, over the years, many hon. Members have resisted. In taking the recommendations as they stand, I wonder first whether right hon. and hon. Members are ready for that degree of specialisation." need to retain the Chamber as the focus of the political and legislative work of Parliament, and…must…take realistic account of the size of the pool of Members available and willing to serve."
Does my right hon. Friend agree that in the Expenditure Committee we already have a system of specialisation?
In theory.
That is correct, but it is of a limited kind, established for a small number of right hon. and hon. Members, and it does not involve, as these recommendations will, a very large body of the Back Bench strength on both sides of the House.
Does my right hon. Friend agree that even on the Floor of the House most right hon. and hon. Members try to concentrate their minds and energies on certain specific topics? Although some may like to range over almost every subject, it is more customary for individual hon. Members to apply their minds to a limited number.
If my hon. Friend will allow me to develop my argument, he will find that I shall come to that.
I believe that there would need to be a willingness on the part of hon. Members not just to specialise but to devote a great deal of time to doing it, otherwise Committees across the whole spectrum would not succeed. It would also mean the end of the role of the Back Bencher as an all-rounder, which has been typical of the British Parliament. That is not to say that there has been no specialisation, but it has not been as common as it is in the United States Congress, where a member going into Congress expects from the outset to specialise in a very fundamental way. The capacity to develop all-round talent has made the British Member of Parliament competent and self-confident, and it has given him a hearty scepticism both of authority and of the expert. These are valuable qualities for any Parliament. The difficulty about the new system is that it will work only if hon. Members are willing to give their time and to specialise. This is bound to be at the expense of other activities. There are dangers in this system which are present in other Parliaments. If the Departmental Committee were successful, and if it were given both the money and the staff to develop, it could develop a bureaucracy which, because of the volume of work that the Committee would be given almost automatically—and it would grow as time went by—hon. Members, not having enough time, would very soon be rubber-stamping the reports of the bureaucracy rather than the work of hon. Members in Committee. I do not say that this will happen automatically, but it is a danger that we ought to take into account.My right hon. Friend will recollect that, with one exception, throughout the IPU the number of staff per head of members of legislatures is approximately the same. The exception is Congress, but everywhere else it is the same, although they have departmentally related committees. Bearing that in mind, my right hon. Friend will realise that his fear is not very realistic.
My hon. Friend discards the one most powerful example.
With a presidential system.
The point remains intact that it is a specialised system, unlike our own. We are moving to a very different system, and we ought to be quite clear about where we are going.
There is a risk of some of these Committees—not all of them; there are certain hon. Members who are never likely to fall to this risk—becoming so intimately involved with their Departments that their power to attack, where necessary, would be blunted. I should not wish to see that happen. Particularly in the case of defence, there may be situations where the knowledge that a closely-knit Departmental Committee would learn would separate that Committee from its colleagues in the House. The members of that Committee would be inhibited from making the contribution that every hon. Member should be able to make if so disposed. There is a risk that an hon. Member could become a second-class Member in some respects because he would not have specialised and therefore would not have access to the information. It would be a courageous Member who involved himself in a fundamental way on the Floor of the House in a debate on a subject on which a Committee had spent a long time in dealing with a Department and its problems. The attendance in the Chamber for debates on Select Committee reports does not seem to indicate the enthusiasm and action that the right hon. and learned Member for Huntingdonshire seemed to suggest exists in this respect.I am glad that my right hon. Friend referred to the defence Committee, which I believe to be a specialist example. I have served on the Sub-Committee on Defence and External Affairs for four years. That Committee has access to classified information in a way that few other Committees have. I believe that the special case of a defence Committee would not necessarily apply to other Departmental Committees. Does my right hon. Friend agree that it is a special rather than a general case?
I accept part of the point made by my hon. Friend the Member for Farnworth (Mr. Roper). However, I imagine that the point applies to other cases—for example, to the Home Office and foreign affairs in some respects. An hon. Member would have to specialise in one area of activity which would preclude him from many others.
In 1964 there were 240 Committee sittings. By 1977 this figure had risen to 820. Therefore, because of Committee work, the burden upon Members has grown considerably over the last 10 or 15 years. If the new system was to be installed throughout the Departments of Government it would add considerably to that burden. The report refers quite rightly to the need for a full-time House of Commons. Unhappily, I am afraid that we are still a long way from achieving that. That would mean that the burden would fall upon full-time Members, as it has done in the past, and those Members would be involved in increasing amounts of work. In that way, they would be more unfairly treated than they have been in the past.Speak for yourself.
Order. I always do. I wish that hon. Members would remember that in making that kind of interruption they are addressing the Chair, and I do not like it.
Thank you, Mr. Speaker. My hon. Friend the Member for Nottingham, West (Mr. English) will make his own speech. He and I have been involved in many Committees in the past and have carried a considerable burden—as have many other hon. Members. It is only fair to reiterate the point that full-time Members and some part-timers, who flog themselves very hard, have carried an unnecessary burden over the years.
My right hon. Friend has made an important point. However, is he not saying that there are too few hon. Members who are prepared to do the work, not that there is too much work?
My hon. Friend is conceding the point, but it has not yet been demonstrated that there are enough willing Members who are prepared to specialise and devote the time to an across-the-board experiment of this kind.
There is a queue of hon. Members who would like to be on the Expenditure Committee. There is no evidence that under the present system there is any shortage of willing Members.
I still believe that if the whole system were redesigned with 12 new Committees with a heavier work load than at present, the pattern would be different. Many Committees now find great difficulty in getting a big enough attendance to keep going satisfactorily.
The right hon. Gentleman Says that the work load of the future is likely to be greater than the work load of the past. In recommending 12 Committees and a membership of 10 Members on each Committee—or 12 on some of the larger Committees—between 120 and 140 Members would be involved in the new procedure. That is roughly the same number of hon. Members as are now involved in the existing Select Committee procedure. Therefore, it is unlikely that a greater work load would flow from that change alone.
The hon. Gentleman places me in difficulty. I feel that 10 Members are wholly inadequate to deal with a great Department. I cannot see how adequate attendance would ever be achieved if there are to be only 10 members. On a number of occasions I suspect that Committees will find it difficult to proceed because they do not have quorums.
The report suggests that the Committee, and particularly the Chairman, will grow in importance. I do not believe that to be self-evident. It is true that the Congress Committee in the United States is important, but that is because it controls legislation. That control will not be conceded to the new Departmental Committees. Therefore, I do not accept that this is sufficient incentive to induce hon. Members to make such a great change. It is a myth that a detailed tag can be kept on the activities of every Department. It is only by carefully selected investigations, backed by the necessary expert advice and staff, that Parliament can hope to deal effectively with the Executive. Those investigations require money. Those of us who have served under the chairmanship of the right hon. Member for Taunton (Mr. du Cann) know that the allocation of funds has always been inadequate. Until recently, the question of staff and accommodation has also been in the hands of the Executive. If the Committees are set up, I do not believe that either the money or staff will be available to make them the success that they can only be if sufficient money, staff and accommodation are available. There is no doubt that the declassification that may come about as a result of the Bill now in Standing Committee will greatly assist Departmental Committees. However, there is a sense in which the Committees could become a threat to the Chamber itself. As the subject becomes more specialised, the more will the real debate take place in Committee. The House will be even less likely than it is at present to be the forum of the nation. Since I have been a Member of Parliament, increasingly the big debates have been attended by fewer and fewer hon. Members. If the Departmental Committee recommendations are carried out to the extent recommended in the report, I believe that they would further contribute to that decline. If the experiment were tried, I believe that such a total departure from present practice would be unwise. I began my speech by saying that I do not dissent from the principle. I do not dissent from the view of the Committee in the earner paragraphs of the report that there should be an evolutionary move from our present practices. Therefore, when the Leader of the House considers the early-day motion of the right hon. and learned Member for Huntingdonshire I hope that he will allow an experiment, not right across the board but with three or four Departmental Committees. In that way, we can demonstrate in practice whether the anxieties that I feel are real or imaginary. The Committee recommends a new Public Bill Committee. This seems to be a compromise between those who want a whole Select Committee procedure for dealing with legislation and those who want to retain the present Standing Committees. The difficulty I see in this is that in some cases the idea of taking evidence will be unnecessary, but if it is necessary three sittings will be wholly inadequate for dealing with it. The difficulty there is that to take evidence at three sittings alone may mislead the Committee. It may expose areas where there ought to be further inquiry and investigation but not provide the opportunity for doing it, or it may be that when the first selection is made of the evidence to come before the Committee, the choice will turn out to be the wrong choice in the end. Although I certainly would not want to oppose this procedure, I see weaknesses in it, and I do not doubt that the Leader of the House will deal with those.I have great respect for the position of the right hon. Member in this House. He has been the Chairman of Ways and Means, and I serve under him on the Sessional Procedure Committee.
He has posed arguments against the recommendation. However, does he not accept the general criticism that this House has lost its power to the Executive? If he wishes us, therefore, to accept his criticisms, ought he not to advance alternative means by which we can check the power of the Executive? I fear that if he is to sustain his argument he should tell us how he would see the House being able to challenge the power of the Executive if it is not to use the method suggested.My inclination is to go for a separate set of Select Committees which are independent of Departments but which have adequate money, staff and accommodation to provide the information they need to enable themselves to speak directly and on equal terms with the Executive. I believe that in the end that will be the only way in which the challenge can be made. I accept that the power of the Executive has been growing. It ought to be challenged. This House should find every way it can to ensure that the challenge is made more and more effective.
Will the right hon. Gentleman expand a little on the important response that he has just thrown out? Many of us would think that if a range of Select Committees were established they would find them- selves obliged, in order to do the work that he indicated, to allocate themselves among groups of Departments. The right hon. Gentleman might well find that he was led, as the Committee was, to approximately the same conclusion as is to be found in the report.
I have not in any sense said that there is not a place for an experiment in Departmental Committees. In view of the work that has been put in by the members of the Committee, it would be most unfair of anyone to condemn out of hand the proposals that have been made. I believe that we should move in an evolutionary way and not abandon everything that we have done over the past few years to an entirely new system. We should take a few selected cases and work in the next four or five years to demonstrate whether they provide the most effective way in which the House should move. That has been the principle upon which this Parliament has worked for many years.
The Committee recommends that the circumstances in which the Government should give their approval to EEC legislation should be embodied in a declaratory resolution. The report sees the balance of advantage lying in a firm commitment that the Government should not give its approval to EEC legislation prior to debate where the Select Committee on European Legislation has suggested that a debate should take place. On the face of it, that seems entirely reasonable. It is correct that my right hon. Friend the Leader of the House gave an undertaking as far back as July that he would examine this proposal. In answer to a question in December from my hon. Friend the Member for Newham, South (Mr. Spearing) he said that he was still looking into the matter, and I think that he was having very great difficulty. It is a difficulty that worries me. The essence of the whole Community system is the package deal. If Ministers are to be virtually forced to seek the approval of the House for everything they do, the process of negotiation will be hamstrung at Brussels and we may get less out of it than we ought to. I concede at once that Ministers ought, where there is time, to get the approval of the House. My right hon. Friend the Leader of the House in July, I think during the debate on the Summer Adjournment motion, said that there were only three occasions in the period under review when Ministers had not done that. Two of them concerned agriculture, and one fisheries. The Minister in question had come back post haste after making that decision to report his reasons to the House. My only difficulty is that there are Members in the House who would push the House into perhaps the Danish system, where Ministers are mandated before they go to Brussels. Control is exercised by the Folketing market committee. That would be unsatisfactory for us. First, that does not represent control by Parliament, because the market committee is made up of senior Members of Parliament, and much of the communication and approval go on over the telephone between the chairman of the committee, his colleagues and the Minister in Brussels. The power is delegated to the market committee and, therefore, is not in any sense a real control by Back Benchers or Parliament as a whole—But they have a PR system.
Order. Let me remind the hon. Member for Nottingham, West (Mr. English) that it is his privilege, from time to time, to try to keep in order Committees of this House. He should set a good example.
I hope that the fact that the Committee has included this recommendation in its report will not lend support to those who would shackle the processes of government in their dealings with the Community. I want Ministers to keep this House informed, but I do not want an essential departure from the procedure that has been adopted in domestic affairs where the Minister has some latitude and is subsequently called to account. I would not like to think that the Committee's report lent support to people who had other motives related to dealings with Brussels based on some kind of hostility to our membership of the EEC.
I come now to the question of voting. One of the recommendations of the Committee is that Questions should be put forthwith at 3.30 p.m. That would be a retrograde step. It is not many years since we quite deliberately abandoned Divisions at 3.30 p.m. On many occasions those were formal Divisions, which required Members to abandon Committee work and other work in various parts of London and the rest of the country to come to a formal Division at 3.30 p.m. I hope, therefore, that that proposition will not be accepted. The other proposal is that we should require 200 Members to vote for the suspension at 10 p.m. There are many occasions when the suspension is purely formal and where there is no great controversy. There may be a maverick Division, or no Division. To require 200 Members to be present at 10 p.m. would not reduce the amount of attendance that Members put in because, whipping being what it is, Members would be required to be present to support the proposition at that time, however important or unimportant it might be. Therefore, I hope that as we want to do more work while trying to avoid some of the strain, that proposal will not be added to the burden of hon. Members. I am sorry that I have had to devote my remarks exclusively to critical comments. There is much in the report to be welcomed, and I hope that the House will take it very seriously.5.20 p.m.
As I so greatly respect the right hon. Member for Dartford (Mr. Irving), as the whole House does, I find it a particular pleasure to speak immediately after him and to make common cause with him at once in paying a strong tribute to his hon. and learned Friend the Member for Warrington (Sir T. Williams) and all the other Members who served on the Committee and produced a most valuable report. A Trojan effort, the right hon. Gentleman called it. Indeed, I hope that this volume is a Trojan horse to enable us Back Benchers to recapture some of our freedom and authority, which, in the interests of democracy, we so badly need again to practise and to fulfil.
I wish also, as the first to speak after him on these Benches, to pay an extremely warm tribute to my right hon. and learned Friend the Member for Huntingdonshire (Sir D. Renton), whose speech was a model of clarity and conciseness. Knowing how often he has had to be in the chair of the Committee, I am sure that the whole House, in paying tribute to the hon. and learned Member for Warrington, will wish to pay its tribute also to my right hon. and learned Friend. I am delighted that we are having this debate. It is a significant occasion. Before coming into the Chamber, I was asked by a commentator "Is this to be just another Members' grumble?" I replied—I hope that the House will think it right—that the message from the debate will be not that but something far different and very positive. We know exactly what must be done, and we intend to see that it is done. My answer to the right hon. Member for Dartford, when he asks where the facilities are, is that the House of Commons must see that the facilities are provided to do the job. I have said many times inside the House—I have had the good fortune myself to initiate one debate—and outside it in writings, in broadcasting and in other ways that we Members of Parliament are now failing effectively to exercise our traditional and constitutional duty. My right hon. and learned Friend made that point very clearly, and the theme was echoed by the right hon. Member for Dartford. As one of our Clerks, Mr. Ryle, says in the latest publication of the Study of Parliament Group, it is a central tenet of our constitutional description that Ministers are—or, I would say, should be—subject to full parliamentary control. This place, this Parliament, is the forum where the exercise of government is publicly displayed and is open to scrutiny and criticism, as in a democracy it requires continuously and fully to be. Since we have in the United Kingdom virtually unicameral government, single-chamber government, this House of Commons has especial responsibility. The report does not deal in detail with the first requirement for that, namely, that there needs to be, for all the disparate elements in the House—the official Opposition, the unofficial Opposition, the unofficial unofficial opposition, the minorities, Back Benchers, and so on—an opportunity to bring before the House matters which they regard as significant. Perhaps there are adequate opportunities—or perhaps there are not, as my right hon. and learned Friend hinted, because of the way in which we use or, rather, misuse, abuse or do not use Supply days, because of the way in which, for all its length, Question Time is largely now a farce, and because we fail to control expenditure. I have said previously that we no more control expenditure in the House than Canute controlled the tide—and it will be recalled that he did not, in fact, set out to achieve that unworthy and absurd aim. I do not for a moment accept the view of a previous Leader of the House, quoted at the very beginning of the report in paragraph 1.4, that the GovernmentThe truth and the tragedy is that they have secured far too much already in the extension of their executive powers. Indeed, it has provoked me in the past, as it has my noble Friend Lord Hailsham in his admirable Dimbleby lecture of a year or two ago, to say that such was the extension now of Government power that we have in our nation, in effect, no longer a democratic Government but an elected dictatorship. There is too much truth in that observation for comfort. Nor do I accept the second point made by a previous Leader of the House, quoted in paragraph 1.5, when, dealing with criticisms of the relationship between the Executive and the legislature now, he suggested that the House should get through the work demanded of it by the Government more expeditiously and then we Back Benchers might be found a "worthwhile role" after that, as though we were a group of children who must be kept amused. What damned impertinence such an observation is. The second requirement is to give Back Benchers the opportunity to get at the facts. Of course, that will be a burden, as the right hon. Member for Dartford said, but it must be done. If there is to be effective scrutiny of the Government and public airing of issues of significance in order to encourage the electorate, the people of the nation, more to participate and to involve themselves in the processes of democracy, parliamentary techniques must help Members of Parliament to obtain all the information which they need. What is the context of this debate? It is one of enormous growth in legislation. Right hon. and hon. Members will be familiar with the figures, now added to by all the paraphernalia from the EEC. I shall not particularise. We are all aware of the hugeness of it. There is the growth of legislation. There is the growth in the activity and influence of the Government. There are today 7,386,000 people employed in the public sector—nearly 30 per cent. of the whole working population. That is one measure of the growth of Government activity. Right hon. and hon. Members can, no doubt, think of many other examples for themselves. I say only that that is the reality. That is what has happened. It may be right or it may be wrong—I am not arguing that—but that is the situation which exists and with which we have to grapple. Then there are other factors—for example, the growth of the tendency to bypass Parliament, for Ministers to have discussions outside Parliament. There is the growth in the power of the parties, the presidential status of the Prime Minister, and, by no means least, the use of the patronage system. There are so many areas now in which Parliament is not involved but should be. Moreover, where it is involved, as we all know and as the world outside knows, the truth is that we are not doing our work properly and we are not adequately scrutinising the activities of the Government. What do we do? We have this report with its recommendations. For my part, with some reservations, I agree with the central recommendation on Select Committees, that all existing Select Committees except the Public Accounts Committee and the internal House Committees be replaced by a number of independent departmentally related Committees. I must tell my right hon. and learned Friend and others that I regret that the decision has not been to keep the Select Committee on Na" must be able to secure from Parliament any necessary extension of their executive powers."