House Of Commons
Thursday 22 February 1979
The House met at half-past Two o'clock
PRAYERS
[Mr. SPEAKER in the Chair]
Private Business
BRITISH RAILWAYS (NO. 2) BILL ( By Order)
CHESHIRE COUNTY COUNCIL BILL [ Lords] ( By Order)
Orders for Second Reading read.
To be read a Second time upon Thursday 8 March.
CITY OF LONDON (VARIOUS POWERS) BILL (By Order)
Order for Second Reading read.
To be read a Second time upon Tuesday 6 March at Seven o'clock.
COUNTY OF MERSEYSIDE BILL [ Lords] ( By Order)
EAST KILBRIDE DISTRICT COUNCIL BILL ( By Order)
GREATER LONDON COUNCIL (GENERAL POWERS) BILL ( By Order)
LONDON TRANSPORT BILL ( By Order)
Orders for Second Reading read.
To be read a Second time upon Thursday 8 March.
Royal Assent
I have to notify the House, in accordance with the Royal Assent Act, 1967 that the Queen has signified Her Royal Assent to the following Acts:
Oral Answers To Questions
Home Department
Mentally Abnormal Prisoners
1.
asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department how many mentally abnormal people are currently detained in prisons.
On 31 December, the lastest date for which figures are available, there were 519 persons held in prison department establishments who were considered by prison medical officers to be suffering from mental disorder of a nature or degree warranting their detention in hospital for medical treatment under the Mental Health Act 1959. Of these, 389 were serving a sentence.
Does the Minister accept that many people believe that that figure is too low and the the real figure is about 1,000? But whatever the exact figure, it is too high. The prison service is completely incapable of providing adequate medical facilities for these people, and the reason behind it is that there has been a scandalous—
Order. The hon. Gentleman must seek information rather than give it. If he can put his remarks in the form of a question, it will be helpful.
Does the Minister accept that the reason behind this high number of mentally ill offenders in prison is that there has been a scandalous under-pro-vision of regional secure units, and that although the Government have allocated money it just has not been spent?
I share the hon. Gentleman's concern about people in prison who should be being treated in hospital under the Mental Health Act. My right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for Social Services continues to urge regional hospital authorities to set up more regional secure units, and 10 out of the 14 hospital authorities have submitted firm proposals for units. These are now under way and should be established in the early 1980s.
Did my hon. Friend see the recent "Tonight" programme on television which gave some examples of the use—and sometimes grave misuse—of drugs on mentally disordered offenders in prisons? Does she accept that one way to allay disquiet on this issue would be to take the prison medical service into the National Health Service, so that the standards laid down in the National Health Service about training, equipment, and so on, could be guaranteed within the prison medical service?
My hon. Friend raised this on the Adjournment, and in reply I spoke at great length on the whole subject. I recommend that he reads my speech in Hansard.
Can the Minister confirm that this whole subject is being looked at in the present inquiry under Mr. Justice May? Can she also confirm that it is still expected that the final report of that inquiry will reach us by the target date of March, as originally intended?
I understand that a parliamentary question on that matter was answered yesterday, and that the reply was that it was expected to receive the report in the summer.
Does my hon. Friend accept that the prison department not only says that it is inhuman to keep such persons in prison but also adamantly refuses to make proper arrangements for their appropriate medical care and treatment? Surely this is the responsibility of the Department of Health and Social Security, which has failed to provide regional secure units? Perhaps some pressure could be brought to bear on that Department, if the full economic cost of keeping such persons in prison was charged to the Department of Health and Social Security, and if we legislated to ensure that courts could remand mentally disordered offenders to named hospitals.
This has always been considered jointly between the Home Office and the Department of Health and Social Security. I have already referred to the measures that my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for Social Services is taking to set up these units.
Order. I intend to move faster on the other questions.
Local Radio Stations
2.
asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department when he intends to make a statement about the authorisation of further local radio stations.
We hope to be able to announce the location of further local radio stations in the course of the year.
Is the Minister aware that there was great disappointment in Blackpool and the Fylde that they were left out of the Government's last list? Is she also aware that they were named by the IBA as a priority area in regard to the development of independent local radio and that they are not adequately covered by Radio Blackburn? Will she, therefore, give careful attention to their claim in considering the next list?
I realise that many hon. Members must have been disappointed that their areas were not among the 18 that were recently announced. I shall bear in mind what the hon. Gentleman has said, and no doubt he will be making representations to the BBC and the IBA.
Will my hon. Friend convey to the IBA the Government's hope that these local radio stations will be genuine community stations that are owned by the community and not the conventional kind of joint stock companies, since the profitability of independent local radio is now established?
Great efforts are being made in the preliminary period, as the stations are being set up, to make sure that the views of the local communities are taken into consideration, and that they are able to make representations to the BBC and the IBA.
Television Programmes (Scenes Of Violence)
3.
asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department if he will set up a departmental working party into the effects of scenes of violence in television programmes on society, and the influence which they have on the viewing public, particularly children and young people.
In response to the Government's White Paper on broadcasting, the BBC and the IBA have been reviewing their codes of guidance on violence and have set up their own working parties to advise them, in the light of available research. My Department has recently conducted, and published in 1977, a wide-ranging research study on "Screen Violence and Film Censorship", a copy of which is in the Library of the House. The available research also includes the study by Dr. Belson, published last year, on "TV Violence and the Adolescent Boy".
I thank my right hon. Friend for that reply. Is he aware that I am very disappointed that he has not set up a high-level working party in his Department? Is he also aware that, judging from a recent reply that I received from the chairwoman of the IBA, the working parties do not seem to be working very well? Does he accept that the balance of evidence now shows that the disgusting scenes of violence on television are increasing the tolerance of violence in society and encouraging the aping of violence among the young? Will he reconsider his position and set up an urgent inquiry?
I indicated to my hon. Friend that research has been done. I shall willingly help in any way. The problem is that I believe it has been proved that violence on television does have this effect. I am not sure whether I need more advice in that regard. What matters now is what the BBC and IBA do about it.
Will the right hon. Gentleman give a little more urgency to this matter? His hon. Friend the Member for Watford (Mr. Tuck) has a motion on the Order Paper that has been signed by hon. Members in all parts of the House. Can we have a ministerial reaction to that?
It is on the same subject, as to whether one could grade films that are shown on television in the same way as films are graded for the cinema. The difference is that control in the home is different from control in the community, and is something that can be done only by the head of the household.
Does my right hon. Friend accept that as a first step at least feature films on television could carry the BBFC grading that is operated for cinemas? Surely it seems a bit ludicrous to have censorship indication for cinemas but no indication at all for films shown on television. Could not that suggestion, which I made more than two years ago, be adopted?
I shall certainly put it to the BBC and the IBA. But it is still a fact that notification outside a cinema leads to those who control the cinema controlling people who move in and out on the basis of age. I shall put that suggestion to the authorities, but it is a fact that the use of television in the home is rather different from paying to go to the cinema.
I agree with the right hon. Gentleman that we do not need any more inquiries, because they tend only to delay the action that is required. Does he also appreciate that if this House tells the governors of both the BBC and IBA that they must act now—and we believe that they should do so—they then must respond to our request?
I do not know that they have to, but we can bring that matter to their notice. There are schemes in the legislation for the BBC and the IBA that I believe would help us in monitoring, or whatever the word is.
British Broadcasting Corporation
4.
asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether he has had any recent meeting with the director-general of the British Broadcasting Corporation; and if he will make a statement.
I last met the governors and the director-general of the BBC on 8 February and discussed a range of subjects.
Does my right hon. Friend agree that it would be a good idea if he met the director-general again urgently and told him that it is not only members of Parliament but many millions of people outside who are concerned about the removal of certain current affairs programmes and their replacement by chat shows? If it is really a question of finance for the BBC, surely the Gov- ernment should take on board the idea that has been put forward by many Labour Members, namely, that the funds should be paid out of a block grant from the Government instead of in their present form.
On the latter point, as was announced in the House recently, an inquiry is taking place without any commitment. Whatever my views may be about the difference between a chat show and the very interesting programmes on "Tonight", I have no control over them and neither should I. However, I can indicate my view.
When the Home Secretary does see the director-general, will he be able to give him an assurance that the Government have had second thoughts on the White Paper proposal to undermine the political independence of the BBC by introducing about 20 Home Office nominees into the management?
I think that the hon. Gentleman has got it wrong with regard to the proposal, but there will be plenty of time to discuss it when the appropriate moment comes. I have been looking back to the time of Suez, about 20 years ago, and I do not believe that there is any political control over the BBC in the sense in which the hon. Gentleman has suggested, nor do I believe that any of the changes would bring that about.
Immigration (Screening Procedures)
5.
asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department if he will publish the criteria on which the immigration officials reach decisions concerning the admission of fiancées of British residents and the advice issued by his Department on what methods may be used to obtain the necessary information on which to base decisions.
7.
asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department if he will hold an inquiry into the examination of women by his immigration officers, giving the full text of instruction and legal provisions extant since the passing of the first Act and publish the report of his findings.
15.
asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department if he is satisfied with the fairness of the screening procedures for immigrants' dependants and fiancées by the immigration authorities.
I have nothing to add to what I said in the House on Monday 19 February.
Is my right hon. Friend aware that there is a widespread feeling among the minority communities in the country that the immigration procedures, adopted particularly at Heathrow, are discriminatory either in principle or in application? Does he accept that the only way to allow a proper and informed discussion on this matter is to publish the regulations that have been issued to immigration officers, so that we can judge whether they are fair and whether they are being properly applied in individual cases?
The regulations have been published. I have looked through the regulations very carefully this week. There is a problem. The instructions give advice to immigration officers as to how to deal with abuse. They describe methods of doctoring passports, and so on. It would be very foolish to publish that information. I dealt with the medical aspect at length a few days ago. Indeed, I gave the figures which show that only 0·8 per cent. of those who arrived from India, Pakistan and Bangladesh in 1977 were refused admission. It is only 0·1 per cent. for all those arriving, about 12 million people. I do not believe what my hon. Friend says. Although there may be problems from time to time, I do not accept the general stricture.
Is my right hon. Friend aware that the sense of shock and abhorrence that most of us feel about these events was not allayed by his announcement of two professional inquiries on Tuesday? Will he make sure that there is a public announcement about the results of the inquiries? Is my right hon. Friend also aware that the hazards of life and death for would-be immigrants and members of the prison service exposed to X-ray by unqualified radiographers is a responsibility that cannot be met by mere instructions? Qualified radiographers must do these jobs.
It is important to look at the use made of the X-rays, not only because of what has happened recently. Indeed, we are considering the whole nature of medical examinations. We went into this at great length the other night. I am sad that all that was said in the House the other night was not reported, whereas the original allegation was.
On Tuesday I listened with interest to what my right hon. Friend said, but will he now go further and say whether the inquiry that he has set in train, in consultation with Sir Henry Yellowlees, will include the practices of our immigration authorities on the Indian sub-continent? Secondly, will the results of the investigation be published?
I see no reason for not publishing the results of the inquiry in this country and abroad.
If a major mistake was made by immigration officials recently, will the Home Secretary tell us whether any official has been reprimanded as a result? Does he appreciate that the whole of our immigration policy has been discredited by that episode?
I do not think that is so. This was the action of a doctor, and in terms of the rules. It was done after signing a paper. There is no need for disciplinary action. It was wrong to have done it, and I have stopped it happening again.
Since many of us have watched the immigration officials at work, will the Home Secretary pass on to them our admiration of their courtesy and dignity, often under great provocation?
The immigration officers work under the Home Office. They are civil servants in the Home Office. I shall pass on the comments of the hon. Gentleman.
My right hon. Friend said that he cannot publish the detailed guidelines that are issued, but can he publish parts of the guidelines or at least give the House the general criteria of guidelines that are issued to immigration officers? That would be a response to the widespread concern that this case, and others, have revealed.
It would be helpful from my point of view to do that. But there is information in general that I would not want to publish. The criteria are in the immigration regulations. Although it looks like covering up, it is not. We have gone a long way recently in what we have said. We must see what comes out of the inquiry.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that we deplore the virginity tests and welcome his instructions to stop them? Secondly, when does he expect the investigations into the medical examinations and the X-ray examinations to be completed? Urgency is important, especially because of what is happening in the Indian Parliament. Thirdly, although we expect high standards from immigration officers, will he ensure that no changes are made that will assist those trying to abuse or evade our immigration controls?
On the latter point, the answer is "No". It is important that there is firm immigration control. If there were not, it would give ammunition to those who want to make something out of it. That is absolutely firm.
On the inquiry, I had a wide discussion with Sir Henry Yellowlees on Tuesday evening. I must now give him time to set up the inquiry and make the necessary arrangements, and I cannot give a date.Chilean Refugees
6.
asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department how many refugees from Chile have been admitted to the United Kingdom in the years 1976, 1977 and 1978 respectively.
The available figures are 568 and 600 Chilean refugees in 1976 and 1977 respectively and 485 refugees from Latin America in 1978.
Will my hon. Friend accept my congratulations on the Government's record on Chilean refugees? But we must press the Department on individual cases. In Argentina there are many Chilean refugees as well as Argentinians who are in a desperate plight. It would be more than likely that if the Chileans were sent back to their country they would be tortured and killed. Will my hon. Friend consider the plight of these refugees in Argentina in order to expedite matters?
I am grateful for that tribute to our policy on Chilean refugees. I welcome the opportunity to enlarge upon an answer given by my right hon. Friend in June last year in answer to my hon. Friend the Member for Fife, Central (Mr. Hamilton). He indicated that, in addition to Chileans and non-Argentinian nationals in Argentina, applications are considered from Latin Americans in their countries who can show a genuine need for resettlement and who have ties with this country.
Is the Minister's definition of "refugee" the same as that applied to Vietnamese refugees or East African Asians? Should not the Government adopt the Convention on the Status of Refugees so that we know the conditions under which people may qualify as refugees?
I confirm that the definition is the same. We have nothing to yield to any country in our observance of that United Nation's convention and the number of refugees that we accept.
Fines (Arrears)
8.
asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department what is the number of persons who are currently in arrears in payment of fines; and what is the present total of such arrears.
The information sought in the first part of the question is not available. On 30 September 1978, the latest date for which this information is available, the amount of unpaid fines outstanding in England and Wales, excluding inner London, was £26,605,835. This figure includes fines in respect of which the time allowed for payment had not expired.
Is it therefore not clear that urgent and intensive consideration should be given not merely to alternatives to fines but alternatives to custodial sentences that could be awarded to defaulters? Does my hon. Friend agree that her answer suggests that there may be a measure of disdain for the law that should not be ignored?
My hon. Friend is rightly concerned that such a large amount of money is not paid, but he does not suggest a satisfactory remedy. The fines written off annually as uncollectable are 2 per cent. to 3 per cent. of the total amount imposed.
Can the Minister state what proportion of the arrears relate to juvenile courts? Is she satisfied that juvenile courts have sufficient powers to enforce their fines?
If the hon. Gentleman would ask a specific question I could give him the exact figures. On the practice in courts, a Home Office working party on administration and procedures in courts has considered and issued advice on the enforcement of fines.
Police (Women Recruits)
9.
asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department what percentage of new recruits to the police force in the last six months were women.
About 25 per cent.
As women are very often physically unable to carry out the difficult tasks required of our police officers in protecting the public against violent crime, does not the Under-Secretary think that this relatively high percentage of new women recruits shows that there are still many police forces in this country which are desperately undermanned or, as the Minister of State says, underpersonned? Does not this mean that we should be implementing in full the Edmund-Davies report to make sure that we have more male recruits to bring our police forces up to strength?
The question shows the total confusion in the hon. Member's mind. He says that there are too many women on the one hand, but on the other he says that there are not enough men. To reduce the number of women will not increase the number of men. The proportion of women in the police service is 7·8 per cent., which does not sound an excessive amount. There is a desperate need for more male police officers, but it is nothing to do with the fact that 7·8 per cent. are women.
Is the Under-Secretary equally concerned about the number and quality of entrants into another group of crime prevention officers, namely private security—
Order. This question is about the police force. The hon. Member's question must relate to that.
In the campaign that the Home Department is running for recruitment of ethnic minorities in multi-racial areas, will my hon. Friend pay special attention to the recruitment of females from such minorities? This would be of considerable help in solving a number of problems that we face in integrating ethnic minorities into the community.
I would welcome recruitment to the police service of men and women of any minority group which would improve the strength of the service. There is no discrimination within the service. The Sex Discrimination Act was introduced to deal with the kind of prejudice and discrimination shown in the original question.
European Assembly (Direct Elections)
10.
asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department if he will ensure that British subjects resident in the Netherlands who are given the right to vote in the election for the European Parliament do not lose their electoral rights in the United Kingdom.
Under United Kingdom law, a qualified elector does not lose his right to vote by virtue of having voted in an election abroad. No one may vote more than once, however, in the forthcoming European Assembly elections.
Since the Home Office has neglected its duty to enfranchise British subjects living in Europe for the forthcoming election, does not the Minister have some sense of shame in relying on the charity of the Dutch to give these people the franchise that they deserve?
No. This was a decision of the House and I am only sorry that we were spared a contribution from the hon. and learned Member. The House having taken that decision, it is not merely a Home Office diktat.
Will the Minister look again at the question of disfranchisement of British subjects living in the EEC? This was raised at the time of the Common Market referendum and it has caused very considerable disquiet among British subjects. There are an increasing number of them living in the Community now.
The decision of Parliament has been taken in this case and any change in the franchise should be looked at by Mr. Speaker's Conference. If hon. Members want to refer it as a subject to Mr. Speaker's Conference, they are at liberty to do so.
Probation Officers (Pay)
11.
asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department which organisations have made representations to him about the rates of pay proposed on behalf of probation officers, and their concern about the erosion of their pay in recent years; what steps he has taken to reassure the probation officers; and if he will make a statement.
The only organisation from which we have received representations in the current pay round about probation officers' pay, on which the existing agreement expires on 30 June, is the National Association of Probation Officers. A working party of the joint negotiating committee is examining the pay structure of the service and is due to report shortly.
Is the Under-Secretary aware that the main concern of probation officers and all those who work in the probation service is the danger of the erosion of their pay and of future pay? Will she do all in her power to avoid a breakdown in the probation service?
My right hon. Friend the Secretary of State is well aware of the concern which exists in the probation service. He will give close consideration to any recommendations that the Committee makes as a result of the report.
Is the Minister aware of the great anxiety in the prison service as well—
Order. This question is about probation officers.
Many probation officers work on the fringe of the prison service.
Immigration Officers (Instructions)
13.
asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department if he will make a statement on the instructions given to immigration officers.
The instructions to the immigration service provide the detailed information and guidance as to the procedure to be followed by immigration officers in the exercise of their duties in accordance wih the Immigration Act 1971 and the immigration rules.
Will my hon. Friend accept that there are two major items of concern? First, when my hon. Friend the Member for York (Mr. Lyon) was a Minister he gave instructions to civil servants to stop the virginity test, yet apparently it has re-emerged. Secondly, wilt my hon. Friend accept that I am very concerned that, at the time when I was making representations to his office, an immigration officer gave instructions to the daughter of one of my constituents to report to Heathrow airport? This gives the impression that the immigration officers are behaving in a manner which indicates that they have rather more power than they should have. Does my hon. Friend agree that Ministers control his Department, not civil servants?
On the case that my hon. Friend has mentioned, the form sent to his constituent was for an extension of temporary admission. It contained on the top of it a telephone number. In the vast majority of cases, people who are so contacted, telephone Heathrow and therefore have no need to go along—their temporary admission is extended. That was done in response to some of my hon. Friends' representations. I have looked again at the wording of the letter, because obviously temporary admission must be extended and I am now trying to clarify that wording so that there is no confusion, even among a small minority, about what is intended. All that is intended is the extension of temporary admission.
Will not the Minister accept that there is now an urgent necessity for an inquiry into the appointment and training of immigration officers? Will he further accept that many of us feel that as immigration officers, and not this House, control immigration in this country, the inquiry is urgently needed?
In the latter part of her question, my hon. Friend puts a quite impossible doctrine. Twelve million people come to this country annually. At most, a very, very small proportion are refused admittance. Those refusals are under the control of Ministers and are subject to representation by hon. Members. I do not accept that there is a need for such an inquiry, but I shall keep procedures under review to see that they are as flexible and humane as possible.
Bbc And Iba
16.
asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department when he last met the director-general of the British Broadcasting Corporation and the chairman of the Independent Broadcasting Authority.
As I said in reply earlier today to a question from my hon. Friend the Member for Bolsover (Mr. Skinner), I last met the governors and the director-general of the BBC on 8 February. I last met the chairman of the IBA yesterday.
When the Home Secretary met the two organisations, did he draw to their attention the article in The Daily Telegraph on 22 January by the former Minister of State, Home Office in which he claimed that there was a serious imbalance in the reporting of matters relating to the police and law breakers, with a bias against the police? If he did draw their attention to their article, what reply did they give?
I did not draw this to the attention of the director-general and the chairman. There is strong feeling in the police about this matter. I think that we can let it rest that the police have let their views be known. I am quite prepared to leave it like that.
Does not the Home Secretary think it extraordinary that the BBC, an organisation that is so touchy about the dangers of interference in its affairs, should have proposals to reduce radically its current affairs coverage, and that these can reach a very advanced stage without the governors even being consulted?
I really do not know at what stage the governors were consulted, I know that there is a bit of a rumpus taking place about it now, and there are not many countries in the world where that could happen. I am glad that it is happening.
When the Home Secretary last met the director-general of the BBC did he make it clear that many of us in this House are opposed to the financing of the BBC on the basis of a block grant, as suggested by the hon. Member for Bolsover (Mr. Skinner)? Does the Home Secretary realise that it is much more difficult to take this position if the BBC itself is departing from its original Reithian purpose in many programmes and becoming little less than a benefit match for Michael Parkinson?
Bearing in mind the constituency that I represent, I never attack Yorkshiremen in public. I leave that part of the hon. Gentleman's supplementary question alone. The House will have time to discuss a block grant and other methods of finance.
Crime Prevention
17.
asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department what priority he accords in his policy of combating street crime and household break-ins to increasing the number of policemen on the beat or to applying a similar amount of financial support to publicity campaigns on crime prevention.
Police forces generally, and those in metropolitan areas particularly, are below establishment. Priority can be given to their need to recruit up to establishment without restricting expenditure on crime prevention publicity.
Does my hon. Friend agree that we should be spending much more on crime prevention, especially on the use of modern publicity techniques, so that the public generally are made aware of how they may prevent a great deal of street crime, in particular, from taking place? In promoting such publicity campaigns, will she take a lead from other major cities in Europe and plead with the public not to carry openly purses, wallets and like items that attract crime? Likewise, should we not be publicising modern methods of securing doors and windows?
I can assure my hon. Friend that a great deal is being done. Nearly £400,000 will be spent on crime prevention publicity in 1978–79 compared with £250,000 in the year before. Local chief officers of police are spending money as they see fit to deal with problems of crime prevention in their areas.
Does my hon. Friend agree that a great deal may be done by existing resources being applied in a different way? Will she bear in mind the success of the Devon and Cornwall force in community policing, which has reduced street crime by about 40 per cent., and that of the Hands-worth force, which has achieved a 50 per cent. reduction? Is it not time that we applied that system throughout the country?
Each chief officer of police is left to decide the needs of his own area. I am sure that the chief officers are aware of the procedures in other areas and will take measures to emulate them if they think fit.
May I draw the hon. Lady's attention to the fact that the police in the Folkestone area are giving much appreciated talks to various organisations such as senior citizens clubs? The talks are much appreciated and are helping to reduce crime? Will she carry that initiative to other areas?
That is done in many areas, including my constituency of Halifax. I should like to see the practice spread throughout the country.
Parliamentary Constituencies
18.
asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department what changes he is contemplating in the rules and procedures governing the reviews of parliamentary constituencies in England; and if he will make a statement.
None, Sir.
As there are frequent population changes in many English parliamentary constituencies, does the hon. Gentleman agree that in the interests of fairness there should be more frequent reviews of parliamentary boundaries? Why cannot we have a system in England under which there are a fair and reasonable number of electors—about 60,000 in each constituency—rather than having 80,000 to 90,000 in many constituencies and under 40,000 in others?
In 1958 the House of Commons decided to change the period of review and make it every 10 to 15 years because the previous method of review every three to seven years was thought to be too frequent. I sometimes wish that we would make up our minds and stick to that decision.
Will my hon. Friend think about that again? Will he take on board the argument advanced by the hon. Member for Bedfordshire, South (Mr. Madel), that there is a gross and inherent unfairness in the great variations between the sizes of electorate and as to the times at which sensible changes may be made?
That is why a general review is now taking place. I was asked to change the rules in the middle of the general review and to expedite it in certain instances. That I am not prepared to do.
Chief Officers Of Police
19.
asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department when he intends next to meet representatives of chief constables; and what he expects to discuss with them.
I frequently meet the office bearers and other members of the Association of Chief Police Officers, individually or collectively, to discuss matters of common interest.
Has the Home Secretary discussed with members of the association the White Paper that was issued last week—namely, the concordat, if I may call it that?—and its contents on secondary picketing? If he has not done so, will he do so to ensure that the chief constables have their anxieties stilled about the present position?
The chief constables have no anxieties on that score. I brought the matter to their notice. That is one of my jobs. I had not discussed the issue with them because guidance was given by the TUC to its constituent unions. The guidance was not to chief constables.
Tuc And Cbi
Q1.
asked the Prime Minister when last he met the Trades Union Congress and the Confederation of British Industry.
I meet representatives of the TUC and CBI from time to time at the National Economic Development Council and on other occasions. Further meetings will be arranged as necessary.
With reference to the dispute of local authority manual workers and the trade unions recommending acceptance of a settlement, what was the role of the TUC? Will he enlarge on the terms of the comparability studies?
There was a turn for the better the week before last when Mr. Murray, the general secretary of the TUC, made an approach to me with certain proposals that I thought the Government would be ready to consider. He spoke to the negotiating officers of the unions following that approach. I pay tribute to the valuable part that he has played throughout the whole dispute in trying to bring the parties together and trying to help to formulate a good settlement. I believe that the settlement is a fair one.
My hon. Friend asked about comparability studies. There is agreement that there should be an independent standing commission that would be willing to review not only local authority workers' pay and conditions compared with others but, if it was so wished, the pay and conditions of Health Service employees of the same level, university "manuals", as they are called, and Health Service ancillaries. All these categories could come before the independent commission. Its terms of reference and its composition have to be worked out. We would wish to consult the TUC and other bodies.
When the right hon. Gentleman last met the TUC did he discuss the changes that will be made in the operation of the closed shop following the agreement of 14 February? Following that agreement, may we take it that representations will be made by the TUC to British Rail for the reinstatement of the 43 railway men who were dismissed without compensation from British Rail because they did not want to join a union?
I did not discuss these matters in detail. However, my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for Employment discussed them with officials of the TUC and members of the general council. I suggest that the hon. Gentleman tables a question to my right hon. Friend on individual matters.
When my right hon Friend meets the TUC and the CBI will he draw to their attention the speech of His Royal Highness Prince Charles? Does that not underline the fact that—
Order. The hon. Gentleman knows that it is not our custom—indeed, it is unparliamentary—to mention the names of members of the Royal Family in furtherance of argument in this place.
Will my right hon. Friend draw to their attention the speech of a certain personage in which reference was made to British management lacking much that is desired in industrial matters? Does that not underline what many of us have said in the House on numerous occasions?
I am glad to be relieved of the responsibility of commenting on all the speeches on which I am asked to comment at the Dispatch Box. The management of British industry has come under certain strictures from time to time, with almost general agreement. Rather than both sides casting stones at each other, it would be far better in present circumstances if we were to cooperate and if management were to take employees fully into their confidence and if employees were to recognise some of the difficulties that management have to face.
May I return to a supplementary reply the Prime Minister gave to one of his hon. Friends? If I understood him correctly, the right hon. Gentleman said he would discuss the terms of reference for comparability studies with the Trades Union Congress. Does he fully stand by the undertaking he gave to me from that Dispatch Box last week that any comparability study would include studies of manning levels, of job security and also of the relevance of the entitlement to inflation-proofed pensions? Those three matters are absolutely vital. I hope that there will be no retreat from them in any comparability study that is made.
I do not know why the right hon. Lady needs to make that suggestion. I gave her an answer last week and I have not said anything today that differs from it. She is, perhaps, not fully seized of the width of this commission. If it is set up, it would include, according to ideas that are being bruited but not finally agreed, not only public sector but also private sector industries where there are few examples of inflation-proofed pensions. The terms of reference would clearly have to be adjusted to the needs of the case.
Q2.
asked the Prime Minister when last he met the Trades Union Congress?
I met the general council of the TUC on 14 February. Further meetings will be arranged as necessary.
Will the Prime Minister discuss with the TUC and other bodies a speech made to the Parliamentary and Scientific Committee yesterday in which it was said that many managers and managements paid too little attention to the human factor in industry? Will he bring forward early proposals to try to deal with this matter through the extension and encouragement of industrial democracy.
The basis of the Government's policy on industrial democracy is that there is a gap in many companies and firms between managements and employees. That gap relates both to knowledge of what the company is doing and the impact on the lives of its employees of the plans of the company. I believe that the step forward to providing industrial democracy will be an important one. I hope that we can legislate on the matter in due course.
When the Prime Minister next meets the TUC, will he draw to its attention the events that occurred two weeks ago at the Cowley plant of Leyland during recent industrial troubles? On a show of hands, the strike call vote was indecisive. Yet the following day, when there was a secret ballot, an overwhelming majority of workers voted against the strike call. Bearing in mind the Prime Minister's strongly held view that secret ballots should be held before strikes are called, is he managing to persuade the TUC that there should always be a strike ballot in such circumstances?
The agreement entered into last week by the TUC with the Government calls—I paraphrase the words—for strike ballots to be secret wherever appropriate. Experience has shown all of us that secret ballots in the case of every strike could be a hindrance to a settlement and would not necessarily make for an accelerated settlement. That should be taken into account.
When the Prime Minister next meets the TUC, will he tell it that the decision taken by the Cabinet today not to continue supporting the Kirkby workers' co-operative is not a final decision and that, in the light of the heavy unemployment on Merseyside and at Kirkby and the many hundreds of redundancies in the pipeline, the Government will reconsider their decision and will continue support of the co-operative and the 700 people employed there?
I regret that I cannot give that assurance. The basis of the Cabinet's decision is not merely that a lot of money has been put into this cooperative. We would have liked to see it succeed. The basis of the decision is that the Cabinet believes that to put the cooperative into receivership at present is more likely to preserve the jobs of those concerned and the interests of commercial organisations than to continue putting in money on the present basis.
When the Prime Minister sees the TUC, will he be able to explain that the offer now being made to local government employees is in line with the formula which he approved at the local government conference at Newcastle and which he disowned three days later at Question Time in this House?
I agree that there has been a certain amount of confusion, but not on the Government's part. The trouble is that we are not negotiating as principals. We provide the money, but we do not negotiate. The agreement into which I entered with the trade union negotiators and general secretaries provided for a 9 per cent. increase in the pay of the grades concerned. That was the offer that was made. The local authority negotiating employers then went away separately with the trade unions and decided to offer something further. That is, unfortunately, not an area in which the Government are directly concerned. But the Government have made clear that we are not prepared to pay our part of the finance of that extra offer between now and August. We stand by the 9 per cent. which we originally offered and on which there was agreement.
Q3.
asked the Prime Minister when he last met the Trades Union Congress.
I refer my hon. Friend to the reply which I have just given to my hon. Friend the Member for Hemel Hempstead (Mr. Corbett).
Has my right hon. Friend had an opportunity to discuss with the TUC the various and often helpful schemes introduced by this Government to provide employment opportunities, especially for young people? In view of the fact that many of these programmes are due for renewal, particularly the job release scheme, was he able to assure the TUC that these programmes would be extended and maintained?
I have not discussed this with the TUC, but the Secretary of State for Employment has been active in the matter. I hope that he will be able to make an early announcement on an extension of the job release scheme which I believe has been of great benefit and can be extended further.
Do the Prime Minister's remarks about the local government pay negotiations mean that the Government will not increase the cash limit for the rate support grant beyond that which is needed to finance the basic 9 per cent. increase?
If the hon. Gentleman will wait, my right hon. Friend the Chief Secretary to the Treasury will be making a statement and answering a question on this matter in due course. I know the answer, but I prefer to stick to the doctrine of ministerial responsibility whenever I can.
Q4.
asked the Prime Minister when he last met the Trades Union Congress.
I refer my hon. Friend to the reply which I gave earlier today to my hon. Friend the Member for Hemel Hempstead (Mr. Corbett).
Reverting to the speech by an eminent member of one of our smaller trade unions, will my right hon. Friend, when he next meets the TUC, get it to discuss with British management the possibility of a crash course in communications which would benefit both sides? One of the problems of industry is a failure of vocabulary and communications. Has not that been abundantly shown in the class system in miniature seen in the lamentable dispute at Times Newspapers Limited?
The problem of communications in British industry is very real and is generally acknowledged. I am glad that it has been given further prominence recently. It is an area in which everybody, I believe, accepts that more work must be done. By financing the work of the sector working parties, and setting aside a considerable sum of money to help translate the decisions and recommendations of those working parties to company level, the Government are giving direct assistance.
During the silent watches of the night, if not at other times, does the Prime Minister have any qualms of conscience about the power of the monster of irresponsible trade unionism which he has spent his political life building up? Has he no better proposals to cut it down to size than those contained in the concordat?
No, Sir.
In view of my right hon. Friend's comments on the speech yesterday to which reference has been made, will he look at one of the suggestions made for improving the situation, namely, the introduction of single status in British industry? Will he discuss this matter with the TUC and see if the Government can do more to implement this across British industry?
The Government may, and certainly do, have a view. On the other hand, it is for industry itself to take these matters by the scruff of the neck and try to get some new thinking in questions of staff status. It is not the Government's responsibility to decide who shares canteens, who goes into which lavatories, what overalls are used, and similar issues. If British industry and management have any common sense, they will press ahead on all these matters and bring us more into line with what happens in the United States, Japan and some other successful countries.
The Prime Minister has been asked to discuss many matters with the TUC. When he next meets the TUC, will he have meaningful discussions on the basis of figures produced by the "Think Tank", comparing world industry with world industry, about the potential number of redundancies in this country, in order that we can get an idea of the overmanning problem that we face?
At the last meeting of the National Economic Development Council, the TUC and the CBI began work on that matter, especially in relation to the microprocessing revolution which will undoubtedly make big differences to our industrial system. The Government are also making investigations into this matter and, if we can get any useful information, we shall communicate it to the House.
On a point of order, Mr. Speaker. The Prime Minister refused to answer a question put by my hon. Friend the Member for Chingford (Mr. Tebbit) on the grounds that it was to be answered later by the Chief Secretary to the Treasury. The Prime Minister said that he believed in the doctrine of ministerial responsibility, but, as he is First Lord of the Treasury and, therefore, head of that Department, why did he dodge the question?
Every Minister answers as he will, and the Prime Minister gave his answer.
Civil Service (Industrial Dispute)
With permission, Mr. Speaker, I will make a statement about the strike action planned by two Civil Service unions for tomorrow. Seven other unions will not be taking action.
The two unions concerned, the Civil and Public Services Association and the Society of Civil and Public Servants, have called on their members not to work tomorrow, in support of a pay claim. They have taken that decision in spite of assurances already given to all the unions concerned that the Government will implement a settlement based on a joint evaluation of the evidence submitted by the independent Civil Service Pay Research Unit. That work is now going on. The unions concerned have also been informed that any increases will be staged and that the staging will be the subject of negotiation. Moreover, the present pay settlement has not yet expired and will not do so for another five weeks, on 1 April. I also understand that tomorrow's action may be followed by an orchestrated campaign of disruption designed to achieve maximum disruption to public business in the forthcoming weeks, arranged to ensure the least loss to the unions' members. Rarely can there have been a more unnecessary and unjustifiable strike. This action and any continuing disruption are wrong both in principle and in practice. They are against the best long-term interests of the Civil Service and are contrary to the guidance recently issued by the TUC—to which both unions are affiliated—which emphasises that strikes are to be used only as a last resort. In no circumstances can the present position on negotiations be interpreted in that way. The civil servants who go on strike will suffer a loss of pay for the day or days concerned. Even at this late stage, I ask the two unions to show a proper sense of leadership and responsibility, and I express the Government's thanks in advance to those civil servants who will remain at their posts tomorrow and thus maintain the traditions of service to the public. The Government regret any inconvenience that will be caused to the public. Contingency action will be taken, as far as possible, to mitigate the effects.May I put three points to the Prime Minister? First, does his statement not cast considerable doubt on the agreement that he reached with the TUC about a week ago, in that the two unions should be in breach of it so soon? Is he aware that we join him, agreement or no agreement, in condemning a strike that takes place before a current agreement has run out and while negotiations are still in progress?
Secondly, the Prime Minister has given us few details about the preparations that he will be making to keep going some emergency services in vital areas. Can he give us a few more details about that? For example, a press statement released today says that the Royal Courts of Justice will be picketed and that there will be attempts to disrupt hearings at courts and industrial tribunals. What arrangements is the Prime Minister making to ensure that the administration of justice continues? In addition, what arrangements is he making to ensure that there are minimal services for air traffic control, defence installations and immigration control? Those are vital matters, and unless the public are certain that there will be a minimum of manning there could be serious effects. Thirdly, is the right hon. Gentleman aware that his announcement shows the wisdom of resisting a closed shop in the Civil Service? Will he give the House an assurance that anyone who crosses the picket lines and carries on working will not be victimised in any way?The right hon. Lady raised a number of red herrings, but I shall do my best to answer her other points.
The proposed strike shows the importance of keeping the agreement with the TUC. I promise the right hon. Lady and the scoffers on her side of the House that there must be a sense of responsibility when agreements are entered into because nothing but a sense of responsibility will keep people at work. I hope that the unions concerned will bear that in mind in future considerations. I have done my best, and the Lord Privy Seal has done his best, to remind them of that fact. On contingency plans, I am told that what is planned by the unions is "a demonstration of what we can do". I hope that the right hon. Lady will not press me to say what the Government's response will be. There is no doubt that the unions propose a series of guerrilla actions to try to discomfort the public and to get at the Government machine in the most vulnerable areas. I ask the right hon. Lady not to press me to say what we are doing in response. I do not want to give those who are planning these strikes any more ammunition than I have to. The question of a closed shop is a matter for discussion. Talks have been going on for some time. The Government have put forward certain proposals, which the unions have not so far accepted because they have thought that the conditions are too stringent. We shall continue those discussions on the basis of which the House is already aware.Is the Prime Minister aware that the secretary of one of the unions involved admitted in a radio interview at lunchtime today that the proposed action was irresponsible, but added that the only way to get anything done with the Government was to be irresponsible? Since that appears to be the unions' view, will the Prime Minister think again about trying to create an effective long-term pay policy and a framework of industrial relations, backed by the authority of the House, to deal with matters such as holding ballots before strikes take place? Will the right hon. Gentleman accept that the whole process of subcontracting the authority of the Government and the House to other bodies will not work?
If it is the case that people believe that the only way that they can get anything is through strikes, it is important that the Govern-men should make clear that they cannot be subjected to pressure in that way when claims are irresponsible. As I have said before, almost everyone in this country is central to the needs of the community. Almost any group can upset the whole of the community and bring things to a halt.
Therefore, I must make clear, as I do now, that we shall examine the claim—though none has been put in yet, because the evidence is still being evaluated —on its merits, reach a conclusion on its merits and implement a settlement on its merits. That is the most important thing. We shall get into a dangerous situation if any group thinks that it has the power to push the community around. How many groups nowadays have that power? We have seen some signs of that attitude recently, and the community must stand up and say "Thus far and no farther".As we all approve of trade union democracy, will the Prime Minister confirm that his recent statement was not an invitation to trade unionists to defy the agreed policies of their trade unions by going to work on Friday? Will he also confirm that he has been unable to give the trade unions involved any assurance that the Government will this year implement in full the proposals of the Pay Research Unit as those proposals relate to pay not next year or the year after, but to the level that should exist now? Will he further confirm that the strike on Friday is not in defiance of agreements but in defence of agreements and of the idea that the agreed procedures on pay research should be implemented in the Civil Service?
No. I disagree with my hon. Friend, who I know has a particular interest in this matter. [Interruption.] My hon. Friend is entitled to have a particular interest in this matter. I know that he has an interest, but I must disagree with him on every point that he made.
We shall reach a properly negotiated agreement without duress on either side, I trust. We have already indicated that, as with the Armed forces, the police and the firemen, it will be staged. That staging is the subject of negotiation. I am asking civil servants not to defy their unions but to keep to their contract and to come to work.The Prime Minister is right to deplore this strike. As the pay agreement does not expire until 31 March, will he have urgent discussions with the TUC to see whether a change in the law should be introduced to make contracts legally binding?
No, Sir. I have already explained my position and that of the Government many times.
Is my right hon. Friend aware that many Civil Service unions which are not yet involved in this form of action have some real problems? Will he use his influence and assist his right hon. Friend the Home Secretary to meet the leaders of these unions, who are on the lip of an agreement, to try to seal that agreement before they are compelled to take similar action?
I am not aware of the problem that my hon. Friend has in mind. In the two cases that I am discussing this afternoon, there is no reason for a strike tomorrow. Work is steadily going ahead on trying to get the evidence evaluated, and the negotiations will then take place. I have no words of defence for what is to be done tomorrow. I cannot find any words to excuse it. If there is any possibility of expediting the work, or if there is a criticism or feeling that it will not come into operation by 1 April, I suggest that those concerned all work hard to see whether they can get it done by then. But this agreement does not expire for another five weeks.
Does the Prime Minister consider that instead of refusing to reveal what he and the Government are going to do about the strikes tomorrow it would be more helpful to inform the public that the Government will take every possible step to ensure that such action will not limit or inconvenience the public? In particular, will he consider the position at London airport, through which 50,000 to 70,000 people will be passing tomorrow? Can he assure us that the Government will do everything possible to ensure that the traveller is not inconvenienced?
The hon. Gentleman knows that he is asking an impossibility. Obviously he did not hear the last sentence of my statement:
of the strike. That is what the Government are doing." Contingency action will be taken, as far as possible, to mitigate the effects "
Does my right hon. Friend agree that it would be helpful to the House, to union members and to the public if we could have some proper information about the findings of the Pay Research Unit? So far we have had only press leaks from sources that may not be reliable. Therefore, will my right hon. Friend arrange for the findings of the Pay Research Unit to be published, so that we can make our own judgments on them?
I do not see any objection in principle to doing that, but it is for the Pay Research Unit to decide what it does with the evidence. It is made available to the unions and to those on the Government side involved in the negotiations. It will be a matter for the Unit whether it decides to publish. There is no difficulty in principle about it.
Does the Prime Minister accept that most people agree that this strike is unnecessary and irresponsible? I should like to refer to an answer that the right hon. Gentleman gave a few minutes ago. A Civil Service union leader said "We are striking because this is the only language that the present Government understand." Is that not a damning indictment of the lack of authority of the Government? Does the Prime Minister appreciate that while he speaks strongly and acts weakly, the unions will continue to look upon him as a pushover?
If it were true, it would be so, but the hypothesis is untrue. Therefore, the conclusion is unfounded.
May I express the hope and ask for my right hon. Friend's confirmation that this matter will be dealt with on its merits? Some of us would welcome that very thing. Does my right hon. Friend accept that the refusal to deal with cases on their merits is at the root of a good deal of the present unrest? Dealing with cases on their merits involves meaningful negotiations and free collective bargaining not pre-empted by Government instructions and norms.
I thought that we had been going through a period of free collective bargaining, with results of which the House is aware.
The Pay Research Unit is an independent body. It produces independent evidence, made available to both sides. Both sides then proceed to negotiation and, we hope, reach an agreement. There is nothing in the procedure here which, on any rational grounds, would lead any- body to believe that there was a case for withdrawing labour tomorrow.Is it not the case that the Government can be and will go on being subjected to pressure so long as a strike that the Prime Minister has roundly condemned as indefensible can be carried out with complete immunity from any civil legal procedure? The Prime Minister said that he had made his position clear. Is not that just the trouble?
All Governments are subject to pressure. This Government yield to less than most—[Hon. Members: "Oh!"]—including our predecessors, who called in a distinguished legal luminary to get the dockers out of gaol when they put them there.
Is the Prime Minister aware that this matter has been boiling up for a period of not less than three months, to my knowledge? There have been questions on this matter in the House to the appropriate Minister on several occasions and warnings to the Government of the consequences of the failure of the Pay Research Unit to deal with this matter as these people require. Is he aware that many of these civil servants—indeed, the great proportion—can be categorised as low paid? When the Prime Minister refers to people not having the right to strike or not agreeing with their right to strike, does he not understand that these people live in an environment in which, only two or three years ago, they were being subjected to cuts in public expenditure, which they did not like, as a result of which thousands of sackings took place? Is not the only way in which—
Order. The hon. Gentleman is developing a statement rather than a question.
I should like my hon. Friend to point out to me how many thousands of sackings from the Civil Service in recent years he is aware of.
My hon. Friend is wrong again about this issue boiling up. It is untrue to say that the Pay Research Unit has failed to deal with this matter. I hope that my hon. Friend will listen to me. The Unit has dealt with it in accordance with—
It has not.
My hon. Friend does not know anythting about it. The Unit—
I have been to meet it. That is more than my right hon. Friend does.
The Unit has dealt with it in accordance with the normal procedures. The discussions are going on, and the evaluation is taking place. The discussions can continue and can, I hope, be concluded by 1 April. It is about time my hon. Friend stood by some of the agreements which are made instead of trying to have them broken.
When this inexcusable strike is over, will the Prime Minister undertake to have his officials look carefully at the results of the strike to see whether the services of a considerable number of these civil servants who will be on strike tomorrow are not indispensable?
No, Sir. I do not believe that. A great many staffing investigations are made from time to time. The level of efficiency in the Civil Service is as high as we shall find in a great many other institutions, both private and public. Certainly it is higher than in some. However, there is always room for improvement in these areas. That we shall continue to try to undertake. I would not want to cast any general aspersion on the general level of efficiency, or, indeed, on the attitude, of the Civil Service in its approach to public affairs.
I propose to call one further speaker from each side.
My right hon. Friend said that we had come through a period of free collective bargaining. Is not the truth of the matter the fact that unions have been free to make claims but that the employers have claimed that they were not free to make settlements? As we are going through a period of discussion about communication and human understanding, does my right hon. Friend accept that many members of these unions have lobbied Members of Parliament over recent weeks? They certainly did not appear to be taking action in the spirit that the Prime Minister described. Will he make a last attempt to allay their genuine fear that they are likely to be cheated over the Pay Sesearch Unit?
I thought that my hon. Friend gave a perfect definition of free collective bargaining—where one side made claims and the other side either accepted or rejected them. That is what it is about.
As to the fear expressed by my hon. Friend, there is absolutely no occasion for fear unless it is spread by those who have a desire to do so. I am sure that my hon. Friend will accept my assurance on this and will do his best to allay any misplaced fears that may have been spread by other people.Will the Prime Minister be a little more forthcoming on a matter of great importance? What arrangements will be made at the ports of entry tomorrow to ensure that customs and immigration clearance facilities will be available to travellers? Many passengers from abroad will not be able to cancel their journeys. They should be able to know whether they will be able to clear customs and come into this country, or whether they will be totally blocked tomorrow.
Without going into detail, I can say that contingency plans have been made on matters such as immigration controls, the airports, and in other areas, including the courts of justice. I do not wish to disclose details of those actions. I do not know that they will be 100 per cent. successful, but we shall do the best we can with the resources that are available.
Business Of The House
May I ask the Lord President to state the business for next week, please?
The business for the week after the Adjournment will be as follows:
Monday 5 MARCH—Supply [9th Allotted day]: Debate on housing. Motion on the Hovercraft (Civil Liability) Order. Tuesday 6 MARCH—Second Reading of the Independent Broadcasting Authority Bill. At seven o'clock, the Chairman of Ways and Means has named opposed Private Business for consideration. Wednesday 7 MARCH—Second Reading of the Leasehold Reform Bill. Motions on the Appropriation (Northern Ireland) Order and on the Aircraft and Shipbuilding Industries (Northern Ireland) Order. Thursday 8 MARCH—Supply [10th Allotted day]: The Questions will be put on all outstanding Estimates and Votes. Debate on a subject to be announced. Friday 9 MARCH—Private Members' motions.May I put three points to the Lord President? The first concerns the business on Monday 5 March. The right hon. Gentleman is aware that we have chosen to have a debate provisionally on housing. He will also be aware that it may be necessary to change it as events develop, in which case we shall give him notice as soon as possible. It is not our choice to have a Supply day the first day we are back. We regret the inconvenience of not being certain about the subject, but I am afraid that that arises from the right hon. Gentleman's decision to have a Supply day the first day after the recess.
Secondly, the Lord President has not arranged for a debate on the public expenditure White Paper. That is urgent. Why has he made no provision for that during the first week after the recess? Thirdly, is the right hon. Gentleman yet in a position to announce the date of the Budget?I take the questions put by the right hon. Lady in reverse order. It is the intention of my right hon. Friend the Chancellor to present his Budget on Tuesday 3 April, to be followed by a Finance Bill in the normal course of affairs.
Secondly, it is customary for the debate on public expenditure to be held after the publication of the Expenditure Committee's report on the White Paper. Clearly, it will then be necessary to give hon. Members sufficient time to study the report before holding a debate. On the first matter raised by the right hon. Lady, I am sorry that I am not able always to satisfy her. Sometimes she complains that she does not have a Supply day. Now, when we come along with a nice, early Supply day, she seems to be more dissatisfied than ever.Will the Leader of the House say why, in the light of earlier requests from many parts of the House, the debate on the aircraft and shipbuilding industries has been restricted to Northern Ireland, especially as an early decision on the various options within the corporate plan are of interest to many hon. Members representing shipbuilding areas throughout the United Kingdom?
Secondly, may I ask the Lord President why no reference is made to the Government's laying the appropriate Orders in Council following the decisions taken within the referendums in Scotland and Wales on 1 March? Is he aware that the decisions taken by this House are equally important, or perhaps more important, in the light of these decisions? Will he give us an idea when these orders will be laid?On the first matter put by the hon. Lady, I do not withdraw anything from what I said in answer to previous questions when she raised this matter. The question is most important. At some point there must be a discussion upon it in the House. The fact that this order is tabled does not mean that there is any difference from the statement that I made on earlier occasions.
On the second matter raised by the hon. Lady, I am sure that the proper course for the House is to hold the referendums first and decide the course to be followed afterwards.Has my right hon. Friend studied early-day motion No. 191 on steel manufacturing in Corby, Northants?
[That this House, knowing that Corby, Northants, was deliberately developed by successive Governments as a steel town and that successive Governments have refused to support the diversification of industry in the town, calls upon the Government to reassure the people of Corby by making an immediate and definite statement on its commitment to future employment in the steel industry in Corby.] Does he realise that we should have a debate on this subject as soon as possible as both parties—successive Governments—are directly responsible for what may be happening in Corby today?I recognise the great concern in Corby on the matters raised by my right hon. Friend. We all recognise the considerable concern and distress that is felt in his town. I cannot promise an immediate debate when we return. No doubt my right hon. Friend will be making representations to the Minister concerned. Then we may see how to proceed from there.
Last week I asked the Lord President whether he would arrange at an early date for a debate on the new White Paper issued by the Government "Farming and the Nation", which is a sequel to "Food from Our Own Resources." The Lord President indicated that that was a proper subject for a full debate. Will he announce when he intends to allow us to hold this useful debate?
As I made such a good reply to the hon. Gentleman last week, I do not need to repeat it now.
As most hon. Members representing English constituencies will not be involved in the devolution campaigns in Scotland or Wales, will not my right hon. Friend, even at this late stage, be prepared to consider a debate next week in this Chamber, or in Committee, by hon. Members from Merseyside and the North-West to discuss items such as KME and the future of employment on Merseyside? Rather than wasting our time, we could be doing a parliamentary job in the House.
I appreciate my hon. Friend's concern about the matters to which he referred. However, the House decided that we should suspend our proceedings next week. That does not mean to say that there will not be an opportunity to return to those other subjects later.
Does the Lord President recognise that he did not make a very good reply last week to my right hon. Friend about the Liverpool, Edge Hill by-election? Will the Government be moving the writ in the recess, or will they return after the recess and move the writ in the first week of business? Does the right hon. Gentleman recognise that it is now way beyond the average lapse of time of 78 days for this to be moved? There is no reason for further delay. Why are the Government not abiding by the conventions of the House?
The Government abide by the conventions of the House in this matter. I have nothing to add to what I said last week. But I fully understand the hon. Gentleman's point. It is not usual to have discussions in the House about the moving of a writ, as the hon. Gentleman and other hon. Members will recall, but I will take into account what he says.
When do the Government intend to produce the appropriate orders to the House following the referendums in Scotland and Wales?
As I said in reply to the hon. Member for Dunbartonshire, East (Mrs. Bain), the best course is to wait until the referendums have been held and decide afterwards as to the time schedule.
Is the Lord President aware that the House is appreciative of his decision to subordinate his own personal prejudices to the wishes of the House on the matter of holding a vote in this Parliament on the proposals of the Procedure Committee? Is he in a position now to tell us when that vote will be taken, and to give us a date? In view of what he said in the debate on the report of the Procedure Committee, we should like the proceedings to take place while he is still holding his present office.
I gave the hon. Gentleman and the House a clear reply on this matter at the end of the debate. The first stage of the proceedings will be to have discussions through the usual channels, and I shall be happy to proceed along those lines.
May I have an answer this week to the question that I put to my right hon. Friend last week, as to when the House may have an opportunity to discuss the excellent White Paper on the national heritage fund?
No doubt my hon. Friend will put that question to me again when we return after the recess. I hope that I shall then have a satisfactory reply to give him, because I fully acknowledge the importance of the matter to which he refers.
Has the right hon. Gentleman had his attention drawn to early-day motion No. 278, calling on the Government to send official observers to monitor the general election in Rhodesia?
[That, in view of the forthcoming election for the establisment of a majority government in Rhodesia, an act which will finally satisfy the six principles, this House urges Her Majesty's Government to send observers to the general election to be held in Rhodesia in April 1979.] Will he find time for us to debate this matter when we come back, or at the very least for the Foreign Secretary to make a statement on it?I have nothing further to add at the moment to what has been said on this matter from the Dispatch Box. Let us see what the situation is after next week and whether there should be a fresh statement made upon it.
Will my right hon. Friend keep in mind the threat to world peace posed by the Chinese invasion of Vietnam, and the fact that the position there appears to be deteriorating? Will he also keep in mind the fact that we cannot rely on the BBC for accurate information? This was revealed yesterday by the Director-General of the BBC, when he said that important persons in this country had prevented the BBC from giving us the truth, for example, about the position in Iran. Bearing these points in mind, are these not fitting matters for a major debate in this House rather than some of the subjects listed by my right hon. Friend for the week after next?
It might be that they would need to be debated in some form in the House. I am not denying that for one moment. The Government and the House are fully aware of the tremendous significance of these events. Whether it is best to deal with them by way of a debate is another question. I hope that my hon. Friend will wait to see what is the position when we return after the recess. We may then be able to discuss how best to deal with these matters, or debate them, if we wish to do so.
I propose to call those hon. Members who have already risen—I hope that they will be brief—and not those hon. Members who will be rising.
Does the right hon. Gentleman recall his observation of last week, concerning early-day motion No. 223 in respect of the Hon. Sir Desmond Ackner.
[That an humble Address be presented to Her Majesty, praying that she will be pleased to remove the Honourable Sir Desmond Ackner from the office which he holds as Justice of the High Court.] and the amendment theretoLine 1, leave out from ' That ' to end and add ' this House recognises in Mr. Justice Ackner the qualities of fairness, clarity, patience and courtesy which make him eminently fitted for high judicial office; deprecates ill-considered criticism of him, whether deriving from ignorance or political partisanship; and hopes that he will for many years continue to serve successfully the cause of British justice.'.] He said that the motion might be withdrawn and implied that if it were not he would find time to debate it. Has he any further information, and how long does he propose that the motion, if not withdrawn, should stand on the Order Paper before the House is given an opportunity to negative it?I did not imply that if the motion were not withdrawn we would have a debate. I do not think that that was the implication of what I said, but I still hope that the motion will be withdrawn.
Will my right hon. Friend assure the House that after the recess there will be a statement on KME, which is an important symbol for the Labour movement? We want to know more about the decision which apparently has been made.
Will my right hon. Friend provide time for a debate on the wool textile industry? Many people are anxious about the application of the multi-fibre arrangement by the EEC, which seems to be lacking in certain aspects. This is an important industry and the matter ought to be debated.I agree about the importance of the industry. As my hon. Friend is well aware, the Government have taken many strenuous actions over several years to assist the industry, in regard to the multi-fibre agreement and in other respects. Whether there should be a statement or a further debate is a question that I will consider in view of my hon. Friend's representations.
I shall not commit myself one way or the other on the question whether there should be a statement on KME when we return after next week. I will discuss it with my hon. Friend and with other hon. Members who might wish to discuss it.May I remind the right hon. Gentleman that when he wound up the debate on Tuesday night he said that he would consult not only the usual channels but unusual channels before tabling motions? We greatly welcomed that statement. I remind him that members of the Select Committee, who are not part of the usual channels, would gladly offer any help that he requires in this matter.
I do not want to go over the debate, and I am sure that no one else wishes to do so, but I indicated in my reply that the subject could be a good deal more elaborate than some hon. Members realised. I shall be quite happy to have discussions with those who were on the Committee, although I do not think that I should have the right to select them. They have the right to ask to see me. I assure the right hon. and learned Gentleman, and others interested in the subject, that if they wish to have discussions with me before the Government bring forward any proposals on how we should next proceed, I shall be happy to take part in them.
May I support the plea of my right hon. Friend the Member for Kettering (Sir G. de Freitas) for an early debate on steel, with special reference to steel closures? Does my right hon. Friend the Leader of the House know that the recent NEDC report pointed out that the great specialist steel industry of Sheffield is in danger of imminent collapse, due to dumping from the Common Market? Many of us are worried and want to know what is happening in the steel industry generally and what are the dangers that could presage what my right hon. Friend the Member for Kettering talked about.
My hon. Friend does not need to tell me that there are great problems in the steel industry. I am well aware of them from my experience in my own constituency. It is certainly a fitting subject for debate in this House at some stage. Whether it would be a good idea, prior to any such debate, to have a meeting between some of my hon. Friends and the Secretary of State for Industry, I am not sure. That might be another way in which to proceed initially. But let us see what happens.
Will the right hon. Gentleman have another look at early-day motion No. 4, which has been signed by over 130 Members of the House, and which talks about the way in which the Elizabeth Garrett Anderson hospital fiasco is being handled?
[That this House urges the continuation of the specialised work of the Elizabeth Garrett Anderson Hospital on its present site; believes that women patients should have the right to be treated by women doctors if they so wish; while welcoming the setting up by the Secretary of State of a Working Party to consider the future of the hospital would have preferred an independent public inquiry; but insists that meanwhile essential maintenance, especially to the lifts, should be carried out immediately so that the hospital can function to full capacity.] Will my right hon. Friend also take into account the back-door methods now being used to close the terminal hospital, St. Columba's, in Camden, and see whether it is possible to have a debate on that subject after the recess?
I do not necessarily accept what the hon. Gentleman says about what is proceeding, but I shall consider what he said. I have seen the early-day motion to which he referred and I shall look at his further representations.
Will the Leader of the House confirm that he and I have been in correspondence together about a short debate to celebrate Commonwealth Day? Has he given any further thought to this matter? Will he consider having a statement by the Prime Minister on that day, in view of the importance of the Commonwealth and the work that is done? It might be appropriate also to have a few very short speeches following a statement by the Prime Minister.
I apologise to my hon. Friend for the fact that I have no statement to make on the subject today, but I will look afresh at the correspondence that I have had with him and see whether it is possible for a statement to be made when we return after the recess or to have an indication on the subject given to my hon. Friend and other hon. Members who have shown a special interest in the occasion.
Following the reply given to my right hon. Friend the Member for Brighton, Pavilion (Mr. Amery), may I press on the Lord President the urgency of dealing with the subject of observers at the Rhodesian elections? Is the Leader of the House aware that we are now only weeks away from that election, and that in all probability the United States of America will be sending observers to watch it? It would be deplorable if Her Majesty's Government did not also send observers to see that the election is carried out fairly and without any victimisation.
I shall not enter into a debate with the hon. Gentleman on the subject here and now, because there are other factors involved as well as those he seemed to indicate in his remarks. At present, I have nothing to add to what was said from the Dispatch Box on the subject a week or so ago. I shall take account of what the hon. Gentleman and others have said about it, but I am not necessarily making a promise of an early debate on the subject.
Will the Lord President agree to a debate on the question of Civil Service pay when the House returns, especially taking into account the fact that the Prime Minister was implying today that some hon. Members did not know too much about the subject? It might then be possible to place upon the record in that debate the fact that whilst the Prime Minister was sunning in Guadeloupe, the hon. Member for Bolsover—myself—and one of the Prime Minister's Ministers in the Ministry of Agriculture were meeting officials of the Department of Health and Social Security, my constituents and his constituents, in Mansfield, and that perhaps in that debate we should be able more fully to explain precisely what we all know about the subject. Perhaps then the Prime Minister would have the good grace to withdraw the untrue statement that he made about me.
If my hon. Friend would await the possibilities of a debate with all the full facts before the House, I am sure that that would be most welcome. If he would add his voice to the voices of others in urging that no industrial action should be taken until we have that opportunity, that would make it pretty well unanimous.
If the Government accept the view of their road safety advisers, why are they still making no attempt to bring forward the Bill on the compulsory wearing of seat belts? If they do not accept their advisers' advice, why did they bother to publish the Bill at all?
I have answered the hon. Gentleman and some others who raised this matter last week. I have nothing further to add to the replies that I gave then.