House Of Commons
Wednesday 24 October 1979
The House met at half-past Two o'clock
Prayers
[Mr. SPEAKER in the Chair]
Private Business
Van Diemen's Land Company Bill Lords
As amended, considered; to be read the Third time.
Oral Answers To Questions
Scotland
Herring Industry Board
1.
asked the Secretary of State for Scotland how much money will be made available to the Herring Industry Board for the year 1980.
The board's levy on the sale of herring will provide it with a very modest revenue, probably less than £10,000. As regards the scheme of grants and loans for building and improving herring vessels which the board administers for the Government, it is our policy to provide a reasonable level of funds. In the financial year 1979–80 the expenditure is expected to be around £1·25 million. The provision for 1980–81 will clearly require to be considered carefully in the light of the structure of the industry.
As there is a total ban on herring fishing, is my right hon. Friend aware that fishermen who previously made application to the Herring Industry Board for grant and loan now find themselves forced to do so to the White Fish Authority? As that authority was granted only £1 million by my right hon. Friend's Department, is he aware that it is essential that the £1 million should be greatly increased, bearing in mind that last year over 1,652 applications for improvement were made by the fishing industry?
I share my hon. Friend's concern about the position in the industry. It is necessary for the preservation of stocks for the ban to continue until stocks have recovered. In considering provision for the coming year I shall take into account all that my hon. Friend has said.
Is the right hon. Gentleman in a position to give the House any information about the allegations that the French are illegally catching herring in considerable quantities in EEC water?
I have seen the reports. Inquiries have been put in train through our usual departments to ascertain what truth there is in them.
Has the right hon. Gentleman any further information about allegations that the Grimsby boat, "The Grimsby Lady", a purse seiner, has been landing herring in two Danish ports? If we are to obtain reasonable finance for the herring industry, we must ensure that the herring ban is not broken by anybody, including ourselves.
I entirely agree with the hon. Gentleman. We have followed up every report that we have seen of unauthorised landings of herring whether in this country or abroad. I shall endeavour to obtain further information about the case referred to by the hon. Gentleman, and I shall write to him.
Will my right hon. Friend keep himself constantly informed about herring stocks in the North Sea so that as soon as possible he may obtain an allocation of herring for our fishermen?
I shall. However, as long as there is scientific advice to the effect that it is necessary to restrict fishing in this way we must heed that advice.
If the right hon. Gentleman is to make inquiries into allegations that have appeared in The Daily Telegraph, will he undertake that once he has completed the inquiries he will make a statement to the House? The charges against the French Government are quite serious—namely, that their trawlers are apparently breaking the clear EEC instruction that there shall be no herring fishing. Will the right hon. Gentleman assure the House that a statement will be made when the allegations have been denied or substantiated?
I appreciate what the hon. Gentleman says. First, we must ascertain the facts as far as we can. I shall find the best way I can of informing the House of the results of my inquiries.
Council House Sales
2.
asked the Secretary of State for Scotland if he can now make a statement on the manner by which he proposes to finance the sale of council houses.
It is up to the prospective purchaser to arrange the funding of his purchase. If funds are not available from private sources, for example building societies, a local authority mortgage will be available to him.
Whatever the Minister's deeply held views on the matter may be, will he concede that the majority of local authorities are appalled at the prospect of having to sell newly constructed council houses at half price? Is he aware that when the Orkney housing committee considered his circular it had before it an estimate for eight council houses at £30,000 each? Does he seriously propose that when constructed these houses should be made available for sale at a loss of £15,000 each?
The hon. Gentleman will be aware that when a local authority decides what rent to charge for any individual house the building cost is not taken into account. I have yet to hear any intelligent argument why the principles which are relevant for rent purposes should not also be relevant for sale purposes.
As the incentive to purchase a council house depends largely upon the person wishing to buy in an area where he has respectably behaved neighbours, will my hon. Friend assure us that, in spite of anything else he does, especially in the tenants' charter, he will do nothing which will make it more difficult for local governments to deal with antisocial tenants?
I am grateful to my hon. Friend for that important question. Last week we made it clear that local authority tenants in Scotland would for the first time receive security of tenure. We also indicated that there would be provision to enable the local authorities to deal reasonably with any special problem causing great concern to neighbours resulting from the conduct of one tenant living nearby.
The Minister must be aware that over the lifetime of a council house the rent paid by council tenants vastly exceeds the price paid by the purchaser of a private house. Surely he is being absurd in suggesting that by giving away council houses the councils are acting economically.
The hon. Gentleman misleads himself. He is looking at the capital burden on a house. He must not simply look at the original cost of constructing it. He must also take into account the cost of rehabilitation which, for example, in the case of Glasgow, is estimated to be £7,000 per house. The Opposition never take that important consideration into account.
Will my hon. Friend confirm that, in spite of the miserable approach by the Labour Party, there has been an extremely enthusiastic response from council house tenants in Scotland to his proposals and that it has come from the so-called bad areas just as much as the so-called good areas?
My hon. Friend is correct. Not only have many thousands of ordinary Scottish tenants sought to exercise this right, but at least 29 Scottish local authorities are providing for the right to buy. Only nine have refused to do so. That indicates that it is the local authorities as well as the tenants who support the principle of what the Government are doing and reject the rather Neanderthal view of the Opposition.
What does the Minister mean by saying that a local authority mortgage will be available? Is he saying that, apart from forcing local authorities to sell houses against their will, thereby making it impossible for them to carry out a sensible housing or housing management policy, he will also force them to finance sales?
If the right hon. Gentleman will consider the details of the question he asked he will realise that, if a local authority provides a mortgage for a house that is already owned by that local authority, there are no public expenditure implications. That is why no local authority sought to object to the proposal that local authorities would be required to provide a local authority mortgage if no other means of finance were available to the prospective tenant.
If I may clarify that, is the Minister saying that local authorities will be forced to supply local authority mortgages even if they do not wish to do so?
Yes.
Scottish Development Agency
3.
asked the Secretary of State for Scotland if he is satisfied with the operations of the Scottish Development Agency.
The relevant provisions of the Industry Bill, published yesterday, and the new industrial investment guidelines which we shall be issuing provide the basis for the Agency to operate more effectively.
Does my hon. Friend agree that the small business counselling services are a particularly important part of the work of the Agency? How many firms have taken advantage of this provision so far? Are there any plans to expand it?
Yes, Sir. The small businesses part of the Agency's functions is very important. We have plans to expand it. I cannot say off the cuff how many companies have sought help from this body, which has been in existence since before the formation of the Agency. I am sure that many hundreds of firms have taken advice from it.
Why did not the Minister publish the revised guidelines for the Agency when the Bill was published? As the Agency has been a paper tiger in relation to its investment in in- dustry, will not the Minister encourage it to spend more money on the provision of employment in Scotland rather than make money available for environmental improvements, as it is the jobs aspect that is becoming desperate in many areas?
The guidelines could not be published until the Bill had been published. The Bill gives the Agency powers to invest, but the guidelines lay down the principles under which the Government of the day wish those powers to be conducted. The Agency has our full support in investing in those cases where the jobs will be productive and viable and where no false hopes will be raised. People taking employment in companies that have these investments will know that they have a secure future.
Will the Minister ensure that nothing will be done to impede the successful efforts of the Agency to contribute to employment prospects, especially in areas of high unemployment? I refer to the policy of building new factories, investing in others and clearing away areas of dereliction, thus making our neighbourhoods more attractive to incoming industrialists.
I agree with the hon. Gentleman. The purposes of the exercise, the Industry Bill and the guidelines, are to make the Agency operate more effectively in these spheres.
Will my hon. Friend confirm that one of the criticisms made of the present powers is that they may be used to assist one possibly inefficient firm and, as a result, undermine the competitive position of other efficient firms? Will he confirm that the new guidelines will take that point fully into account?
Yes, Sir. The existing guidelines require the Agency to ensure that its subsidiaries compete fairly in the market. I have no evidence to suggest that this is being abused. However, if my hon. Friend has any cause to think that that is happening I shall be obliged if he will write to me.
Peripheral Housing Schemes (Glasgow)
4.
asked the Secretary of State for Scotland if he will make a statement about the redevelopment of the peripheral housing schemes in Glasgow; and if he will make available to Glasgow district council extra financial support to combat deprivation in these areas.
Glasgow district council is working with Strathclyde regional council to develop the comprehensive framework of action identified as needed for the peripheral housing estates in the report "Glasgow—Implications of Population Changes to 1983". The district council's capital expenditure allocations already take account of the specific problems of the city as a whole, and it is for the council to determine its spending priorities within them.
Does the Minister accept that there will be widespread cynicism and dismay at the suggestion that the present allocation of capital spending takes account of the problems of Glasgow? Is he aware that even now, as a result of the dramatic and drastic cuts in capital spending programmes enforced by the Government, the Glasgow district council is being forced to scrap much-needed rehabilitation and modernisation programmes in the peripheral schemes? That would totally destroy the morale of people who were expecting early action and have worked for a long time to have that action organised. Will the Minister give us some hope about the peripheral schemes? Will he please ensure that the money is forthcoming?
The hon. Gentleman should be aware, in representing a Glasgow constituency, that the needs of the city are, and have been for some time, recognised by successive Governments as deserving particular support. Glasgow receives, and will continue to receive, over a quarter of the total housing allocation to local authorities. Any hon. Member who is being reasonable about the matter will accept that that is a proper recognition of Glasgow's requirements.
Does my hon. Friend agree that the only cause for real dismay is the fact that the Labour Party once again has obtained control over Glasgow's affairs for the future?
I agree with my hon. Friend. It was significant, and an honourable and acceptable matter, that when the Conservative administration of Glasgow finally had to resign it was on the basis of trying to do the best deal for the public. The Labour Party will not be able to offer that.
Is the Minister aware that his statements today will not only dismay residents and tenants in the peripheral housing schemes but also anger them? There is considerable anger among the tenants of these schemes that environmental improvement schemes that have been on the ground for some time are now under threat of being axed by the Glasgow district council owing to the expenditure cuts being carried out and forced on them by the Government?
I disagree. The problem was caused by the previous Government making commitments when they had not provided the resources to meet them.
Scottish Development Agency (Investment Policy)
5.
asked the Secretary of State for Scotland what discussions he has had with the Scottish Development Agency following his speech in the Scottish Grand Committee on 17 July; and if he will now make a statement on the Agency's policy towards direct investment in industry.
I have had full and helpful discussions with the Agency, and we have reached a very large measure of agreement on the form of the Agency's activities in the future. I hope to make an announcement shortly, when remaining points of detail are settled.
Is the Secretary of State aware that, bad as are the changes foreshadowed in the Industry Bill, much more damaging would be any attempt by the Government to curtail industrial investment in Scotland by the Agency? Surely he accepts that it would be doctrinaire madness to curtail investment at a time when there will be a massive slump in employment and investment in some of our major industries in Scotland.
When the hon. Gentleman discovers what we announce about the new guidelines, he will find that there is no discouragement whatever to the agency from investing in viable projects which will be helpful and produce good, solid jobs for the future.
Surely the Secretary of State would agree that the biggest problem now facing investment in Scotland is the stupid and reactionary decision of the Chancellor of the Exchequer yesterday to permit a complete and unprohibited outflow of capital. This was precisely the malaise in the 1950s and 1960s. Given that kind of haemorrhage, how does he exonerate his own behaviour in crippling the investment prospects of the SDA?
I have in no sense crippled the investment prospects of the SDA. As a matter of fact, it will have in the current year approximately 16 per cent. more to spend in real terms than it spent last year under the previous Government.
Following the question by my hon. Friend the Member for Renfrewshire, West (Mr. Buchan), would the Secretary of State care to indicate the value of the Agency's office in New York, in view of the Chancellor of the Exchequer's decision yesterday? How does the Secretary of State hope to induce direct investment into this country from the United States after such a decision? The transfer of funds will now be in the opposite direction. This is an insult to the Scottish people. What action did the Secretary of State take in the Cabinet on this matter?
If the hon. Gentleman wishes to ask a question about the announcement made yesterday by my right hon. and learned Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer, he will no doubt table a question to the Chancellor in the usual way. My hon. Friend the Member for Edinburgh, North (Mr. Fletcher) has recently visited New York and tells me that the SDA's operations there are going extremely successfully.
Does not the Secretary of State's answer illustrate the sheer hypocrisy of the Secretary of State and his junior Minister in running around all over Scotland, seeking to spread hope where none now exists as a result of the actions of the Secretary of State on the Scottish Development Agency? How on earth can the Secretary of State justify reducing the investment capabilities of the SDA from £2 million to £1 million, and cutting its budget by £17 million?
If the Secretary of State is so interested in saving money, it would have been better had his Under-Secretary of State stayed at home answering the parliamentary questions that took him 13 weeks to answer, rather than going to America, to which the capital will flow from Scotland. We shall not get any inward investment as a result of the decisions made by the Secretary of State and the Chancellor of the Exchequer.If I had to choose between going round Scotland spreading hope and going round Scotland with the hon. Gentleman, spreading gloom, I am glad to say that I should choose the former of the two courses.
May I say in passing that it is unparliamentary to accuse anyone in this House of being a hypocrite. It is well known that there are no hypocrites here. We must find other words with which to express our emotions.
South Of Scotland Electricity Board
6.
asked the Secretary of State for Scotland when he expects next to meet the chairman of the South of Scotland Electricity Board.
I have no immediate plans for a further meeting with the chairman of the board, whom I saw last month.
Does the Secretary of State remember his Minister telling me, in a written answer on 20 July, that he would ask the electricity board chairman to write to me about the burning of imported coal in Scottish power stations? I am still awaiting a reply. Instead of turning a blind eye to the import of 100,000 tons of coal from places such as China, will the Secretary of State give us an assurance that he will fight in the Cabinet to ensure that his Government will go ahead with public investment in the Scottish coal industry, in places such as Musselburgh and the Stirlingshire and Clackmannan coalfield, where there are more than 300 million tons of indigenous coal?
The Government have a responsibility to ensure that the people in Scotland can be kept warm this winter. We have already told the National Coal Board that we will take in the power stations every lump of coal that it can mine this winter. If there is a shortfall from that, as there is, we are responsible for trying to import coal from elsewhere. It would be very remiss of us if we did not.
Since the Secretary of State is aware that the electricity board has stated that it will burn all the Scottish coal it can get this year, and bearing in mind that some of the new finds in Scotland are among the best and most exciting in the whole of the United Kingdom, will he, if he decides to meet the chairman of the board, discuss with him the question of the refurbishing of existing coal-fired power stations, and even discuss the question of building new coal-fired power stations? Is the Secretary of State aware that the power plant industry in Scotland would be very pleased if that kind of policy were pursued?
I am very grateful to the hon. Gentleman for confirming what I said a moment ago, that we are prepared to burn every bit of coal that can be mined in Scotland this winter. All the matters to which he has referred will be discussed between me and the electricity board chairman in planning our future provision of electricity.
What is the stock position? There are rumours that in some cases it is down to two days. Will the Secretary of State take the opportunity of dispelling these rumours, if they are not true?
Although the stock position could be better, there is no truth in rumours such as that, and we expect to be able to get through the winter, in normal conditions, reasonably satisfactory.
Does not my right hon. Friend agree that there must be something seriously wrong with output and productivity in Scottish coal mines if it is possible to import coal from the other side of the world and still save money in doing so?
I appreciate what my hon. Friend says. This is indeed something that the National Coal Board and the unions concerned are looking at very seriously.
Ex-Police Sergeant Jamieson
7.
asked the Secretary of State for Scotland when he expects to reach a decision as to whether he will recommend the use of the Royal Prerogative in relation to the case of ex-Police Sergeant Jamieson of Bo'ness.
I wrote to the hon. Gentleman on 28 September informing him that I had examined the case but found that there were no sufficient grounds to justify recommending the exercise of the Royal Prerogative in this case.
Will the Scottish Office consider holding an inquiry as to how well-experienced and respected police officers at Falkirk police station allowed three boys, allegedly victims of a brutal assault, to leave at 6 o'clock on a Sabbath morning to walk from Falkirk to Bo'ness?
I know the hon. Gentleman's very close concern with this question, which he has pursued very effectively, but I think that every possible inquiry about the background of the case has been thoroughly carried out. I do not think that there is much to be gained by any further inquiries at this stage.
Industrial And Commercial Development
8.
asked the Secretary of State for Scotland what is his estimate of the reduction in expenditure which will be effected as a result of his cuts in public support for industrial and commercial development in Scotland.
In discussing public expenditure savings it is necessary to distinguish between planned expenditure and actual expenditure. In terms of planned expenditure, Scotland's share of the savings resulting from the announcement made by my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for Industry on 17 July could amount to £45 million over the next three years. In terms of actual expenditure on programmes under the control of my Department, substantially more public support is available for industrial and commercial development in Scotland in real terms this year than was actually spent last year under the previous Administration.
Does the Minister remember that in the past three months we have had an increase of 1,000 unemployed in Scotland? The figure now stands at 278,468. Will he bear in mind that the cuts in public expenditure will have an adverse effect in the public sector, particularly the steel industry, quite apart from the increase in VAT? Will he also bear in mind that the gloom in Scotland is being spread not by Labour Members but by small industrialists, who now find that those who claimed to be the champions of the small industrialists have departed from them? Will the Minister take his finger out and do something about it?
I have already told the hon. Gentleman that in real terms we shall be spending more this year on commercial and industrial development in Scotland than was spent last year. That should go some way towards satisfying his points.
Would my hon. Friend like to tell the House what is the expenditure of the Highlands and Islands Development Board in this year, and whether it represents an increase or a decrease?
I am happy to say that this year the Highlands and Islands Development Board will be able to spend £2½ million more than last year, because its budget has been increased to that extent.
In relation to industrial development in Scotland, why has the Scottish Economic Planning Department decided to give up the agency work on behalf of the European Investment Bank? Why is it that the small companies, with which the Minister professes to be so concerned, are now finding, when they make application to the Scottish Economic Planning Department, that their applications will not be considered because the Department is not taking any more applications? They are also being told that the Scottish Economic Planning Department does not know who will be doing the agency work on behalf of the European Investment Bank. What is going on in the Scottish Office at the moment?
The hon. Gentleman is raising a specific matter about which he should give the House notice, or certainly write to me, if he wants me to consider it.
Girvan Employment Area
9.
asked the Secretary of State for Scotland if he will estimate the effect on unemployment of the reduction in status of the Girvan employment office area from special development area to development area status.
No, Sir. It is not practicable to isolate in this way the effect of regional policy changes for small local areas where employment prospects can be heavily influenced by individual industrial developments.
Is the Minister aware that, at a meeting which representatives of the local district council and I had with the Department of Industry, it emerged that two mistakes had been made with regard to factors affecting this area? The Department had used a seasonal unemployment level which was unusually low, and it also had wrong information about the possibility of a mine being sunk in the area. In view of these factors, the Department agreed to review the position. Will the Minister indicate when the review is likely to be completed and when I may expect an announcement whether this area is to have a change in its status?
The hon. Gentleman will be aware that in July, when the initial announcement was made about the changes in regional policy, it was said that all areas which had been downgraded would be reviewed at the end of three years before the final decisions were taken. In that context, I take it that he is referring to the representations that he has made to the Department of Industry, all of which will be taken into account before a final decision is taken at the end of three years.
The Under-Secretary said that changes in status are to be reviewed. When will the special inquiry into the Aberdeen area begin work and how soon does he expect it to report?
As I said, there is a constant review of the changes in regional policy. The position in Aberdeen will be included in that review. The authorities in Aberdeen, as in other parts of Scotland, have been assured that the matter will be considered finally at the end of the period.
Is the Minister aware that his Department might have difficulty in isolating the effects of the changes in Girvan, but what is certain is that the downgrading of Edinburgh will have a massive and disastrous effect on the level of primary and industrial investment in that city in the years ahead. Surely, after all the statements that he and his colleagues made in Edinburgh about the Labour Government discriminating against Edinburgh in favour of Glasgow, it is time that they did something to reverse this decision.
The hon. Gentleman will know that the purpose of the exercise was to give maximum help to those areas of Scotland in greatest need. Scotland now has 37 per cent. of the population of special development areas in the United Kingdom compared with 30 per cent. previously, Comparing the position in Edinburgh with all its problems with Glasgow and the West of Scotland, we, and I as an Edinburgh Member, must accept that Glasgow needs the greater amount of aid, and that is what the policy is aimed at.
European Community (Council Of Ministers)
10.
asked the Secretary of State for Scotland when he expects next to be present at a meeting of the EEC Council of Ministers.
My noble Friend the Minister of State attended the last Council of Agriculture Ministers on 15 and 16 October and I intend to be present at the next Council of Fisheries Ministers which will take place on 29 October.
When the right hon. Gentleman meets the Council, will he draw its attention to the reports of landings of herring in Denmark and France, about which we heard in answer to an earlier question? Bearing in mind the permission for a 5 per cent. by-catch—even mackerel fishers can land 5 per cent. of herring—will he reconsider his decision to refuse permission for the one drift net fishing vessel still on the West coast of Scotland to proceed to catch a small quota by drift net fishing?
I have no doubt that some of the matters to which the right hon. Gentleman has referred are bound to be covered in formal or informal discussions which we shall have at the Council meeting.
As regards by-catches, we are watching the situation very carefully but there is no evidence of any excessive by-catches at present.How soon will the Secretary of State be able to pursue the question of seeking a change in the rules of the EEC regional fund to enable assistance to be given to those areas of Scotland which have been down-graded from development area status and which are as a consequence losing the aid which at present they are able to receive?
I appreciate the right hon. Gentleman's point. We are proceeding to discuss this matter with all concerned, but we have considerable time in which to do so. The changes in regional policy do not become fully effective for three years, and there will be a further review of the areas before that time. Therefore, there is time to get this matter straightened out.
Before my right hon. Friend attends the meeting to which he referred, will he and his colleagues undertake to lodge the strongest possible protest about the behaviour of the French Government in defying the order of the European Court regarding the import of foreign lamb? Will he also comment on the behaviour of British Socialist Members of the European Parliament who yesterday prevented a motion by a Conservative Member criticising the French Government from proceeding?
My right hon. Friend the Minister of Agriculture, Fisheries and Food and I have lost no opportunity of making clear our views on how the French have been dealing with sheepmeat, and we shall no doubt take another opportunity to do so next week.
Will the Secretary of State seek to persuade the Commission to widen the ambit of its proposed £10 million special integrated development plan so that it is not purely for the benefit of the Western Isles but is of benefit to other parts of the mainland of Scotland which suffer from similar problems of distance from markets and sparsity of population?
This is one of a number of measures put forward by the Commission to improve agricultural structures. We are still considering the implications of the package as a whole for the United Kingdom, and that is one of the matters that we are bearing in mind.
Mentally Handicapped Children (Residential Care)
11.
asked the Secretary of State for Scotland if he is satisfied with the provision for residential care of mentally handicapped children in Scotland.
One can never be satisfied with the scale and nature of provision in this sector, but this is primarily a matter for decision by local authorities and health boards in the light of their assessment of need and of the resources available.
Does the Minister agree with the main conclusion of the Peters report on services for the mentally handicapped in Scotland that insufficient has been done to take care of those who are mentally handicapped in community care? Bearing in mind his passing of the buck to local authorities and health boards, will he assure the House today that, notwithstanding Government cuts, he will do his utmost to increase expenditure for the care of these vulnerable sections of the community who need help?
I accept the conclusions of the Peters report, but, as I said, if the resources are not available to implement such reports, we cannot do it at this stage.
The Government's policy is to treat unfortunate people, such as the mentally deprived, in the community. Only yesterday, prior to the BBC broadcast, my right hon. Friend made it clear in a statement that he expects economies in public spending to be made without adverse effects on priority groups such as the mentally handicapped.Will be Minister confirm that, despite much talk about cuts in public expenditure, in terms of the Health Service in Scotland there are no cuts in this current year?
That is correct. We have said that the Health Service will be defended against expenditure economies. We have made it quite clear that that is our policy.
Does the Minister accept that when we refer to these sections of the community we all have a great responsibility because, in the main, they have no voice of their own? Therefore, will he assure the House that he will monitor the effects of the cuts in public expenditure to ensure that the resources are devoted to where he thinks they should be directed? Will he also indicate that the care of the mentally disadvantaged will be enhanced, not retarded?
Of course. It is also to be hoped that, when local authorities consider their commitments and priorities, those in the groups mentioned by the hon. Gentleman will be defended against adverse effects on them.
It is interesting to note that in 1976, when the Labour Government made bigger cuts, they were expenditure economies then. They are not cuts now.Does the Minister consider that we are at some disadvantage in being able to assess the problem because we do not have a register of the mentally handicapped similar to the register of the blind?
I accept that and I will look into it.
How can the Under-Secretary say that in some way he will defend the mentally handicapped in the community, when his colleague, the Minister for Social Security, has publicly told the disabled that they will have to bear their part of public expenditure cuts that are being used by this Government to redistribute social resources into the pockets of the rich and wealthy through the tax cuts?
Might I remind the hon. Member of what his colleague the then Chancellor of the Exchequer in his Government, said in 1976 when he made his expenditure economies:
—in wealth for everyone—"I am afraid that there is no way of reducing this gap without tightening our belts. It's no good any party promising enormous in creases"
What I am saying is that when local authorities consider their priorities for expenditure, we would expect that there would be areas where economies are available without prejudicing those who cannot look after themselves."in Government expenditure. Our first job is to get the economy into some sort of balance again."
Fishing Industry
12.
asked the Secretary of State for Scotland if he will make a statement on the latest situation in the fishing industry.
Landings in Scotland so far this year are running at 20 per cent. below the corresponding level for last year. The total value of the fish taken is marginally below the value of last year while costs have risen, and I am very concerned about the difficulties currently faced by the fishing industry. The situation should improve as a result of the conservation and management measures we have taken, but the current uncertainties can be removed only by a satisfactory settlement of the common fisheries policy which we are urgently seeking.
I thank my right hon. Friend for that reply. Will he take this opportunity to give the House a categoric assurance that at the Dublin summit there will be no trade-off of British fishing interests against any other British interests? Will he also assure us that at the fisheries meeting there will be no piecemeal settlement? What we want is a package deal as a whole, not a settlement on conservation and the rest left in limbo.
The Government's position on the Dublin summit is a matter for my right hon. Friend the Prime Minister. My right hon. Friend and I will be approaching the fisheries negotiations purely in the context of the good of our own fishing industry. With regard to the general conduct of negotiations, we shall certainly bear in mind that what is required is an agreement as a whole which will be acceptable to our own fishing industry. We shall stick firmly to those lines.
Is the Secretary of State aware of an article which appeared in the Glasgow Herald last Friday to the effect that, because of the operation of the quota system, there is a scandalous waste, a dumping, of valuable herring? Will the Minister investigate these allegations and report to the House?
I saw that report and I, too, was very disturbed by it. I am having it investigated. I would deplore any irresponsible dumping of fish which are not caught legally. I am sure that most of those in the fishing industry would do the same.
Scottish Tuc And Cbi
13.
asked the Secretary of State for Scotland when he plans next to meet the Trades Union Congress and the Scottish Confederation of British Industry.
As I have already indicated to the bodies concerned, I intend to have regular meetings with the Scottish Trades Union Congress and the CBI (Scotland).
When my right hon. Friend meets them, will he discuss with them the lessons to be learned for the whole of Scotland from the recent tragic closure of the Singer factory at Clydebank? In particular, will he discuss with them the advantages to the workforce of accepting inevitable closures of this kind quickly, so that joint action between the Government and trade unions can be started to produce replacement jobs as soon as possible? Would he also like to comment on the ill-conceived and unhelpful intervention of the right hon. Member for Glasgow, Craigton (Mr. Millan) in trying to persuade the workforce to resist the closure?
I am grateful to my hon. Friend. I am very concerned about the situation at Clydebank and I have assured all concerned that I and my hon. Friend will do all that we can to help in that area. I am meeting representatives of the STUC and the Clydebank shop stewards tomorrow, and I look forward to an exchange of views with them.
When the Minister sees the representatives of the STUC will he be able to give them an assurance that the abandonment of exchange control regulations will not have a detrimental effect on the 116,000 workers who are employed by foreign companies in Scotland and who are likely to leave if any change in the industrial climate continues in this country?
I do not think that the removal of exchange control regulations will have any effect on those employed in Scotland. Indeed, it will have a beneficial effect on the economy as a whole.
Unemployment
14.
asked the Secretary of State for Scotland if he will make a statement on the current unemployment situation.
15.
asked the Secretary of State for Scotland if he will make a statement on the latest Scottish unemployment figures.
On 11 October 1979 unemployment in Scotland was 178,489–7·9 per cent. The grave deterioration in the unemployment situation since we were last in office continues to cause the Government serious concern and our prime objective is to create an economic climate in Scotland and in the rest of the United Kingdom in which investment is encouraged and lasting jobs can be created. This is the only way in which a longterm reduction in unemployment can be achieved.
Does the right hon. Gentleman agree with the appalling fact that 9,000 youngsters who left school four months ago are still searching for a job? Has there been any new initiative by the Government designed to decrease unemployment rather than increase it? Does he further agree that the unemployment rate has accelerated since the accession of his Government?
The hon. Member is wrong in that. I am sure he will agree that the only way to solve the unemployment problem is to remove a lot of the restrictions which have made it not worth while for people to start new businesses and create new jobs, unfortunately under the Government of which he was a most loyal supporter?
Is the Secretary of State aware that this House has given him power to intervene and to give new life to threatened industries, whether it be in Clydebank, Lemac in my constituency, or, indeed, the imperilled hill farming industry? Is the Minister aware that those who are threatened with unemployment in Scotland wish that he would use those powers instead of behaving like the Prime Minister's lap dog in Cabinet?
As I have already said, I have a very wide range of powers in this matter and I intend to use every one of them in the most helpful way possible to create new jobs, and to encourage firms to expand and create new employment in every way they can. As has already been said, there is more money available this year than the previous Government gave last year for that purpose, and we shall use it as vigorously as we can.
Will my right hon. Friend lose no opportunity to point out to the people of Scotland the sickening hypocrisy of Labour Members? It was the Labour Government that presided over the doubling of unemployment in Scotland and left us with the situation with which we now have to cope.
My hon. Friend is absolutely right. We have seen the results of five years of Socialist policy. The country voted for a change and it will get it.
Everyone is sympathetic about the closure of the Singer factory, but is the right hon. Gentleman aware of the closure of British Shipbuilders' yard at Burntisland? Will he give the same degree of urgency to finding jobs for people who have been unemployed in that part of Scotland as he is giving to those at Singers?
The question of degree of urgency is difficult to measure, but I can assure the hon. Member that, within the limits of the powers available to me, I shall give every possible assistance in his area as well as other areas. I hope that we shall manage to persuade new firms to come in and take up the jobs that have been lost.
Order. When the word "hypocrisy" is applied to a Party, it is different from when it is applied to an individual. That has long been our understanding.
As unemployment in Scotland is now rising, and as it is agreed by everyone, including some Ministers, that the present Government's monetary policies, along with expenditure cuts, are bound to increase unemployment, particularly in areas such as Scotland, is it the Government's policy that their monetary policies will continue regardless of the effect on unemployment?
It is certainly the Government's intention that the expenditure which was embarked upon by the right hon. Member for Glasgow, Craigton (Mr. Millan) and his colleagues—expenditure which had no backing for it in funds—has to be brought under control. We are getting expenditure under control and, once we have done so, there may be a chance of some new jobs to help the unemployed.
Islands (Ferry Charges)
16.
asked the Secretary of State for Scotland if he will make a statement on the review of ferry charges to the islands.
As my hon. Friend is aware we are currently examining in detail the whole question of Government assistance to ferry services. I hope to issue a consultation paper before the recess and take decisions on the future pattern of assistance early in the new year.
Does my hon. Friend realise that his timetable will be welcomed by many of my island constituents? Does he also realise that freight charges impose an increasing burden on my constituents and, further, that they all wish that, in his review, some element of competition will be injected into ferry services so that the islanders do not become the victims of a State monopoly?
I can certainly assure my hon. Friend that we are very well aware of the feelings of the islanders. That is why, at a time of very severe restraint, the Government have indicated that it will be a priority to ensure the viability of Scotland's island communities.
Is the Minister aware that his review of ferry charges has also been welcomed in my constituency? When the time comes to make a decision, will he bear in mind the fact that in Norway island communities in the far north are afforded an equal chance of a reasonable economic freight service by the Government in Oslo?
I am aware of the right hon. Gentleman's point. We are approaching this matter without any rigid views. We are anxious to hear the views of the local authorities and the island communities before coming to firm decisions on the manner in which we shall move towards a road equivalent tariff.
Scottish Law Commission
27.
asked the Solicitor-General for Scotland when he expects next to meet representatives of the Scottish Law Commission.
My noble Friend the Lord Advocate visited the Scottish Law Commission on 15 October. Further meetings will be held as and when necessary.
Will the Solicitor-General discuss with the Commission the grave public concern about the Crown Office circular to procurators fiscal instructing them to keep secret registers of people who have been warned about alleged offences which they have not admitted? As this seems to contradict the basic principle of Scottish law that a person should be innocent until proven guilty, will the Government withdraw that circular forthwith and also shelve their Criminal Justice Bill until such time as Parliament and, indeed, the general public have had the opportunity of discussing these important matters?
That is a fairly wide-ranging question. First, the circular has nothing to do with the Scottish Law Commission, which the hon. Gentleman will appreciate was the last act of the dying Labour Government who were to be pronounced dead a few hours later. He will also appreciate that it is a long standing and humane tradition of the law that persons against whom there is prima facie evidence on minor offences may be warned rather than prosecuted. There has been much uninformed criticism of this matter. To use the word "secret" is, I believe, to use an emotive word in an unfortunate situation. I should like to think, if the hon. Gentleman was warned for a criminal offence but the authorities, in their indulgence, had preferred not to prosecute, that that was a matter which he would not like, to be made public.
Will the Solicitor-General look again at the extent to which consultation takes place with legal bodies on matters that come before this House? Although it is believed that procurators fiscal were consulted about the Bail Etc. (Scotland) Bill, which we shall be considering in its final stages tomorrow, does my hon. and learned Friend agree that the sheriffs who will implement that law were not consulted about it?
There were consultations with the sheriffs. There are extremely good relationships with all those who have an interest in reform of the law, and it is certainly the intention of my Department that consultations of that kind should be free and frequent so that the best agreement on reform of the law can be achieved.
Does the hon. and learned Gentleman accept that there is wide agreement with regard to the old Scottish tradition of the procurator fiscal giving a warning? However, what is now at issue is the question of a permanent record being kept of persons who may not have admitted to any crime or offence. Will he ensure that this is not introduced into the law of Scotland?
I want to make this matter absolutely clear, and to dispel a lot of fantasies that appear to have arisen as a result of articles in the press. If a person is reported on evidence by the police or other witnesses, those papers are kept on record in the Crown Office, whatever the disposal. If they are warned, as opposed to prosecuted, it is important that that fact should be known to the authorities in order that it is not an empty threat, because it would be unfair if one person was to benefit from a warning on several occasions as a result of no record being kept. It is not a record of guilt. It is a record of the fact that prima facie evidence existed and that the person had the benefit of not being prosecuted but had the benefit of being warned.
The exchanges that have taken place have served only to confuse the issue further. Does the Solicitor-General accept that this is a serious and important matter? Does he further accept that three areas are laid out in the circular? The one that is quite clear is where a person admits that he committed the offence and where the procurator fiscal decides not to prosecute but the warning is recorded. The first area of doubt—and this is where the problem arises—is where the accused person says that he or she did not commit the offence. The circular is quite clear that no warning should be given and that no record should be made of anything that took place. The other area of doubt is where the accused person makes a noncommittal reply. Here again the circular is quite clear. Does the Solicitor-General accept that the warning that should be given is merely an indication that the procurator fiscal considers that he would be able to go ahead with the prosecution but would give no indication as to whether he thought the accused person was guilty or not guilty?
Finally, may I ask the SolicitorGeneral—[H0N. MEMBERS: "No."] This is a very important issue. Does the hon. and learned Gentleman accept the suggestion of his senior colleague the Lord Advocate about making arrangements through the Leader of the House to have a debate on this matter on the Floor of the House?That was not the suggestion of my right hon. and learned Friend the Lord Advocate. He said that the matter should be raised in Parliament, as it is now being raised. But let me make the situation absolutely clear. I am rather surprised at Opposition Members. This is a humanitarian act to prevent people from being prosecuted in minor cases, whereas otherwise they might be. Let me be quite clear about the matter. This was an instruction issued under the last Government, giving clearance and guidance to procurators fiscal so that the matter is uniform, as we would all want it to be. In fact, there is a provision that if a person totally denies the offence he may not be warned. In that case, if the offence is available they are more likely to be prosecuted. But the fact should be understood that there is nothing secret about this. It is a humanitarian and sensible measure.
I should like to raise one other point because it is a matter of importance. Here we have a document issued in confidence to people in the public service who are under an oath of confidence. This matter became public and there is no reason why not. It was the manner in which it became public—because the press protected the confidentiality of someone who was in breach of confidentiality—which I regard as very serious indeed.Surely some of the doctrines that the Solicitor-General has propounded are at least open to parliamentary question and debate, to put it mildly. Will he arrange for the Scottish Grand Committee to debate this matter thoroughly because it cannot be pursued satisfactorily by question and answer?
It is extraordinary that Opposition Members are so concerned about such a longstanding tradition and about the last act of the last Government. However, if the Liberal Party wishes to use one of its Supply days to debate the matter, nothing would give us more pleasure.
Contempt Of Court
28.
asked the Solicitor-General for Scotland if he is prepared to implement the recommendations of the Phillimore committee report on contempt of court which are relevant to the law of Scotland.
As the hon. Gentleman will know, the previous Government did not implement the recommendations of the Phillimore committee but saw fit to present a discussion paper to Parliament in March 1978. Various comments were received and these have been studied carefully. This Government have declared their firm intention to bring forward during this Session a Bill to amend the law of contempt. It will be of United Kingdom application, with, of course, special reference to Scottish court procedure where it differs from that applying elsewhere in the United Kingdom.
While I welcome the hon. and learned Gentleman's good intentions, I should like to know whether the Bill will be introduced early in the new year') It is important, with papers circulating throughout the United Kingdom, that the law in that respect should be the same north and south of the Border. The Scottish press is still suffering from the dead hand of Lord Clyde. Is it not time that the influence was removed?
I cannot give an assurance that the Bill will be introduced early in the Session, but attempts will be made to ensure that the law in both parts of the United Kingdom is, as far as possible, the same. As the hon. Member for Glasgow, Garscadden (Mr. Dewar) will appreciate, as regards what he calls the dead hand of Lord Clyde, pronouncements in Hall were confirmed this morning by the High Court of Justiciary when the Glasgow Herald was fined £20,000 for contempt of court and the editor £750.
Rhodesia
With your permission, Mr. Speaker, I shall make a statement on Rhodesia.
When the House rose, the Government were close to completing their consultations on the way to build on the progress made inside Rhodesia so as to bring the country into independence with wide international recognition. My right hon. Friend the Prime Minister and my right hon. and noble Friend the Foreign Secretary went to the meeting of Commonwealth Heads of Government at Lusaka with the objective of securing their support for a renewed effort to find a settlement and end the war. The agreement reached there paved the way for the present constitutional conference at Lancaster House. It was agreed that, in the event of agreement on a new constitution, there should be fresh elections in which all the parties would be able to participate, properly supervised under the British Government's authority and with Commonwealth observers present. Such an election, if all agreed to stand by its result, would offer the prospect of an end to the war. In the past six weeks we have achieved agreement on a constitution which, indisputably, provides for genuine majority rule, while including appropriate safeguards for minorities. Both Bishop Muzorewa's delegation and that of the Patriotic Front have made substantial concessions from their opening positions to reach agreement with us on the independence constitution, which we believe will provide a sound, just and democratic basis for the future of an independent Zimbabwe. The task before us in the conference is to reach agreement on the arrangements for implementing that constitution. The key element in those arrangements will be, as agreed at Lusaka,Bishop Muzorewa's delegation has already declared its willingness to participate in such elections in order to bring the new constitution into effect. Her Majesty's Government are willing to discharge in full their constitutional responsibility to see that elections are held on a basis that will give every party a fair chance to state its case to the people of Rhodesia. We have made proposals to the conference about the arrangements to bring the independence constitution into effect, and we are engaged in discussing them with the delegations. It is in the interests of all the people of Rhodesia and of the neighbouring countries that elections should take place as soon as possible to implement the constitution and allow Rhodesia to proceed to legal independence. Our proposals provide for the appointment of a British Governor, with executive and legislative authority during the brief interim. Under the Governor, an Election Commissioner will have the task of supervising the conduct of the elections. Commonwealth observers would be invited to witness them. I would not underestimate the difficulties that lie ahead of us, but we have reached a wider measure of agreement on the constitution than has hitherto been possible and the British Government have accepted their responsibility to supervise the process of putting it into effect. What we have proposed is fully within the letter and spirit of the Lusaka declaration. We see no need for elaborate administrative and constitutional structures during the interim period or for a lengthy interim period with all the unrest and uncertainty that that would bring. Any restructuring that may be necessary will be for the elected Government to undertake within the constitutional framework. If our proposals are accepted, as I hope they will be, and a ceasefire is agreed, the way will be open for an end to the war and for Zimbabwe to take its place in the international community as a free and independent nation in the very near future. I hope that the House will support the Government in their efforts to bring this about."free and fair elections, properly supervised under British Government authority, and with Commonwealth observers".
I thank the Lord Privy Seal for that statement, which, as he knows, I asked for as soon as the House reassembled.
This is the first exchange that we have had since the Lusaka conference and it is right that on behalf of the Opposition I should congratulate all the Commonwealth leaders—and I include the Prime Minister and the Foreign Secretary—on the outcome of the Lusaka conference. Lusaka made possible what my right hon. Friend the Leader of the Opposition and I urged in the debate on 25 July, namely, the abandonment of unilateral British support for the Salisbury settlement and the mounting of a new effort by all involved to achieve a settlement and peace in Zimbabwe. The constitution has been substantially recast and agreed, thanks to compromises on all sides, but can the right hon. Gentleman confirm that the United States Government have indicated their willingness to assist in financing a land fund? Land was an important issue and it is not mentioned in the present statement. We should also be grateful for more information on this Government's contribution and thinking on that important proposal? The most difficult part of the negotiations and the subject of the greater part of the statement is the creation of conditions in which generally free and fair elections can be held, and I have four questions on that. My first concerns the interim pre-election administration. We welcome the appointment of a Governor to assume executive and legislative powers during the transition and accompanying dissolution of the present Government and Parliament in Salisbury, but would it not be much more acceptable and workable if the Government were assisted by a council drawn from the principal parties attending the London conference? Secondly, on the election arrangements and their preparation, while we certainly do not want an unnecessarily long period, we think that two months is an absurdly short period. Apart from the fact that a number of the main participants in the London conference have been in exile and their parties outlawed for several years past, surely a four-to six-month period is much more realistic? It would permit such important achievements as the registration of electors. Thirdly, on the crucial question of the armed forces the statement is entirely silent. Have the Government ruled out any step towards integration of the armed forces? If so, and assuming a ceasefire, does the Minister agree that it is essential for the armed forces to be stood down and confined to barracks and camps and for these arrangements to be independently supervised? Are we to assume, as I think we must, that the police are to undertake the onerous task of maintaining law and order and preventing coercion? If so, has the Minister plans for augmenting and controlling the police to ensure that they behave in an impartial way? My fourth question relates to the role of the Commonwealth. The statement said that members of the Commonwealth are to be invited to witness the election. I believe that the Commonwealth has played and could play a greater and more helpful role than suggested, in particular in helping to supervise the maintenance of the ceasefire and monitoring and perhaps augmenting the arrangements for policing Zimbabwe in that period. We have had what is inevitably a very long interim report and we shall return to this matter. I earnestly hope that the Government will be flexible in discussions about the pre-election arrangement and will consider carefully and sympathetically all proposals that will help to build confidence in that. There is no doubt that the so-called "second-best solution" of a bilateral agreement with only one party to the London conference is no solution at all. This would be a failure of the most dangerous kind for Britain, Zimbabwe and Southern Africa as a whole.I am grateful to the right hon. Member for his congratulations to my right hon. Friend the Prime Minister and other Commonwealth Heads of Government. He asked about the important subject of land. We started off from the position that it made no sense at all to think of a wholesale buying-out of the white farmers, because they make an invaluable contribution to the economy at this time, particularly when there is a shortage of food elsewhere in the area.
The Foreign Secretary made clear in his statement to the conference on 11 October that we are prepared to provide technical assistance and capital aid for agricultural development schemes that are proposed and promoted by the new independent Government. The United States Government, as the right hon. Member correctly suggested, associated themselves with that statement. On the question that the right hon. Gentleman raised about the interim period, we have already made it clear that we do not favour, and regard as impossible, the integration of the armed forces. I ask his indulgence on the other questions. We are only just embarking on the discussions about the interim period, and these will be most delicate and difficult negotiations. Of course we shall be flexible and shall consider sympathetically and carefully everything that is put forward. However, I hope that on reflection the right hon. Gentleman will agree that we must negotiate first in the conference and then report to the House, rather than the other way round.Whatever detailed reservations we may have about some aspects of the proposed constitution, will the Lord Privy Seal accept that we, too, believe that the Government, and particularly the Foreign Secretary, deserve congratulations for the remarkable progress that has been made so far in the conference?
Is it intended that the appointment of a British Governor signifies the return to legality and that in the interim period he will be in command of the security forces, whatever their composition? Secondly, I must agree with the official Opposition about the concern over the extreme brevity of the interim period proposed by the Government. In particular, how do they propose to deal with the voting rights of Rhodesian citizens who are out of the territory of Zimbabwe-Rhodesia? Will it not take more than two months to resolve that?I am grateful to the right hon. Gentleman for what he said at the beginning of his questions. Of course, the appointment of a British Governor and the taking-up of that appointment will signify a return to legality, and executive and legislative powers will be vested in him.
I take the point that both right hon. Gentlemen made about the shortness of the period, but I stress that it must be to everyone's advantage to press forward quickly in an electioneering atmosphere. As soon as the constitution and the interim arrangements have been agreed, Rhodesia will, in effect, be in au electioneering period. Whatever else can be said about elections, they are not very good at uniting a country. Therefore, we strongly believe that it is to the advantage of Rhodesia that the transitional period should be as short as possible.The Government paper laid before the conference stated that there will be agreement between the opposing forces of the security forces and the Patriotic Front regarding disengagement of those respective forces. Does this mean that the Government contemplate the Patriotic Front forces returning their arms? Does it mean that there will be areas under their control? The Government paper states that the security forces will be responsible to the Government. To whom will the Patriotic Front forces be responsible?
The answer that I gave the right hon. Member for Stepney and Poplar (Mr. Shore) applies to this question as well. These are matters that we shall be negotiating at Lancaster House in the next few days. I feel that they must be discussed there before they are debated in detail in this House.
Will the Government recognise, before it is too late, the potentially disastrous consequences of making this House responsible—even nominally responsible, through the Governor—for persons and things over which there cannot possibly be any effective control?
At the Lusaka conference we accepted responsibility for bringing Rhodesia back to legality with the aim of bringing peace to that land and an end to war. As the former colonial Power—although I appreciate that Rhodesia was not an ordinary colony—that is our duty and we have every intention of discharging our obligations.
Bearing in mind the extreme urgency of settling this matter, has my right hon. Friend or the Foreign Secretary any timescale in mind for this conference, or will these matters be permitted to be drawn out for a very long period?
Secondly, my right hon. Friend will be aware that the newspapers have made great play of the major points of disagreement as to who will pay the settlers when they leave. Can he tell the House of any steps that he may take to ensure that the settlers feel safe enough to remain in Rhodesia?That has been one of our main objectives from the word "go". What I said to the right hon. Member for Stepney and Poplar about land is relevant here. We appreciate the enormous contribution that the white community has made and is making to Rhodesia, and it is our objective that it should stay there. That is why, although the constitution provides for full and undisputed majority rule, there are good safeguards in it for the minority.
As to the length of the conference, I assure my hon. Friend that every delegation feels that the conference has already gone on for a long time—which it has—and speaking for myself and my right hon. and noble Friend, we very much hope that it will come to a speedy conclusion.As to the interim arrangements, does the right hon. Gentleman not understand that British authority is suspect among the great majority of people in Southern Rhodesia, because of the long history of pro-Smithism on the Conservative Back Benches, and, if I may say so, the somewhat partisan chairmanship of his right hon. and noble Friend? [Interruption.] It is seen in that light in Southern Rhodesia. Does the right hon. Gentleman not accept that a United Nations presence is much to be preferred and much safer than only a British and Commonwealth involvement? And that in place of a British Governor there is need for an independent overseer who is internationally acceptable?
I do not think that the hon. Gentleman really added to his reputation by that intervention. The first part of his question goes entirely against what was decided at Lusaka. He had better take up the matter with the Heads of Government, who agree that the election will be supervised by us. Evidently, they did not believe that we are distrusted in Rhodesia—nor do I, and nor does the House. Secondly, it is quite untrue—the hon. Gentleman is totally misinformed, or uninformed, and should not make such allegations—to say that my right hon. and noble Friend has been in any way a partisan chairman.
I accept the need for a British Governor to take over in the interim period and, equally, the need for him to dissolve Parliament, but does not my right hon. Friend believe that sacking the present elected Government and giving full executive and legislative powers to the British Governor will encourage the Rhodesians to believe that the British Government are backing the Patriotic Front to the exclusion of existing settlements?
I do not see how that inference could possibly be drawn from our appointment of a Governor. It is the only proper way to bring Rhodesia back to legality. The other interim arrangements will be discussed at the conference.
Presumably, before the new constitution is introduced there will have to be legislation in the House to ensure its full legality. Will the Minister tell the House what are the Government's plans about that, and at what stage he expects to introduce the legislation?
The right hon. Gentleman is right. Legislation will have to be passed through the House, and I hope that it will come before the House fairly soon. I cannot give an exact undertaking of its timing, because that will depend on the progress of the conference.
Is my right hon. Friend aware that to expect a properly and duly elected Prime Minister to return to his country without status or power is quite intolerable? Need I remind my right hon. Friend that Bishop Abel Muzorewa was elected by 64·8 per cent. of the Rhodesian electorate and returned with an overall majority? How can my right hon. Friend expect him to return to his country without power or status? Is my right hon. Friend further aware that, if the multi-racial black majority Government of Zimbabwe-Rhodesia does not work, the prospects of good evolutionary developments in the rest of Southern Africa will be put back for a generation? The black people of Zimbabwe-Rhodesia are bitter at the British Government's failure to honour their manifesto commitments.
The last part of my hon. Friend's question is as inaccurate as what was said by the hon. Member for Warley, East (Mr. Faulds). I assure my hon. Friend that I do not need reminding of what happened in the spring election. We are conscious of Bishop Muzorewa's achievement at that election and we have paid tribute constantly to that achievement. We hold him, as does the whole House, in the highest possible respect. The interim arrangements will be discussed at the Lancaster House conference.
I do not wish to press the Lord Privy Seal for details before the negotiations, but does he not recognise that the establishment of a constitution will not be the successful outcome of the conference unless it stops the war? To stop the war would require, at least, the assent of the Patriotic Front. Some of the Foreign Secretary's tactics in relation to the Patriotic Front seem to be intended as excluding it from the negotiations.
If the hon. Gentleman will forgive me for saying so, the first part of his question is a truism. It is obvious that if a war is going on and all sides do not agree to stop that war, it will continue. We are well aware of that point, and I accept it. The second part of the hon. Gentleman's question is totally wrong. My right hon. and noble Friend has chaired the conference in the most admirable way. I can testify to that fact, because I have been there the whole time. The House should realise that after a lengthy period of discussion the conference has to reach decisions, as we in the House reach a decision after a debate. That is what we have to do about the constitution, and I believe that most fair-minded people would agree that the conference arrangements were handled extremely well.
Is my right hon. Friend aware of the difficulties that might arise in maintaining law and order when a British Governor has assumed powers in Rhodesia? What contingency plans do the Government have for ensuring that the rule is effective?
Supervising an election under a ceasefire instead of at the end of a war will not be an easy task. We all accept that fact. We are trying to do something that is vitually unique—to start arrangements for an election while a civil war is going on. I agree that the difficulties are great. We have made considerable progress so far, and the real difficulties referred to by my right hon. Friend will be discussed and negotiated by the parties at the conference.
Does the right hon. Gentleman accept that because the Lusaka agreement was reached in advance of negotiations it is impossible to expect that agreement to be binding on a British Government in every respect? If the agreement that the supervision should be British is adhered to the Government are not showing the flexibility that is needed to end the war. Does the right hon. Gentleman accept that, with two parties in a war, to allow one party—the forces of the Smith regime in Southern Rhodesia—to remain in control of the affairs of the country, even under the British Government, renders settlement hopeless? Will he consider sending a Commonwealth force—not just observers—to break the deadlock between his insistence that there will be no integration and the Patriotic Front's insistence that there will be integration?
As I said earlier, every Head of Government of the Common- wealth agreed that there should be British supervision. Nothing has happened since Lusaka to lead us to believe that that was the wrong decision. We have every intention of sticking to that decision. I am firmly convinced that it is the only way to make things work. We welcome Commonwealth observers and we are committed to the proposal. Indeed, we hope that the observers will come from a wide spectrum of the Commonwealth. I believe that that will be the right way to proceed
I congratulate my right hon. Friend on the progress that he and our right hon. and noble Friend have made. Will he tell the House whether arrangements have been made to guarantee the continuity of the Rhodesian Civil Service and its pension rights by the new Government after the takeover?
The agreed constitutional framework contains detailed provisions about pensions for Rhodesian civil servants and for continuity.
Does the Lord Privy Seal agree that the proposed Governor's position could become impossible unless he is given either a Commonwealth or a United Nations force to maintain his authority during the interim period? Will there be full and proper registration of electors in the interim period, and will sanctions be maintained until such time as a fully and properly elected Government are in Rhodesia?
I see the argument for registering voters but, as the recent experience of Botswana showed, that would take a long time. If we are to proceed quickly, registration will be impossible. However, the matter will be discussed and and there will be careful measures to ensure that there is no cheating or double voting. I have dealt with the question of a Commonwealth or a United Nations force. On the question of sanctions, those will be lifted as soon as possible, as my right hon. and noble Friend stated last week. I cannot go further than that at this stage.
As there is no constitutional precedent of which I am aware, how does the Lord Privy Seal justify the progress of negotiations which, however worthy their objectives, can succeed at best by diminishing and at worst by subverting the authority of an elected Government? If the price to be paid for success is accommodation with a group far better described as criminal rather than patriotic, how will a future democratically elected Government claim its legitimacy, provided there is one terrorist group that finds its position irreconcilable to that of the official elected Government?
I do not quite see what the absence of a constitutional precedent has to do with the rest of my hon. Friend's question. The reason why we are here, and the whole point of the conference, is that there has been an extremely bloody war in Rhodesia. My hon. Friend seems to gloss over that. The whole purpose of the negotiations is to bring peace and an elected Government to Rhodesia. My hon. Friend and others may call the Patriotic Front whatever they like, but it is no good trying to ignore the fact that the Patriotic Front is there, and it is generally agreed by most people in Rhodesia that the country cannot prosper unless there is a return to peace.
Can the right hon. Gentleman confirm or deny reports that South African troops took part in a recent raid into Zambia organised by the Muzorewa regime? Does he agree that such participation would be an ominous development and would endanger the outcome of any talks? If that participation is proved, what action will the right hon. Gentleman take to deter further South African involvement in the affairs of Rhodesia?
The hon. Gentleman is getting slightly muddled. President Kaunda said that there had been an attack on Zambia by Rhodesian forces and another attack elsewhere by South African forces, which was nothing to do with Bishop Muzorewa's Government or the Rhodesian situation. It was connected with Namibia, which, unfortunately, we are not discussing today.
Bearing in mind the importance of the question of land, have the Government ruled out paying compensation to white farmers who may, for one reason or another, have to leave their farms after the next election? Bearing in mind, also, the need for international recognition, will the Government keep in mind the possibility of inviting United Nations as well as Commonwealth observers for the elections?
I have already answered the second part of my hon. Friend's question. We do not believe that United Nations observers are necessary. There will be many people there anyway—the press and the rest—and we believe that Commonwealth observers will be more than enough.
I do not think that it it for us to buy out the Rhodesian farmers. We want them to stay, and we have written into the constitution, and have agreed, safeguards that should protect their position. We regard that as vital for the future economy of Zimbabwe.Is the right hon. Gentlemban aware that the House is a little disturbed about his vagueness concerning the future of sanctions? Is he aware that there is at least an element in the Muzorewa delegation, encouraged by Conservative Members below the Gangway, who hope for more from failure than from success? The right hon. Gentleman could disabuse them now by expressing his justified confidence that he has in the House a majority to continue sanctions if the negotiations fail.
I cannot see why the hon. Gentleman should be so anxious for sanctions to continue. Our objective is to bring about a situation in which the reasons for sanctions disappear, and we are firmly on course for doing that.
rose—
Order. I propose to call four of the hon. Members who have been seeking to catch my eye. We shall then have to move on.
As the spring elections were conducted on the basis of a constitution that all parties to the negotiations now accept was not satisfactory, does it not follow that no Government can reasonably be regarded as legitimate in Rhodesia until fresh elections are held?
That is true as far as the international position is concerned, but we must recognise that the election of a black Government in May, with 64 per cent. of the votes, was a considerable achievement. Just as we do not want to exaggerate what happened, we certainly must not underrate Bishop Muzorewa's achievement.
While I welcome my right hon. Friend's robust rejection of the grotesque idea that there can be an integration of the warring armed forces, may I ask him to give an assurance that in the further negotiations and in any instructions that may be given to a Governor who may be accepted, the confidence and efficiency of the armed forces of Rhodesia under their present command will be maintained?
That is precisely what could scupper the whole thing.
We do not wish to undermine the confidence or efficiency of any part of the Rhodesia armed forces, or of anybody else. It will certainly not be any part of the Governor's duty to do so.
Throughout the Lancaster House talks there have been repeated suggestions, at least credited to Foreign Office sources, that even if the main sanctions order is not presented to the House for renewal next month there are certain other sanctions, deriving their authority from other Acts, which would be proceeded with anyway. Does my right hon. Friend accept that such suggestions reflect gravely upon the good faith of the Government? Will he undertake that any decision will be made on sanctions in their totality and not on a piecemeal basis?
The reports to which my hon. Friend has referred have nothing to do with good faith; they are merely a question of fact, and it is a fact that the sanctions would not completely fall as a result of action taken on section 2. My hon. Friend knows from what has been said before and from what I have said today that our objective is to get rid of all sanctions as soon as possible.
Is my right hon. Friend aware that the achievement of agreement on the constitution has made the Lancaster House conference worthwhile and that the other side of the fact that the Bishop will not be Prime Minister until new elections are held is that the Patriotic Front will have no justification for carrying on the war when it has agreed the new constitution?
The agreement on the constitution has been a considerable step forward, but we are aiming higher than that ffi we are aiming at the end of the war and the setting up of a peaceful, independent Zimbabwe.
Bill Presented
Isle Of Man
Mr. Secretary Whitelaw, supported by Mr. Secretary Nott, Mr. John Biffen, Mr. Peter Rees, Mr. Attorney-General and Mr. Leon Brittan presented a Bill to make such amendments of the law relating to customs and excise, value added tax, car tax and the importation and exportation of goods as are required for giving effect to an Agreement between the Government of the United Kingdom and the Government of the Isle of Man signed on 15 October 1979; to make other amendments as respects the Isle of Man in the law relating to those matters; to provide for the transfer of functions vested in the Lieutenant Governor of the Isle of Man or, as respects that Island, in the Commissioners of Customs and Excise; and for purposes connected with those matters: And the same was read the First time; and ordered to be read a Second time tomorrow and to be printed. [Bill 55.]
Education Act 1944 (Amendment)
4.8 p.m.
I beg to move,
This is the third time that I have had the privilege of introducing a Bill of this kind and I pay tribute to the constancy of my sponsors, who have stayed with me in my necessary endeavour to bring up-to-date sense into the rules regarding the provision of school transport and to do away with the link between that provision and truancy prosecutions. At present, there is a distance over which school transport is provided free. That limit was set under the Education Act 1944 at distances appropriate to that time. The heavy increase in the use of our roads since then means that we must take into account the serious safety factors affecting schoolchildren who are required to walk up to three miles—in the case of older children—to school. It is a particular problem on dark winter mornings or evenings and for those who often have to use roads without footpaths. There are many areas in my constituency where this is a real fear in the minds of parents. It is also the case throughout the country. Support for this Bill has been drawn from all sides of the House and from all parts of the country, although I have to lament the absence of some of the original sponsors as a result of the recent election. The safety factor is a real one in the minds of parents. There is also the question of the breakdown of law and order and the dangers to which young girls especially are exposed when required to walk home over such distances, particularly in hours of darkness. There are many parts of the country where this is unfortunately a very real consideration in the minds of parents. Apart from the question of safety, there is the fact that local education authorities have relied on these arbitrary limits as a means of enforcing the truancy provisions on the ground that it is reasonable to attempt to prosecute parents for not sending their children to school if they are under the walking limit that is laid down. I am sure that all parts of the House would agree that fresh thought has to be given to the truancy question and that distance of transport is no longer relevant to the issue. The provisions of the Bill remain the same as those of the previous Bills, for the introduction of which I have successfully sought the leave of the House. They make provision for regulating powers to ensure that in cases where parents receive family income supplement there would be authority to allow for the free provision of transport, but subject to those powers the idea is that there should be provision of transport and provision to charge for it at a flat rate. I do not think that I need detain the House for the full 10 minutes in view of the agreement expressed in all parts on previous occasions. I content myself by concluding that this is a necessary measure and that if the provisions in the forthcoming Government Bill render these provisions unnecessary I shall be grateful. But we would be well advised to insist on these provisions while we await the Government's proposals.That leave be given to bring in a Bill to amend sections 39 and 55 of the Education Act 1944; and for connected purposes.
In the West Midlands, the hon. Member for Bromsgrove and Red-ditch (Mr. Miller) has something of a reputation for being a maverick. I find it fascinating, all the same, that he is prepared to sponsor a Bill which, if it becomes law, will affect a far higher proportion of his constituents than mine, as I represent a largely urban area. It will affect a far larger proportion of constituents of Conservative Members than of Labour Members. It is a new one on me when an hon. Member turns round and kicks his own constituents smartly in the teeth.
I would like to examine briefly what I consider this essentially nasty, mean-minded little Bill will involve. It is so nasty and so mean-minded a proposal that, even with a Government as ungenerous and as benefit-snatching as the present one, the hon. Gentleman is not prepared to leave it to his own Front Bench to put forward the proposal. Two main categories of children will be affected. Many children, mostly of secondary school age, in rural areas will be affected by having to pay, or their parents having to pay, whether they can afford it or not. Do not talk to me about families on family income supplement level. People just above that level find great difficulty in managing. They experience even more difficulty managing under the increasing inflation rate at this time, and get very little benefit from tax rebates. Secondly, there will be children attending special schools throughout the country, and not only in rural areas. There are two ways in which local education authorities can take advantage of what will become their freedom not to levy a charge. They can tell the parents to use public transport. This would apply mainly perhaps to the urban areas, if public transport is available there. So children will at least reach their schools at considerable cost, taking into account rising bus fares. I cannot quote from the hon. Gentleman's constituency, but in the built-up urban areas that I represent it is quite common for children to attend a special school five or six miles away from where they live. I am keeping that figure fairly low. Some children can travel 12 miles. It is further in the rural areas. That would mean that a child under 14 who can travel alone at half rate would pay about 40p a day. With an older child, or a child who is blind, deaf or mentally or physically handicapped and has to be accompanied by his parents, it would mean a cost of 80p a day for the children and double that amount for the accompanying parent. Alternatively, local education authorities can provide transport and charge for it. That is what I believe the hon. Gen-
Division No. 84]
| AYES
| [4.20 p.m.
|
Adley, Robert | Crouch, David | Knight, Mrs Jill |
Alexander, Richard | Dickens, Geoffrey | Knox, David |
Aspinwall, Jack | Dover, Denshore | Lang, Ian |
Atkinson, David (B'mouth, East) | Dunlop, John | Langford-Holt, Sir John |
Beaumont-Dark, Anthony | Faith, Mrs Sheila | Lennox-Boyd, Hon Mark |
Bendall, Vivian | Farr, John | Lewis, Kenneth (Rutland) |
Benyon, w. (Buckingham) | Fenner, Mrs Peggy | Lloyd, Peter (Fareham) |
Bevan, David Gilroy | Fookes, Miss Janet | McAdden, Sir Stephen |
Blackburn, John | Fry, Peter | MacKay, John (Argyll) |
Bowden, Andrew | Garel-Jones, Tristan | McQuarrie, Albert |
Bright, Graham | Gow, Ian | Major, John |
Brotherton, Michael | Gower, Sir Raymond | Marland, Paul |
Brown, Michael (Brigg & Sc'thorpe) | Grant, Anthony (Harrow C) | Mates, Michael |
Bruce-Gardyne, John | Grylls, Michael | Maxwell-Hyslop, Robin |
Burden, F. A. | Hawksley, Warren | Meyer, Sir Anthony |
Butcher, John | Holland, Philip (Carlton) | Mills, Iain (Meriden) |
Cadbury, Jocelyn | Howell, Ralph (North Norfolk) | Montgomery, Fergus |
Carlisle, John (Luton West) | Irving, Charles (Cheltenham) | Mudd, David |
Carlisle, Kenneth (Lincoln) | Jessel, Toby | Neale, Gerrard |
Chapman, Sydney | Johnson Smith, Geoffrey | Needham, Richard |
Clark, Hon Alan (Plymouth, Sutton) | Kaberry, Sir Donald | Nelson, Anthony |
Corrie, John | Kitson, Sir Timothy | Neubert, Michael |
tleman was talking about. That means a minimal saving. No one has suggested that charging for children will greatly decrease the money spent on the service. It will do a great deal to make the situation worse for the parents of poorer children who are trying to manage under the present situation, in many cases with great difficulty.
I congratuate the hon. Gentleman on managing to concoct and bravely putting his name to a Bill that will hit a wide range of constituents of Conservative Members of Parliament in country areas and the blind, the deaf and the physically and mentally handicapped throughout the country. From my contacts with them, I believe that even the majority of Conservative local education authorities will be concerned about the Bill. It will save very little money unless local education authorities are prepared to ignore the educational needs of many children who would not get to school at all if the spirit as well as the letter of the Bill were enacted. Some parents will not be able to afford the money. Some will not be able to undertake two wearisome and expensive journeys on top of all their other commitments, possibly to a young family.
I can only repeat that this is a nasty, mean-minded little Bill. I appeal to the House to reject it out of hand.
Question put, pursuant to Standing Order No. 13 ( Motions for leave to bring in Bills and Nomination of Select Committees at Commencement of Public Business):—
The House divided: Ayes, 88 Noes, 205.
Onslow, Cranley | Speller, Tony | Watson, John |
Osborn, John | Spence, John | Wheeler, John |
Page, Rt Hon R. Graham (Crosby) | Sproat, Iain | Williams, Delwyn (Montgomery) |
Rathbone, Tim | Steen, Anthony | Winterton, Nicholas |
Rees-Davies, W. R. | Thomas, Rt Hon Peter (Hendon S) | |
Rhodes James, Robert | Thorne, Neil (Ilford South) | TELLERS FOR THE AYES: |
Rost, Peter | Viggers, Peter | Mr. Roger Moate and |
Shepherd, Colin (Hereford) | Walters, Dennis | Mr. Hal Miller. |
Smith, Dudley (War. and Leam'ton) | Ward, John |
NOES
| ||
Abse, Leo | Foulkes, George | Oakes, Rt Hon Gordon |
Allaun, Frank | Fraser, John (Lambeth, Norwood) | O'Halloran, Michael |
Alton, David | Freud, Clement | O'Neill, Martin |
Archer, Rt Hon Peter | Garrett, W. E. (Wallsend) | Orme, Rt Hon Stanley |
Armstrong, Rt Hon Ernest | George, Bruce | Owen, Rt Hon Dr David |
Ashley, Rt Hon Jack | Graham, Ted | Palmer, Arthur |
Ashton, Joe | Grant, George (Morpeth) | Park, George |
Atkinson, Norman (H'gey, Tott'ham) | Grant, John (Islington C) | Parker, John |
Barnett, Guy (Greenwich) | Hamilton, James (Bothwell) | Parry, Robert |
Barnett, Rt Hon Joel (Heywood) | Hamilton, W. W. (Central Fife) | Pavitt, Laurie |
Beith, A. J | Harrison, Rt Hon Walter | Penhaligon, David |
Benn, Rt Hon Anthony Wedgwood | Hattersley, Rt Hon Roy | Powell, Raymond (Ogmore) |
Bennett, Andrew (Stockport N) | Haynes, Frank | Prescott, John |
Bidwell, Sydney | Healey, Rt Hon Denis | Price, Christopher (Lewisham West) |
Booth, Rt Hon Albert | Heffer, Eric S. | Race, Reg |
Boothroyd, Miss Betty | Hogg, Norman (E Dunbartonshire) | Radice, Giles |
Bottomley, Rt Hon Arthur (M'brough) | Holland, Stuart (L'beth, Vauxhall) | Rees, Rt Hon Merlyn (Leeds South) |
Bradley, Tom | Home Robertson, John | Richardson, Miss Jo |
Brown, Hugh D. (Provan) | Homewood, William | Roberts, Albert (Normanton) |
Brown, Ronald W. (Hackney S) | Hooley, Frank | Roberts, Allan (Bootle) |
Brown, Ron (Edinburgh, Leith) | Howells, Geraint | Roberts, Ernest (Hackney North) |
Buchan, Norman | Huckfield, Les | Robertson, George |
Callaghan, Jim (Middleton & P) | Hughes, Robert (Aberdeen North) | Rooker, J. W. |
Campbell-Savours, Dale | Hughes, Roy (Newport) | Roper, John |
Canavan, Dennis | Jay, Rt Hon Douglas | Ross, Ernest (Dundee West) |
Cant, R. B. | Johnson, Walter (Derby South) | Sandelson, Neville |
Carmichael, Neil | Johnston, Russell (Inverness) | Sheerman, Barry |
Carter-Jones, Lewis | Jones, Rt Hon Alec (Rhondda) | Sheldon, Rt Hon Robert (A'ton-u-L) |
Clark, David (South Shields) | Jones, Barry (East Flint) | Shore, Rt Hon Peter (Step and Pop) |
Cocks, Rt Hon Michael (Bristol S) | Jones, Dan (Burnley) | Silkin, Rt Hon John (Deptford) |
Cohen, Stanley | Kaufman, Rt Hon Gerald | Silkin, Rt Hon S. C. (Dulwich) |
Coleman, Donald | Kerr, Russell | Silverman, Julius |
Concannon, Rt Hon J. D. | Kilroy-Silk, Robert | Skinner, Dennis |
Conlan, Bernard | Kinnock, Neil | Smith, Cyril (Rochdale) |
Cook, Robin F. | Lamborn, Harry | Smith, Rt Hon J. (North Lanarkshire) |
Cowans, Harry | Lamond, James | Soley, Clive |
Craigen, J. M. (Glasgow, Maryhill) | Leadbitter, Ted | Spearing, Nigel |
Crowther, J. S. | Lewis, Arthur (Newham North West) | Spriggs, Leslie |
Cryer, Bob | Lewis, Ron (Carlisle) | Stallard, A. W. |
Cunliffe, Lawrence | Litherland, Robert | Stoddart, David |
Cunningham, George (Islington S) | Lofthouse, Geoffrey | Stott, Roger |
Cunningham, Dr John (Whitehaven) | Lyon, Alexander (York) | Strang, Gavin |
Dalyell, Tam | Lyons, Edward (Bradford West) | Straw, Jack |
Davies, Rt Hon Denzil (Lianelli) | McCartney, Hugh | Summerskill, Hon Dr Shirley |
Davies, Ifor (Gower) | McCusker, H. | Taylor, Mrs Ann (Bolton West) |
Davis, Clinton (Hackney Central) | McDonald, Dr Oonagh | Thomas, Dafydd (Merioneth) |
Davis, Terry (B'rm'ham, Stechford) | McElhone, Frank | Thomas, Mike (Newcastle East) |
Dean, Joseph (Leeds West) | McKay, Allen (Penistone) | Tilley, John |
Dempsey, James | Maclennan, Robert | Tinn, James |
Dewar, Donald | McMillan, Tom (Glasgow, Central) | Torney, Tom |
Dixon, Donald | McNally, Thomas | Urwin, Rt Hon Tom |
Dobson, Frank | McWilliam, John | Varley, Rt Hon Eric G. |
Dormand, Jack | Magee, Bryan | Wainwright, Edwin (Dearne Valley) |
Douglas, Dick | Marshall, Dr Edmund (Goole) | Wainwright, Richard (Colne Valley) |
Douglas-Mann, Bruce | Marshall, Jim (Leicester South) | Walker, Rt Hon Harold (Doncaster) |
Dubs, Alfred | Martin, Michael (Gl'gow, Springb'rn) | Watkins, David |
Dunn, James A. (Liverpool, Kirkdale) | Mason, Rt Hon Roy | Weetch, Ken |
Dunnett, Jack | Maynard, Miss Joan | Welsh, Michael |
Dunwoody, Mrs Gwyneth | Mellish, Rt Hon Robert | White, Frank R. (Bury & Radcliffe) |
Eadie, Alex | Mikardo, Ian | Whitehead, Phillip |
Eastham, Ken | Millan, Rt Hon Bruce | Willey, Rt Hon Frederick |
Edwards, Robert (Wolv SE) | Miller, Dr M. S. (East Kilbride) | Williams, Rt Hon Alan (Swansea W) |
Ellis, Raymond (NE Derbyshire) | Mitchell, Austin (Grimsby) | Winnick, David |
Ellis, Tom (Wrexham) | Mitchell, R. C. (Soton, Itchen) | Woodall, Alec |
Evans, loan (Aberdare) | Molyneaux, James | Wright, Sheila |
Ewing, Harry | Morris, Rt Hon Alfred (Wythenshawe) | |
Faulds, Andrew | Morris, Rt Hon Charles (Openshaw) | TELLERS FOR THE NOES: |
Fletcher, Ted (Darlington) | Morton, George | Mr. Martin Flannery and |
Forrester, John | Mulley, Rt Hon Frederick | Mr. Stan Thorne. |
Foster, Derek | Newens, Stanley | |
Question accordingly negatived.
|
Orders Of The Day
Supply
[3rd Allotted Day]— considered
Government Expenditure
I have to announce that Mr. Speaker has selected the amendment in the name of the Prime Minister.
4.30 p.m.
I beg to move,
This debate has three purposes for the Opposition. The first is to demonstrate our total and unremitting opposition to a policy which has already damaged, and will increasingly damage, the public services, and to show our contempt for a Government who give greater priority to tax cuts for people at the top of the incomes scales than to school meals and old people's homes. Secondly, we want to put the cuts into perspective instead of in the confused and confusing percentages and millions of pounds about which Ministers talk. We want to give the real facts, from the real world, of services abandoned and charges increased. Thirdly, we want to give the Government a much needed chance to answer questions which they have either avoided or evaded. For instance, what is the purpose of the cuts? That is the most important question. Are the cuts reluctantly imposed by the Government as a sad necessity, or are they welcomed as a matter of principle? Principle appears to be what motivates the cuts, when one takes into account the speeches at the Conservative Party conference. There was much talk there of driving back the frontiers of the State. There was talk of giving a boost to private initiative and creating a more self-reliant society. In the real world, that adds up to closing homes for the mentally handicapped, as has happened in Bristol, and ending old people's concessionary fares, as is happening in Harrogate. Those two examples of what is happening all over the country can be multiplied time after time. The Government insist on changing their mind from speech to speech and from occasion to occasion when describing why the cuts are necessary and their effects. At the local government conference in Scarborough, the Secretary of State for the Environment said of his policy:That this House condemns Her Majesty's Government for their savage cuts in funds for the sick, the aged, the disabled, the young, the homeless, the badly housed and others dependent upon the support of the community; further condemns the Government's assault on the caring society which is compounded by their failure to assist local authorities in dealing with inflation and their obligations under pay awards, and deplores Her Majesty's Government's reduction of the rate support grant which will lead to substantial rate increases and reductions in essential services; and further calls on Her Majesty's Government to restore the drastic cuts they have made in the National Health Service.
On the other hand, the Secretary of State for Education and Science, surprisingly, approached the problem using more robust language. He said that the Government had not shied away from their determination to secure essential public sector economies. He said that education would have to take its share. The Secretary of State for Social Services was not quite at his best on the radio this morning. Simultaneously he argued that there were no cuts and that, anyway, they were necessary in the national interest. In one passage the right hon. Gentleman tastefully described a process which he called "waving the shroud". I take that to mean that some people are suggesting that cuts are being carried out which are not happening in reality. No sooner had the Secretary of State made that point than his entire performance was rendered ridiculous by the next item on the programme which described how old people's homes were about to be closed and how pre-school education was threatened in three areas of the country. Other points need to be made about the Secretary of State's broadcast this morning. The first concerns pensions. He asserted that pensions were to be increased by the largest cash amount ever. I am surprised that the right hon. Gentleman values his reputation so lightly that he is prepared to go in for cheap propaganda of that sort. He knows that what he described as the biggest cash increase ever is an indication not of the Government's concern but of the inflation level over the last 10 years. The Secretary of State is rendered ridiculous because Treasury Ministers have been touring the country telling trade unions to think of real wages rather than cash wages while he tries to fool pensioners into counting their paper money rather than their real money. After talking about waving the shroud, the Secretary of State went on to say that we could not afford the levels of public expenditure which some people now demanded. I hope that when the right hon. Gentleman replies to the debate he will say why we can afford more for defence but less for hospitals. In Luxembourg, the Prime Minister pleaded with our NATO allies to spend as much on defence as we spend. I hope that in reciprocation they pleaded with her for us to spend the same amount on pensions, housing and family benefits as our NATO allies spend. If we cannot afford to spend any more, as the Secretary of State implied in his broadcast this morning, how is it that we can afford £70 million to subsidise private places in public schools? School capitation allowances are being reduced all over the country—in Avon by 10 per cent., Birmingham by 7 per cent. and Gwent by 30 per cent. in primary schools and 10 per cent. in secondary schools. Some schools cannot afford essential textbooks and some are giving up science classes because of the expense of employing laboratory technicians. Many schools will remain closed during January because they cannot afford the fuel bills. Why is it that when Eton, Harrow and Winchester are exempt from the cuts they are being positively helped out of public funds in a way that they have never been helped before? [HON. MEMBERS: "Total distortion."] Hon. Members had better explain later why they believe that. I want to give the Government the opportunity to explain their policy. I shall give them a hand by describing what they intend in objective and exact terms. The Secretary of State for the Environment said in his circular that he expected local authorities to make reductions of about 3 per cent., or £360 million, in the level of current expenditure envisaged in the rate support grant settlement. He said that he would require a further reduction next year to bring the total reductions up to 5 per cent. I am not accusing him of adding those two percentages together. I am accusing him of wanting an additional increase next year which will carry the total to that figure. In order to enforce his policy, the right hon. Gentleman proposes a reduction of £300 million in calculating the rate support grant increase order. He has made further threats about his actions and the level of grants in the future if the cuts for which he asks are not carried out by autonomous local authorities which should be allowed to observe their freedom under the law. Irrespective of the previous ambiguities, and putting aside earlier hedging, I hope that the Secretary of State will admit that what he proposes for this year and next year is not simply the removal of something which never was but that he proposes real cuts in the real world which will affect real people. If the cuts represent simply the removal of something which never was, perhaps the Secretary of State will explain why the Buckinghamshire county treasurer has told his finance committee that it must choose between rate increases of 23 per cent. and a massive reduction in services, why Hampshire prophesies a rate increase of 24 per cent., and how Newcastle comes to calculate that, thanks to the cuts next year, it must cut £4½ million from services to limit its rate increase to 25p in the pound or £7 million from services to limit its rate increase to 20p in the pound. These real cuts will hurt and even the Tories who are honest are prepared to admit that. I give five examples. The chairman of Wiltshire education committee has resigned rather than implement these cuts. Councillor Stephanie Jarrett has been expelled from the Rochester and Chatham Conservative Party because she opposed these cuts on Kent county council. Colonel Bill McLennan, leader of the Gloucester council, said on television, in my presence, that it was no use pretending that there was a painless way of making these cuts. There are in the deep recesses of the House two Conservative Members of Parliament who accept the same point. The hon. Member for Faversham (Mr. Moate) described the closing of the Sittingbourne memorial hospital as a catastrophe because patients would suffer. The hon. Member for Cheltenham (Mr. Irving) spoke of Right-wing elements going too far in supporting the cuts. He said that if the threat of a 3 per cent. cut this year meant shutting down homes for the elderly in Cheltenham, Gloucester council would not do it. I say to both these hon. Members that the way to ensure that what they wish comes about is to vote with us tonight."To describe it as a cut you have to define cuts as the removal of something which never was."
I reaffirm that I said that it would be a catastrophe. However, I believe that we will avert that happening. Does the right hon. Gentleman acknowledge that the major problems that face our hospitals arise from a strict adherence to the cash limits imposed by the Labour Government? Will he tell the House whether those cash limits would have been maintained, or was it his Government's intention to abandon them?
I have given the hon. Gentleman the opportunity to work out his conscience and maintain his Division record. Cash limits were devised by us and were a proper way of maintaining financial control. It is one thing to use cash limits to maintain financial prudence, but it is another thing to use them as an exercise in cuts to reduce expenditure. As I hope to show, this is exactly what the Government are doing.
I am grateful to the right hon. Gentleman for referring to the point I made, but I must make it clear that my criticisms had nothing to do with the Government's cuts. Necessary cuts must be made. My criticism was of the diabolical way in which some local authorities, quite deliberately, are making cuts in places where they ought not to be made. There are ways of making cuts—of removing the fat from the town halls and shire halls—other than by closing old people's and children's homes.
I express my gratitude to the hon. Gentleman and correct him in one particular only. He has spoken about local authorities behaving improperly. In his speech, which I quoted, he spoke of "Right-wing elements". I think he was right the first time.
I refer to another Right-wing element, the famous Councillor Tyler of West Yorkshire who, describing the nature of the cuts, made the memorable—I hope, immortal—aphorism:When I first read that I assumed that Councillor Tyler was joining the Prime Minister amongst the supporters and admirers of St. Francis of Assisi. Then I realised the difference. St. Francis believed in poverty for himself. The Prime Minister and Councillor Tyler believe in poverty for someone else. There is no doubt that poverty will be the result of Government policy. That policy, in the short term, will have one immediate unavoidable and almost universal result—a massive increase in rates next April. That will not be the result of the activities of spendthrift local authorities. It will be the result of the Secretary of State's own policy. He must surely know that, because Oxfordshire—a county which he, in part, represents—has levied a supplementary rate this week. Not surprisingly, it has ignored, or regarded as wholly irrelevant, a letter which he sent on 19 March to all Conservative councils. That letter, written in the heady days of opposition, explained how to avoid a rate increase. The Secretary of State listed 10 ways. The truth is that in the real world, as he will now come to understand, none of these ways works. They cannot work. Rate increases are being avoided by the Tories in Preston by leaving empty six nursery classes, built and ready for use. The method being used in Kent is to close homes for children and old people. The hard fact facing most local authorities is that there is no way of avoiding rate increases other than by cutting services. In most local authorities both these things will happen: services will be reduced and rates will be increased. Some local authorities, of course, will refuse to make the cuts. I hope that the Secretary of State will give up his rather furtive huffing and puffing and tell us what he proposes to do about authorities which refuse to make the cuts. Will he tell us specifically about the county of Oxfordshire, which again I remind him he in part represents, which told my office yesterday that it had no intention of making a 3 per cent cut this year? What will he do about the Tory-controlled Kirklees council, which stated yesterday that it would ignore the 3 per cent. cut? It may make a 1 per cent. cut in the immediate future and 1 per cent. the year after, but there is no question of its making the adjustment demanded by the Secretary of State. What does he propose to do about such councils? Has the idea of punitive powers been dropped since the headline appeared? If he is to take punitive powers, may we be assured that Oxfordshire, which has openly said that it will not abide by his policy, will be the first county to suffer? I am pleased that Oxfordshire has taken that view. I am glad it is able to say what it is saying. However, it will not be possible for every Labour council to follow suit and say "No cuts here." I give some examples. The Labour-controlled councils of Manchester, Coventry, Newcastle, Wakefield and Sheffield are facing demands on their services never dreamt of in rural Oxfordshire. The problems those cities face are being compounded and wilfully increased by the Secretary of State. I say that in view of the promise he gave to the Association of County Councils that he would tilt the needs element in the calculation of the rate support grant to the advantage of the counties and against the interests of the towns and cities. That means that less aid goes to the urban areas which need it and more goes to rural areas which do not want to spend it. Some Labour-controlled councils will be able to avoid making cuts in services. I press the Secretary of State to say whether it is his intention to abandon the law as it governs local autonomy. Is he prepared to destroy, by pushing a Bill through this House, local democracy in order that councils become his creatures—tools of the Government doing exactly what Government say? I remind the Secretary of State that those councils are also elected. They have their mandate and their right to support and look after the people they represent. Most of them were not elected on a fraudulent prospectus such as the one which brought the Secretary of State to power. If the right hon. Gentleman doubts that, let me put this point to him. When he was Shadow spokesman for environment matters, making party political broadcasts and holding press conferences during the election, did he ever mention that his policy on cuts would bring about, in the city of Rotherham, for instance, a situation in which no further housing tenders could be accepted and no further provision for housing mortgages could be made and in which there could be no more improvements to council property? That is the result of what he has done. Had that been known six months ago he would not now be sitting on the Government Front Bench, and many of the councils that he now proposes to overrule have a much better record of telling the truth to the electorate than have he and his party. I have spoken of two Conservative councils which do not want to, and say they will not, make the cuts. I regret that that is not typical of Conservative councils throughout the United Kingdom. Most of them cannot wait to make the cuts. Most are demanding the right to make more cuts and to cut even deeper. Their demands were incorporated into that singular document circulated, I think, to us all, and certainly to the Secretary of State, by the Association of County Councils. It had the memorable title"Nothing concentrates the mind like a little poverty."
The Secretary of State, who never pauses before he comments on such matters, described the document as a valuable starting point. He has gone slightly further than simply to start. As I understand it, school meals, school milk and school transport, which it was suggested should no longer be mandatory services, are already to be removed from that category. Will the Secretary of State tell us one thing—and I build on his speeches since I am an assiduous reader of most of the things he says? With how much of the starting point does he propose to proceed? Are we to see the end of pocket money in old people's homes, for instance? That is what the Tory councils want. Are we to see unlimited charges for the registration of births, marriages and deaths? That is what the Tory councils want. Are we to see the end of motor vehicle licence indicators for disabled drivers? Unbelievably, that is what the Tory county councils want. Finally, will councils be able to charge for the recovery of injured persons from motor crashes within their boundaries? That is what the Tory county councils want. The Secretary of State ought to tell us whether that is what he wants, too. The right hon. Gentleman should also tell us what he proposes to do about those councils which are anticipating a change in the law and are acting according to a law that they hope will be passed rather than according to the law as it now exists. I can give the right hon. Gentleman many examples, and the Secretary of State for Education and Science can give him more, of education authorities which say that they are beginning to prepare to plan to abolish school meals in their areas, to act in a way which is inconsistent with the present law. The best example of this concerns the chairman of the Lincolnshire education committee, Councillor Peter Heledge, who says that he has cut next year's budget by 34 per cent. on the assumption that milk, meals and transport will soon be things of the past in Lincolnshire. However, to give him all credit for being a law-abiding man, he went on to say that there would be a lot of egg on his face if the law was not passed in time. Thinking of my hon. Friend the Member for Bedwellty (Mr. Kinnock), I believe that Councillor Heledge had better duck pretty quickly. More important, what will happen to those councils that start making cuts in the belief that the legislation will get an easy passage, subsequently discover that it has not and then find themselves next year preparing to abandon statutory obligations which are still imposed upon them? I hope that this law-abiding Government, with their high belief in legality, will make it absolutely clear that they will take action against councils which do not conform to their statutory obligations as those obligations are at the moment, not as the authorities and the Conservative Party would like them to be. There is no doubt that many Conservative authorities want the cuts, and that many of them are cutting manically. However, I have to say in their defence that some of them are cutting manically out of fear of what the Secretary of State for the Environment will do with the rate support grant increase order. I must therefore invite him to answer two specific questions. First, what will he do about the acceleration in inflation? Second, what will he do about the local authority wage award? If he does nothing about either of those items, the reduction in rate support grant to local authorities will be massive and the damage to services will be appalling. Let me tell the right hon. Gentleman what he ought to do, what we ask, and what we would have done. First, we would have honoured the rate support grant supplement of 61 per cent. or £14 billion. Secondly—and here I refer him to Hansard of 19 March this year, c. 1116—we would have made the proper adjustment to those wage increases which were part of a national settlement underwritten by the Government. We would have followed the then Chief Secretary's view that a case-by-case approach was proper, and, of course, we had a clear obligation to pay our full contribution to those awards which we had underwritten. I say to the Minister of State for Local Government and Environmental Services that I shall be astonished if he and his colleagues can get away with anything else. In the dying days of the Labour Government I was concerned with public sector pay. Every local authority union told us categorically that it was not interested, and nor were the councils, in making a bargain which was not underwritten by the Government. I tell the Secretary of State that, in honour, that is what he is obliged to do, because that is the promise we made, not only to the unions but to the council associations, the cities, the counties and everyone else."Statutory Obligations in Local Authorities which might be abolished in favour of discretionary powers."
Including the Tories?
I am reluctant to make promises on behalf of the Tory Party but I have no doubt that in honour the Government should pay the part of the award covered by those nationally endorsed agreements.
That leaves us with the second item, the item which is even more essential in present circumstances—an adjustment of the rate support grant for the present inflation level. In the same column of Hansard the then Chief Secretary was categoric about our rate support grant being related to, and only to, the 8·5 per cent. inflation forecast that we gave as a result of the Industry Act. It is one thing when a Government are straining every nerve and sinew to hold down inflation, and would have held it at or about 10 per cent.; it is quite another when a Government have accelerated the inflation rate of their own volition. If the Government do not make the adjustment for inflation, there is a formula of Euclidian simplicity which goes something like this. VAT was increased to allow income tax cuts at the top of the scale. VAT increases will affect local prices. Increased local prices will produce reduced services, ergo the income tax cuts will result in reduced local services. That is what will happen if the Secretary of State is not prepared to make the necessary and proper adjustments. He must tell us today whether he intends to do that. It is intolerable for him to hide behind the date of 20 November, saying that the precedent is never to breathe a word about his settlement until the date of his appointed announcement. That may normally be a reasonable procedure, but it is intolerable when local authorities are being asked to cut and to plan cuts without knowing what their extent is likely to have to be, and when they are being asked to plan cuts against a background of 17 per cent. or 20 per cent. inflation.Perhaps the right hon. Gentleman will tell the House why the decision to announce the rate support grant earlier was not taken in 1976 when the rate of inflation was higher and the level of cuts was greater.
The reason is that quite a different situation applied then. The situation then was as I have described it. The Government at that time were doing all they could to contain inflation. The rate was reduced to one appreciably less than 50 per cent. of today's rate. I take my share of responsibility for saying to local authorities that they had to share some of the burdens of bringing down the rate of inflation.
The situation is different today. Inflation is rising now not least because of the VAT increases that have been introduced. That may not be accepted by some Conservative Members. For example, I expect that the hon. Member for Gillingham (Mr. Burden) is one of the weak-minded Members on the Government Benches who believe that no one can complain about increased cost and reductions in services because everything will be returned by means of income tax cuts. Indeed, those cuts have been about the only feature of Conservative policy to emerge over the past six months.rose—
I shall give way to the hon. Gentleman when I have finished my paragraph.
The Strathclyde council has calculated the effect of the cuts, the increased cost of services and the increased cost of housing on the average Glasgow family. It has discovered that the cost is in excess of £8·40 a week. To recoup that sum from income tax cuts, the average Glasgow worker will need to earn £10,608 a year. Out of touch as the Government are, I suspect that they know that that is not happening, cannot happen and will not happen. The truth is that most people will be net losers from the bargain that the Government have struck on their behalf. The old and the sick will be especially badly affected. I shall give two examples. In Kent home help charges have doubled. Meals-on-wheels costs are increasing by 50 per cent. In East Sussex six residential homes for children and the elderly are being closed. If we are to be told that that is the penalty that must be paid for economic recovery, I shall tell the Government why I find that an unattrative argument. It is unattractive because the penalty for recovery is being paid by those least able to bear it. It is even more unattractive when it is being advanced by the Secretary of State for the Environment, who will not pay the penalty for recovery.rose—
No; I shall give way to the hon. Member for Gillingham (Mr. Burden).
What cuts would the Opposition have made if they had continued in government and were in office now, bearing in mind the economic situation and the way in which the IMF had to come down on them?
After 15 years I should avoid the hon. Gentleman's irrelevancies. However, I promise him that I shall say something about the Labour Government's record and what I believe we should do. Indeed, I have said it once. We should stick to the White Paper and the limited, modest growth of which the then Secretary of State spoke.
Where is that policy now?
It is nowhere, as the Government have imposed a policy of added deflation over the past six months. I am hypothesising a Government with a rather less archaic economic policy. In the absence of that Government, those who will be especially badly hit are the old, the sick and the poor. Those who will be hit hardest as a result of the Government's policy are the young, those who are at school who need and take advantage of our public education service.
By examining what is happening to our public education service we can most easily understand the attitude of the Tory Party towards the cuts, its beliefs and its priorities. Before doing so, I shall say something about the Labour Government's record. I do so without any embarrassment or hesitation. No doubt, whatever the figures reveal, my right hon. and hon. Friends will be accused, first, of causing all the problems by spending too much, and, secondly, of starting it all by spending too little. Some Conservative Members will try to argue both cases at the same time, but neither is true. When the Labour Government were in office rate support grant fluctuated between £7·5 billion and £8·3 billion in real terms. There were cuts. There were cuts in 1977 and 1978. However, rate support grant was higher at the end of our five years in real terms than at the beginning and the cuts were made for a specific purpose—the promotion of the economy that we wished to see and in large part created. One of the main differences between the Labour Party and the Tory Party is that the Tory Party believes in cuts as a matter of principle. It may be that some Conservative Members will disagree with that view. If they do, I suggest that they read the amendment that they will be supporting by trooping into the Government Lobby tonight. The Tory Party believes that the public sector should absorb a smaller proportion of the national income.Hear, hear.