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Commons Chamber

Volume 973: debated on Tuesday 13 November 1979

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House Of Commons

Tuesday 13 November 1979

The House met at half-past Two o'clock

Prayers

[Mr. SPEAKER in the Chair]

Oral Answers To Questions

Social Services

Unemployment Relief

1.

asked the Secretary of State for Social Services if he will seek powers to discontinue the payment of unemployment relief to any person who, after being unemployed for three months, refuses to accept any offer of employment made by an employment exchange.

No, Sir. Under existing provisions, a person who at any time and without good cause refuses suitable employment can be disqualified for unemployment benefit for up to six weeks, and any entitlement to supplementary benefit that he may have would normally be reduced by up to 40 per cent, of his personal requirements.

Will my hon. Friend bear in mind that when the ruling that I have suggested was tried in Australia the number of unfilled job vacancies fell quite dramatically, to the benefit of industry and of the taxpayer who hitherto had been paying out large sums of unemployment benefit to many people who had not been genuinely seeking work?

We believe that the rules here are fairly powerful if they are fully applied. They have not been adequately enforced in recent years. They are still not being adequately enforced. For that reason we are employing extra officers on the work. We shall be employing some 450 additional officers on various ways of checking on abuse of the system this year. They will include unemployment review officers. We shall employ a further 600 next year.

Will the Minister tell his benighted hon. Friend that, when he loses his seat at the next general election, he can always apply for a job down the pit? Is he aware that the only probable result would be a decline in the productivity of the coal industry?

I think that that is a problem that will face Labour Members rather than my right hon. and hon. Friends.

Does my right hon. Friend recognise that one of the great problems in this respect exists in areas such as Thanet? A considerable number of people go to live there when they cannot possibly get a job there using the skills that they have used all through their lives. They therefore remain permanently unemployed. I am referring to people such as civil servants and welders. Is it not necessary for the Minister to be able to issue a direction that they shall not continue to receive unemployment pay when they remain in an area where they know they cannot get employment?

That presents a difficult aspect of the problem. The legislation that I summarised earlier refers to the acceptance of reasonable offers of employment. It is because that can be adapted to particular geographical areas and levels of skills or experience that we consider it the best way to operate while enforcing the law more strictly.

Order. I remind the House that yesterday we were able to make much better progress with questions because hon. Members tried to ask only one supplementary question and because both questions and answers were brief.

Does the Minister realise that the tone of the two supplementary questions from Conservative Members illustrates what they think of the workers of this country? Does he appreciate that the great majority of the 1,400,000 employed are genuinely seeking work? Is it not the duty of the Government to find them jobs and not to be so despicable in their actions?

The majority of people who are registered as unemployed are genuinely seeking work. It is in their interest and that of the whole country that the minority who try to cheat the system should not be allowed to do so. That is why we intend to enforce the law more strictly.

Merton, Sutton And Wandsworth Area Health Authority

2.

asked the Secretary of State for Social Services if he intends to meet members of the Merton, Sutton and Wandsworth area health authority.

I have no plans to do so.

Is the Minister aware of the great concern felt in the Merton, Sutton and Wandsworth area about the harsh cuts in Health Service expenditure imposed upon it by his Department? Will the right hon. Gentleman take another look at the consequences of those cuts and the many hospital closures that are about to take place to see whether he can do anything to relieve the situation?

I have already commended the action of health authorities which are taking the necessary steps to remain within the budgets established by our predecessors and to which we have adhered. I recognise that for many of the London health authorities this has meant most painful decisions, but I have once again to make it clear that the Government cannot provide extra funds. Next year's spending plans provide for a small measure of growth in health authority spending.

Hospital Wards (Closure)

3.

asked the Secretary of State for Social Services whether he has any proposals for changes in the consultation procedure laid down for the closure of hospital wards.

Not at present, but we are looking at the guidance which is given by the Department on the procedure for the temporary closure of all or part of a hospital.

Does my hon. Friend agree that the decision to close the children's ward at Victoria hospital, Romford, in February of last year, without consultation and notice and on the pretext that the closure was temporary, was an abuse of the present procedure? Is he aware that that ward is still closed 21 months later and that it was an attempt to undermine the viability of the hospital as a whole?

If there is disagreement locally and any question of a permanent closure, the matter would come to my right hon. Friend for decision. I am well aware of my hon. Friend's anxieties about the Victoria hospital. There are consultations taking place at present and we should wait and see how they develop.

Is it not true, however, that a number of area health authorities are seeking to use temporary closures to evade completely the responsibility of consultation? Is he aware that in this way they avoid the need to consult the community health council and to refer the decision to the Minister if the CHC disagrees with the closure?

I am not aware that any health authority is abusing the temporary closure procedure in that way. However, the guidelines may need clarification and we are looking into that. The temporary closure has no fixed time limit. Providing the authority genuinely intends to reopen a hospital, the closure is regarded as temporary.

Is my hon. Friend aware that, without any public consultation, the Kingston and Richmond area health authority announced the temporary closure of St. Mary's hospital, Hampton? Will he do all in his power to encourage the authority to keep that hospital open in the long term?

The essence of temporary closure is that urgent action is taken because of an immediate need. A health authority cannot, therefore, go through the whole process of consultation.

Is the hon. Gentleman aware that his right hon. Friend's letter to the chairman of the North-West Thames regional health authority of 28 August last has been interpreted by many community health councils throughout the country as an attempt to exclude them from a large part of their consultative role in hospital and health service changes? Will he give the House an undertaking that that letter is meant to apply only to temporary closures and small units?

I should be glad to discuss that letter with my right hon. Friend, but I am interested that the right hon. Friend should ask such a question. He is clearly ignoring the fact that the Labour Government closed 280 hospitals in England, and that on 31 March this year there were a further 31 in the pipeline for closure, making 311 in all.

The community health councils were consulted about all those hospitals, and only 18 closures were raised with the Minister by the councils concerned. They agreed to the remainder of the closures.

That is a curious argument in view of the complaints about the lack of consultation under the previous Government.

Child Benefit

4.

asked the Secretary of State for Social Services what was the value per week of family allowance or child benefit for a family with three children of school age in October 1977, October 1978 and October 1979 at constant 1977 prices.

The value is: October 1977, £4, October 1978, £6·40, September 1979, which is the latest date for which the retail price index is available, £9·60.

Is the Minister aware that this financial year will be the first time since the war that the majority of children have derived no financial benefit from increased tax allowances and direct payment in the form of child benefit? In the light of the 17½ per cent. rate of inflation, which is still rising rapidly, that is disgraceful.

Perhaps the hon. Gentleman has forgotten that from April this year child benefit increased by £1. Yesterday child benefit was increased by a further 50p for the first child in one-parent families and the supplementary benefit child dependency allowance was also substantially raised.

Am I correct in thinking that, had my hon. Friend answered that question in regard to children of one-parent families, the figures would have proved still better for 1979? Is not that a pointer to the fact that the Government have to be more selective in the distribution of child benefit, particularly where overall resources remain restricted?

My hon. Friend is right. Efforts to help one-parent families over the past years have been given prominence, and that is particularly so this year. There are other problems for one-parent families which are not purely financial and there is still much to be done in those areas.

Does the hon. Lady agree that her Government cancelled a 50p increase which the Labour Government intended to pay this November? Further, will she acknowledge that the £4 child benefit in April next year will be worth only £3·20? When will her right hon. Friend announce an increase to back up the Conservative Government's alleged commitment to child benefit?

The right hon. Gentleman has totally missed the point. There was no provision in the previous Government's estimates for an overall 50p increase in child benefit. We shall review the uprating of child benefit as required to do and my right hon. Friend will make an announcement when he is ready.

Does my hon. Friend recognise the importance of increasing child benefit as a substitution for the tax allowances that would have been increased had child benefit not been introduced?

Bull Hill Maternity Hospital

5.

asked the Secretary of State for Social Services whether he will intervene to prevent the threatened closure of the Bull Hill maternity hospital in Darwen.

The Lancashire area health authority sees the hospital's closure as part of the long-term reorganisation of maternity services in the Blackburn district, but that will not take place for a number of years. Formal consultations on its proposal have yet to be undertaken and my right hon. Friend would not wish to become involved at this stage.

Does my hon. Friend realise that that small and excellent hospital is exactly the type which he must have had in mind when he spoke recently about the need to preserve small hospitals? Will he keep a watchful eye on the bureaucratic and remote actions of the Lancashire area health authority?

Let no one doubt this Government's commitment to small hospitals and their expanding role in the community. I am not surprised that my hon. and learned Friend speaks so highly of that hospital. If any proposals are brought forward I shall certainly keep his views in mind.

Is the Minister aware of threatened hospital closures throughout the country—

Order. The question is about a specific hospital, and supplementary questions should be related to that hospital.

Services For The Elderly

6.

asked the Secretary of State for Social Services what representation he has received on the effect of public expenditure cuts on services for the elderly.

We have received representations from many organisations, including local authorities, health authorities, trade unions, voluntary organisations, professional bodies and others about the level of resources available for health and personal social services. Each authority has to decide how to match its spending programme to the resources at its disposal. We have made it clear that direct patient services and personal social services for the old and frail should be protected as far as possible.

Does the Minister accept that the reductions in public expenditure, particularly in such services as home helps and meals on wheels, and the discontinuation of the electricity discount, are likely to place an increasing number of elderly people at risk in the coming winter?

We have asked local authorities to do their utmost to make the necessary savings in ways that will protect services to patients and vulnerable groups. Some local authorities have achieved the targets that we have set without cutting social services.

Is my hon. Friend aware that some area health authorities are closing geriatric wards or geriatric hospitals because they regard them as a "soft touch", and that there is no compensating provision of facilities through county social services?

We have protected health authorities as far as possible from the economic difficulties which we have inherited. We have asked them to adopt the same criterion as the local social services when they make decisions about services for patients.

What advice will the Minister give to the old, sick and disabled in Cheshire, where the county council has cut not only transport for the blind and disabled to clubs and meals but has cut down on the numbers of home helps?

We have defended the amount of money available for joint funding in an effort to overcome some of the problems about the division of responsibilities between the health authorities and the personal social services.

What epithet would my hon. Friend apply to local authorities such as Haringey, which has apparently decided—

Perhaps the hon. Lady will just listen. What does my hon. Friend think of Haringey, which has decided to cut down on personal social services so as to sustain the propaganda broadsheet it put out to ratepayers last month?

I hope that the local electors in Haringey will come to the correct decision when they next go to the polls.

Following representations that have been made to the hon. Gentleman, is it not a fact that the elderly will suffer from the cuts this winter?

The right hon. Gentleman should take note of what the director of social services in Newcastle has said. He asked people not to over-react and he said that there were extravagances, waste and some incorrect priorities in our services. He said that the:

"social services can save money without making vast inroads into existing services."

Is the Minister satisfied that there are no examples of local authorities which will not be able to meet their statutory obligations in social services, particularly in relation to the elderly, without increasing the rates, because of the implications of the rate support grant?

Industrial Disputes (Benefits)

7.

asked the Secretary of State for Social Services what has been the aggregate cost to public funds of benefits paid to those involved in industrial disputes, and to their dependants, respectively, in the current year so far.

Up to 2 October, supplementary benefit payments amounted to £4,700 and £1·9 million respectively.

Those are formidable figures. Does my right hon. Friend agree that at a time when the trade unions appear to have enormous funds for expenditure on fringe benefits for their own union apparatchiks it is urgent that we should take the action to which, as Conservative Members, we are committed, to ensure that the unions bear a fair share of the cost of industrial disputes?

My hon. Friend refers to the manifesto obligation on which he and I both fought the last election. We promised a review of this matter and I assure my hon. Friend that it is being carried out. We shall announce our conclusions as soon as the review is completed.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that in a recent television dispute in my area the members of the local branch of NATKE voted by ballot to remain at work, yet they were locked out the next day by the employers? Does he realise that they have had great difficulty in obtaining unemployment and other benefits?

I cannot become involved in the detail of individual disputes. It is clear that local social security offices are examining—rightly and carefully—the question of entitlement to benefit in circumstances involving industrial disputes.

Is my right hon. Friend aware of the intense public feeling against the payment of strikers' benefit? Does he agree that, in many cases, the strike works against the community which becomes less and less willing to bear the financial strain.

My hon. Friend is absolutely right. We are in no doubt where public opinion lies on the issue. The Government are determined to get the matter right and therefore we are taking some time over our studies.

Will the Secretary of State confirm that in the last full year for which figures are available the amount paid out in supplementary benefit to the dependants of strikers amounted to 1 per cent. of the total amount of unclaimed supplementary benefit? Only 4 per cent. of all strikers' families received benefit. On behalf of the Opposition, I give due warning, along with the Engineering Employers Federation, that if the right hon. Gentleman changes the present system he will be heading for a major row and major problems in the country.

I am sure the hon. Gentleman does not challenge the view that a democratically elected Government may carry forward the commitments which they put firmly before the country at the last election. The hon. Gentleman is quoting from an answer that he received from my Department earlier this month. Last year, the average payment for the benefit of a striker's family was about £74. The total amount of money involved was £3·3 million. These matters are regarded as being of considerable provocation by many members of the British public.

Pensions (Index-Linking)

8.

asked the Secretary of State for Social Services what representations he has received about the Government's decision to end the statutory requirement to increase pensions according to the average increase in wages or prices, whichever is the higher; and if he will make a statement.

Representations have been received from pensioners' organisations, the TUC and members of the public. In reply, we have made it clear that we can no longer accept the present statutory provisions which, over a period, would result in pensions increasing by more than prices and earnings, regardless of the country's ability to provide the necessary resources. We shall shortly introduce a Bill to provide that pensions, like other benefits, shall be increased at least in line with the movement of prices. But this will be a minimum requirement. We are determined that, once the economy has improved, pensioners will share in that improvement.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that some 159 Members, both Labour and Tory, have signed early-day motion No. 89, demanding that the Government reconsider the matter? Will not the Minister scrap this mean proposal? Otherwise not only will he face opposition from us, he may face a revolt from some of his Back Benchers who do not share his desire to launch a vicious Right-wing attack on the living standards of pensioners.

There has been no vicious Right-wing attack on the living standards of pensioners. Pensions increase this week by almost 20 pence in the pound. That is a rise which is more than the statutory requirement. However, we regard the rise as a minimum requirement on which we can build, as circumstances allow. If Opposition Members want to help pensioners they should persuade some of their trade union friends to modify the wage demands that are now in progress.

If those demands are acceded to, they will have a devastating effect on the living standards of pensioners during the coming winter.

Will my right hon. Friend give some thought to the early-day motion which encourages him to consider raising pensions every six months rather than annually? That would not greatly increase public expenditure but it would be of great advantage to pensioners, particularly in times of inflation.

We would all wish to do that. However, my hon. Friend is mistaken when he says that it would not greatly increase public expenditure—it would. The greatest service that we can perform for pensioners now and in the future is to hold inflation in check. That means pensioners, wage earners and others facing the necessity of receiving increases at intervals of not less than 12 months.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that by attacking the workers and the pensioners he is doing a disservice to the House? Is it not a fact that the increase that was given to pensioners by the previous Government between 1974 and 1979 meant an increase in real terms of over £5 a week for a married couple? That is to be removed by this Government.

No, Sir, it is not, because that would be to assume that the increase would have been only in cost of living terms. If the right hon. Gentleman will look at the earlier years of Conservative Government, between 1970 and 1974, he will find that increases kept pace with earnings, without any statutory requirement. Surely it is constitutionally correct that the Government of the day and Parliament should be able to decide this matter year by year in the light of the economic position and in the light of other priorities.

Fuel Costs (Assistance)

9.

asked the Secretary of State for Social Services what representations he has received following the announcement of the fuel costs (assistance) scheme.

18.

asked the Secretary of State for Social Services what representations he has received following his announcement on the fuel costs (assistance) scheme.

Is the Minister aware that, notwithstanding the paltry increase in the heating allowance, which does not even keep up with the cost of living, the chairman of the Supplementary Benefits Commission, speaking in Glasgow yesterday, said that it was inevitable that many thousands of pensioners would suffer great hardship this winter because of an inability to pay their heating bills? In the light of this, will not the Minister reconsider the heartless decision to end the fuel cost assistance scheme?

I do not think that Government expenditure of £120 million this year on helping with heating costs should be described as paltry. I draw the hon. Member's attention to the comments of the chairman of the Supplementary Benefits Commission about first ensuring that the poorest people are adequately protected. That is what we intend to do with the scheme this year.

Is the Minister aware that the Government's decision to discontinue the electricity discount scheme, plus the apparent confusion already existing at local level about the mechanics of implementing the 95p mandatory award, will create great hardship for many thousands of people, including pensioners, who are in the trap of having all-electric homes? Will not she and her hon. Friends reconsider what appears to be an extremely callous approach to a serious human problem?

The House was very much aware last year that the electricity discount scheme was extremely wasteful to administer. The hon. Gentleman mentioned misunderstandings at local level. All local offices have been instructed exactly what to do. The 95p addition to supplementary beneficiaries of age 75, or those in supplementary benefit households with someone over the age of 75, commenced from this week. If there are individual difficulties, I shall be grateful if the hon. Gentleman will bring them to my attention.

May I congratulate my hon. Friend in that 110,000 elderly pensioners who did not previously get help will now receive help? Will she, with her right hon. Friend, consider whether in some way those over 75 who are in receipt of rent and rate rebates could be included? Is she aware that many hon. Members will have advised pensioners in their constituencies to take rent and rate rebates because they would be better off than if they were getting supplementary benefit? The opposite may now be the case.

I believe that many people may now, as my hon. Friend says, be better off on supplementary benefit. We have been told that by this announcement we have clarified the question whether people should be on rent and rate rebates or on supplementary benefit.

My hon. Friend asked whether we would look at the position of those who gained on average £7·50 last year through the rent and rate rebates being entitled to the electricity discount scheme. I repeat what my right hon. Friend said on 22 October. We shall keep under review the range of help available for fuel costs as the months go by.

That is not good enough. The hon. Lady knows it and so do her colleagues. Are they not prepared to state in this House and elsewhere that there are millions of people who were benefiting previously, however inadequate the discount scheme may have been, but who will now no longer benefit? Will the Government accept, as I would expect anyone on either side of the House to accept, that there is a growing problem for fuel poverty in this country which will not go away?

Will the hon. Lady or her right hon. Friend take the lead, with colleagues in other Departments, to establish a clear policy on fuel poverty, involving the operation of the Homes Insulation Act, involving changes in the tariff structure, involving changes in the—[Interruption.] This is a serious matter concerning millions of people in the country. Does the Minister agree that there should be increased financial help, in line with rent and rate rebate allowance schemes? There should also be a major review. Will the hon. Lady accept that?

The House is already well aware that the last Government left absolutely no money in their forward estimates for the heating scheme this winter. The right hon. Gentleman is very well aware that we are concentrating the available help on the most needy people. We are spending £120 million this year, in comparison with £125 million spent last year. The right hon. Gentleman also mentioned growing problems. Discussions will, of course, continue with other Government Departments which are already involved in other aspects of fuel costs.

Health Service (Expenditure)

10.

asked the Secretary of State for Social Services what discussions he has had with the trade unions in the Health Service whose members are affected by cuts in public expenditure; and if he will make a statement.

I have regular meetings with the TUC health services committee and with other staff organisations. As regards the constraints on health spending this year, I refer the hon. Member to what I said in the Supply day debate on 24 October.

Is the Secretary of State aware that many trade union leaders and other people are protesting about the hospital closure programme, including Lang-with Lodge, a renowned diabetic hospital near my constituency? Will he reverse the decisions that seem to have been made and keep this and other hospitals open? Or will he, and the squalid bunch on the Conservative Benches, headed by Britain's No. 1 lady terrorist, carry on with this closure programme, inflicting death and injury on those on the nation's hospital waiting list this winter?

I wonder whether I might respond to the hon. Gentleman by inviting him to use his considerable energies in trying to point out to his friends in the trade union movement that there is, at first sight, some apparent inconsistency between, on the one hand, their demonstrating in the streets against what they claim to be cuts against patients, and, on the other hand, picketing hospitals.

Will my right hon. Friend tell the hon. Member for Bolsover (Mr. Skinner) that the hospital closure programme was instituted by the last Government.

I might also point out to the hon. Member for Bolsover that if he studies table 2 in the public expenditure White Paper, published a few days ago, he will find that in the health and personal social services column and in the social security column the expenditure next year provides for an increase on the expenditure this year.

Does not the Minister realise that the cuts in the National Health Service fall most hardly—

Massive cuts, of course. The hon. Member does not even know about them. Does the Minister realise that the terrible cuts in the National Health Service have the greatest effect on the patients and on the lower-paid people who work in the Health Service? Does he not realise that the way to avoid any unnecessary strikes is to give more money to these people, just as his Government have given more money to the police and to so-called defence? Does he realise that, if more money were given to the National Health Service, it would avoid anything going wrong in the coming winter?

The hon. Gentleman cannot have understood the arguments on this issue. The Government have funded the National Health Service to the tune of an additional £250 million to pay the wage increases that we inherited. That is twice as much as the amount by which we have had to ask health authorities to trim their expenditure in order to contribute to the cost of those pay increases. That is not a cut in the National Health Service by any normal standards.

Following up what my right hon. Friend said when he slapped down the hon. Member for Bolsover (Mr. Skinner), can he tell us what discussions he has had with the TUC about the patients in the National Health Service, and the people who would like to be patients in the NHS, who are being denied treatment because of the squalid activities of trade unions?

My predecessor, the right hon. Member for Norwich, North (Mr. Ennals), discussed with representatives of staff organisations in the NHS proposals for trying to establish a disputes procedure—for instance, to solve problems such as the present problem at Charing Cross hospital. That matter was referred to the Whitley Councils. The Government are entitled to ask the councils soon to come to a conclusion on a way in which we can make these damaging local disputes a thing of the past.

Will the right hon. Gentleman stop misleading the House on the question of public expenditure, when he knows that, for example, his plans take no account of the doubling of VAT, of the increased pressure which the cuts in the social services have thrown on to the NHS, or of the roll-on of the budget additions for 1978 and 1979 for next year? Will he dissociate himself from the statement of one of his hon. Friends that the NHS has enough money and does not need any more?

The right hon. Gentleman is quite wrong. The figures quoted in table 2 of the public expenditure White Paper fully recognise the impact of VAT. They fully recognise the squeeze that he, as the former Health Minister, imposed on the NHS before he left office. The fact is that spending on the NHS next year will be about 3 per cent. above the likely outturn of spending this year. By no stretch of the imagination could that be called a cut.

Area Health Authorities

11.

asked the Secretary of State for Social Services if he will make a further statement concerning the phasing-out of area health authorities and their replacement.

I hope to issue a consultation paper in a few weeks setting out our proposals for simplifying the structure of the National Health Service, including proposals about area health authorities.

When that paper is published, will the Secretary of State give consideration to the desire of local authorities to undertake an exercise by which they believe that they can much better integrate the health services that they now provide with those provided by the NHS'? Will he look at the time scale involved and see that the local authorities can now get down to the job of studying the implications for them following the abolition of the area health authorities?

I know that local authorities will want to read very carefully the proposals that we shall be putting forward in our consultation document. I think that there is now widespread recognition that making the boundaries of local health authorities and local authorities coterminous was achieved at much too high a price in terms of the remoteness of the management of the Health Service.

Does my right hon. Friend agree that in reforming the system we need not only greater efficiency and greater economy but greater democratic participation in the administration of the hospital services? Is it not the case that many of the recent problems with regard to temporary or partial closure of hospitals and lack of consultation might not have arisen had there been proper local participation?

Of course, one wants to try to make health authorities more responsive to the popular feelings in the areas that they administer. One of our main objectives in trying to decentralise, simplify and localise the administration of the Health Service is that people shall feel a closer involvement with their own local health services. This will be very much part of our strategy.

Will the proposals need legislation? When the right hon. Gentleman lays them, may we have a parliamentary debate?

The question of a debate is for my right hon. Friend the Leader of the House, but I think that he has indicated that he recognises the widespread desire in the House for a debate, perhaps not merely on the consultation document but on the Royal Commission report as a whole. The answer to the first part of the right hon. Gentleman's question is "Yes". We may well be taking powers in a health services Bill that we shall shortly be introducing.

Nurses (Pay)

12.

asked the Secretary of State for Social Services if he will make a statement on nurses' pay.

Nurses' pay is at present being considered by the Standing Commission on pay comparability. The Commission intends to report by 1 January, and the Government have accepted a commitment to implement its award by two equal stages, from August 1979 and April 1980. We have indicated that we shall honour the commitment on cash limits made by our predecessors to health authorities, although the previous Administration had not provided any funds for this purpose.

Does the Minister recall the statement made by the hon. Member for Reading, South (Dr. Vaughan), now the Minister in charge of the Health Service, in a debate before the election, when he said that the nurses should be treated as generously as the policemen and the firemen? When will the Government translate that promise into practice?

I recognise that nurses' pay should not again be allowed to fall behind, as it has done in the past. The Government are considering what arrangement should apply in the future for settling the pay of various public service groups, such as nurses. We shall be bringing forward our proposals in due course.

National Economic Development Office

Q1.

asked the Prime Minister when next she intends to take the chair of NEDO.

Will the Prime Minister consider the possibility of reducing the hostility that she may encounter when she meets members of the Economic Council by considering their deep concern that British manufacturers are now having to pay as much as 10 per cent. more than their Continental competitors for fixed interest loans? Is not this the time for her to tell the country that no more shall we go down this road of high interest rates, thus giving British manufacturers a chance to borrow money at rates of interest equal to those on the Continent and thereby avoiding the slump that is facing all of us?

There are many Continental practices that one would like to assume in this country, including the Continentals' tendency not to spend money that they have not got. As the hon. Gentleman knows, on the scale on which Governments have to borrow at present there is a tendency to have to have high interest rates to get the money. Therefore, the answer is to reduce public expenditure as a proportion of national income.

Will my right hon. Friend be in a position, when she next meets the members of the National Economic Development Council, to report to them on the progress that the Government have made with their plans for a more wide-ranging and well-informed consultation body, either within NEDO or elsewhere, to bring about a more realistic understanding of exactly what the economy can stand and of public sector pay bargaining?

I hope that the consultation will take place on the basis of the Neddy organisation, because that is now a well-tried one and I think that we are likely to get the best results through it. It is important that all consultations take place on the basis of full and frank facts. People must be brought to face reality, both in their wage claims and in their demands for expenditure.

Does the right hon. Lady recall telling the House earlier this year that interest rates at 14 per cent. would impose an intolerable burden on home buyers and small businesses?

How will the right hon. Lady explain to the National Economic Development Council that industrial performance will improve, when she has saddled this country with the highest inflation and the lowest output in the industrial world, and is proposing to saddle it on Thursday with the highest interest and mortgage rates in British history?

The right hon. Gentleman still holds the record for the highest inflation rate ever reached in Britain. He and, in particular, his former Chief Secretary know that, if their level of public expenditure had gone ahead, interest rates would have been right up and inflation rates next year would have been even higher than those we have at present. The right hon. Gentleman knows that if we are to get interest rates down we must get public expenditure down as a proportion of national income.

Is the right hon. Lady telling us that next year public expenditure will be a lower percentage of gross domestic product than this year? If so, she has a view that is not shared by anybody else in the country.

I am telling the right hon. Gentleman that in the words of his former Chief Secretary:

"We have to face the unpalatable fact that with, at best, low rates of economic growth, and at worst, nil or even negative growth, public expenditure cuts will be necessary."

Will the right hon. Lady answer one of the questions I have asked her in the past few minutes?

We are embarking on a sustained programme of trying to get down public expenditure as a proportion of national income. That is the right programme for Britain.

If my right hon. Friend has consultations about a wider economic forum based on Neddy, will she consider ways in which the representation of employees on that body might be more representative than that provided by the TUC?

I shall always consider trying to get broader representation. Every time we increase the representation, there are demands for still more. It is not easy to have discussions in a very large body. We have to keep it comparatively small.

Prime Minister (Engagements)

Q2.

asked the Prime Minister if she will list her official engagements for 13 November.

This morning I was present when Her Majesty the Queen welcomed President Suharto of Indonesia. In addition to my duties in this House, I shall be having meetings with ministerial colleagues and others, including one with the Foreign Minister of the Republic of Zaire. This evening, I shall attend a State banquet given by the Queen for President Suharto.

Will the right hon. Lady take time today to reflect on our membership of the European Economic Community? Is she not aware that current problems, such as the exporting of lamb and the Community budget, are continuing manifestations of the creeping political paralysis that is crippling our power to make our own decisions? When these problems have gone away, there will be others. Will she make arrangements for the holding of another referendum asking the people of this country whether they wish to withdraw from the Community?

The answer to the last part of the hon. Gentleman's question is "No, Sir". I reflect very hard on the problems we experience with the Community. I am doubly anxious to get a substantial reduction of our contribution at Dublin. This will have the effect of helping to get down our public expenditure next year.

Does not my right hon. Friend agree that jumping to ridiculous conclusions that we might have to withdraw from the Community to resolve a short-term financial and economic problem goes too far? Is there not now an increasing willingness on the part of other member States to solve our budget problems?

I hope that my hon. Friend is right. But if the Community could find the sum without us, it can find it with us there.

Should not the Prime Minister take time today to consider how she wishes to explain to the British people her hints last night about rising interest rates and the Chancellor of the Exchequer's warning yesterday against the expectations of further tax cuts in next year's Budget. Does she agree that these developments are not providing the economic picture that her Government's economic policies are designed to produce?

The answer is simple. We cannot go on spending money the nation does not earn. Those who wish to spend more must become interested in incentives, so that the nation can first earn more.

With the NATO Defence Ministers meeting in The Hague today, will the Prime Minister take this splendid opportunity of making a positive response to President Brezhnev's recent call for arms limitation by refusing to allow the United Kingdom to be a base for a new generation of American missiles?

Judging by what Pravda has already said about me, the Russians think that I have made a positive response. It is important that we negotiate from strength, bring up to date our theatre nuclear forces and make decisions by the end of this year in the NATO Alliance.

Reverting to the question of the EEC budget, is the Prime Minister aware, taking account of what she said last night and her other statements, that not only her personal prestige is involved in the Dublin summit but the whole reputation of this country for meaning what it says? Will she take account of that fact and make plain that she means what she says? Will she make plain that there will be no resiling and retreat in a few weeks' time? If she needs any help in taking powers to carry out the meaning of her own words, she has only to look across the Chamber to find it.

Will the Prime Minister take time to consider the report of the "Nawala" decision, to be found in today's issue of The Times, on trade union immunities? Will she consider the threat, in the light of that decision, by the International Transport Workers Federation to black every vessel flying a flag of convenience, that employs Asian crews, coming to this country? Will she also consider the effect on job prospects in the North-East and the North-West, in our ports, shipyards and ship repair yards, of the threat by the ITF?

I believe that case is one that involves the definition of furtherance of trade dispute. I know that it is causing a good deal of worry about jobs for the reason that my hon. Friend gave. A judgment is due by the House of Lords on another case along similar lines. We must await that judgment before finally deciding what is the law and what needs to done about it. I must therefore give my hon. Friend a temporising answer until we know the precise state of the law. I have observed the problems that would arise if the judgment went unchanged by later law.

Q3.

asked the Prime Minister if she will list her official engagements for 13 November.

While the Prime Minister was in the City last night with those who are earning our invisible exports, which have so often come to the rescue of our balance of payments, she no doubt ruminated on the grisly fact that our invisibles this year have been wiped out and pushed into the red by our outsize contribution to the Common Market. Will she assure the House that, come what may in Dublin, she will demand and insist upon a broad balance of our payments with those of other countries which must mean a rebate of £1 billion plus to this country?

I have used the very argument that the hon. Gentleman employs when I have been putting our case on the Continent. The City of London is earning heavily on invisible exports but, as soon as it is earned, a lot of extra money goes out to Europe. That is why we shall have a very interesting and difficult summit at Dublin. I am prepared for it. We cannot go on next year, in 1980–81, making a £1 billion net contribution to Europe. We just cannot. It is unfair and inequitable.

Will my right hon. Friend explain, following the intervention of the hon. Member for Sheffield, Attercliffe (Mr. Duffy), how it is possible to reduce taxes without reducing public expenditure and increasing gross national product?

I do not try to embark on the impossible by trying to convince some Labour Members.

Without commenting on the "Panorama" programme, which is being specially investigated by Scotland Yard, will the Prime Minister reaffirm the freedom and independence of the BBC? Will she assure the House that the Government intend in no way to interfere with that freedom and independence?

Of course, as the right hon. Gentleman knows, the BBC is independent of Government in its selection of news and the programmes that it puts out. But when we get incidents of the kind that was reported the other day, the Government also have a duty to express an opinion, and to express it vigorously.

Sir Lancelot Mallalieu

I have a brief statement to make. I have this day written on behalf of the House to Lady Mallalieu expressing our sympathy at the death of Sir Lancelot Mallalieu, who served this House as Deputy Speaker for several years. He served the House with infinite patience and good humour and he sought to maintain the highest traditions that surround this Chair. Sir Lancelot Mallalieu was held in high esteem by hon. Members on both sides of the House, and we salute his memory as one who was a true and faithful servant of the Commons.

Opposition Front Bench Speakers

On a point of order, Mr. Speaker. May I ask you about what seems to be a new practice that has developed in recent weeks, which does not seem to me to add to the elegance of our proceedings? I refer to the manner in which occupants of the Opposition Front Bench seem to indulge in the practice of raising their hands to catch your eye, as if they were seeking access to the toilet. Is there any good reason why right hon. and hon. Members on the Opposition Front Bench should not seek to catch your eye like the rest of us, by rising in their places?

I believe that it was Stanley Baldwin who said that Mr. Speaker's eye was the most elusive object in the world. All sorts of devices are used by hon. Members to catch my eye, but as yet I have not seen anyone hold up his hand.

Select Committees (Notices Of Motions)

On a point of order, Mr. Speaker. I seek your guidance on the opportunities that exist for Back-Bench Members to amend, discuss or generally debate notices of motions that appear upon the Order Paper for this day's sitting. I have particularly in mind the opportunities for hon. Members on both sides of the House to discuss the contents of motions Nos. 26 to 39 relating to the composition of the Select Committees of this House. For example, I feel that if an opportunity were given for hon. Members to discuss the criteria by which the Committee of Selection made its choices, and the information that was given to it, it would be of great help to many hon. Members.

How the Select Committee does its work is, of course, a matter for the Select Committee and the House, but not for me. No doubt the hon. Gentleman will have an opportunity to express his opinion on the motions when they come before the House.

Shotton

With permission, Mr. Speaker, I should like to make a statement on Shotton.

The British Steel Corporation announced its decision last Friday to end iron and steel making at Shotton. All concerned will want to do everything possible to provide alternative employment opportunities throughout the area affected by the closure.

The Government have decided that, subject to the necessary approval by the European Commission, the Shotton travel-to-work area will be upgraded to special development area status as soon as possible. My right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for Industry will be making the necessary arrangements. This will be of substantial benefit to the area, and firms in the area or to be located there will now be eligible for the highest rates of regional incentive as are firms in the Wrexham travel-to-work area, where about 9 per cent. of the Shotton work force reside and which was upgraded to special development area status last July.

As a special development area Shotton would continue to be eligible for assistance from the European regional development fund towards infrastructure and industrial projects and also, as a steel closure area, from the non-quota section of the fund and from the European Coal and Steel Community.

The Manpower Services Commission has made contingency arrangements drawing on experience gained at earlier major steel closures in Wales. These will be put into immediate effect and include the provision of a special jobcentre in the works with augmented advisory and counselling services. For workers seeking retraining, over 4,500 training places in a wide variety of TOPS courses are available at skillcentres, colleges and on employers' premises in Clwyd, Cheshire and Merseyside.

The area has already benefited from substantial investment for the provision of infrastructure and industrial estates by the Welsh Development Agency, local authorities and BSC (Industry) Ltd. In particular, the Welsh Development Agency and BSC (Industry) Ltd. have spent or committed over £6 million on the development of 300 acres at the Dee-side industrial park. A start on factory building has already been made; 17 factories are under construction or completed—15 of these have been formerly allocated—while work is going ahead on further site preparation. On present information nearly 1,000 jobs are expected to arise over the next three or four years in the Shotton travel-to-work area from projects under way or planned and over 2,000 in the Wrexham travel-to-work area. In addition, the area has been chosen, as my hon. Friend the Under-Secretary of State for Energy said last Thursday, for a major oil-from-coal pilot project at Point of Ayr colliery. This is a welcome development for the area, which in the medium-term will add to the range and number of job opportunities in Deeside.

Communications in the Shotton and Deeside area will be substantially improved by schemes in the Department of Transport and Welsh Office trunk road programmes. In particular, work is under way on the extension of the M56 motorway westwards, which will bring the motorway very close to the Deeside industrial park. Opportunities will be taken for upgrading communications between the Shotton area and Wrexham and the Midlands.

Every effort will be made to attract and establish new industrial developments in the area. I see it as a main task of the Welsh Development Agency to complete the site infrastructure and services on land in its ownership at the Deeside industrial park and to make an early start on the building of advance factories in the area affected by closure. I am therefore making additional resources available to the Agency. But I also see it as essential to engage private sector support, and the course and scale of public expenditure will depend on how quickly this can be obtained. Meanwhile, I am asking the Agency to plan its provision of sites and factory space on the basis of further expenditure of up to £15 million over the next three or four years. Work is already under way in the job of obtaining private sector finance, which will enable new development to take place on the scale required while reducing the cost to the taxpayer.

A substantial and sustained effort will be required to attract new business into the area and encourage existing businesses to expand, but the strategic locational advantages of Deeside, the enhanced regional incentives available from special development area status, the provision of serviced industrial sites and factories and the availability of a willing, adaptable and responsible labour force provide the basis for the successful regeneration of the wider Deeside area.

Irrespective of the contents of the statement, does the right hon. Gentleman accept that if 7,000 unemployed Shotton steel workers join the dole queue next March, the Government will bear the ultimate responsibility? I welcome that part of the statement which is, in fact, a catalogue of the achievements of the previous Labour Government and the plans that they had in that area. I also welcome the decision to grant special development area status, which is essential if any area such as Shotton is to deal with the problems that it now faces.

However, on its own, as the right hon. Gentleman said, that will not be enough. It will need a rapid mobilisation of resources, both financial and physical, from a variety of organisations such as local authorities, the Welsh Development Agency, the British Steel Corporation, the Government and many Government agencies. The most disappointing part of the statement is the miserable sum of £15 million to be allocated over three or four years. It is a pathetic contribution when we bear in mind the size of the problem facing not only Shotton but the whole of North Wales.

I trust that the right hon. Gentleman will make it quite clear that the £15 million is a first instalment and that more—in the order of £50 million—will be needed. Will he confirm that the additional money will be extra Exchequer money and will not be filched from other Welsh programmes or areas?

Our experience in Ebbw Vale clearly demonstrated the need for a special organisation, such as our monitoring committee, to supervise and co-ordinate the activities of those involved in attracting new industry and training to Shotton. Will the Secretary of State establish such an organisation and ensure that it is chaired by a Minister from the Welsh Office?

Local authorities will lose rateable value as a result of the Shotton closure. Considerable rate income will be lost. What assessment has the Secretary of State made of those losses and what steps will be take to compensate local authorities?

I note the comments of the right hon. Gentleman about the responsibilities of this Government. I also note that the former Secretary of State for Industry on 22 May 1978 said that the policy of the then Labour Government was that the British Steel Corporation should break even by the financial year 1979–80. That undertaking was repeated in the Labour Government's public expenditure White Paper in January 1979. This Government have carried that undertaking forward for a year and we are doing no more than the previous Government asked of the Corporation.

In the last two years of the Labour Government nearly 24,000 jobs were lost in the steel industry as a result of closures. I am grateful for the welcome given to the work and the contribution of the WDA, though I agree with the right hon. Gentleman that we shall need the contribution of a variety of agencies. He talked about a miserable sum of money and put in a bid 50 per cent. higher than that made by Clwyd county council. That authority's bid was based on assumptions that I do not entirely accept and on expectations of an increase in population carried forward to 1991.

I must make it absolutely clear that the £15 million is additional to resources already available from the budget of the Welsh Development Agency and from the resources of BSC (Industry) Ltd. I have also emphasised the very important contribution that we believe can be made by the private sector. It is not true to suggest, as the right hon. Gentleman did, that the £15 million indicates a limit on what is possible if all these agencies and the private sector are combined. I assure him that the money has not been filched from other programmes. The £15 million is additional to the resources made available to the WDA, and though I expect the WDA to concentrate its efforts on areas with the greatest problems—the SDAs and the development areas—I would also expect it to maintain its programme in existing steel closure areas.

The right hon. Gentleman asked about a task force. We are in the closest possible contact with all organisations involved, including the local authorities. I have seen them, and I and my officials will continue to see them. I am taking a close personal interest in every development and I do not think that much will be gained, at present, by the creation of a task force. I will continue to keep an open mind on that point however.

Concerning rateable values, the right hon. Gentleman will be aware that there is an adjustment mechanism in the rate support system, though I acknowledge that it takes a year or so to take full effect. My judgment is that it is right to concentrate public expenditure on the creation of infrastructure and new factories rather than in the direction suggested.

Is my right hon. Friend aware that the measures that he has just announced will alleviate some anxieties and demonstrate that the Government are accepting their responsibilities for a very large number of lost jobs as a result of the closure of a State enterprise? Is he further aware that the problem is essentially a short-term one, in that the area is extremely attractive to incoming industrialists, but that there is urgent need of first-aid measures? Will orthodox Treasury methods of controlling local government expenditure inhibit the ability of local authorities to finance industrial development by methods other than recourse to central borrowing agencies, which some local authorities have recently been successfully employing in the creation of jobs in the area?

I agree that the area will be very attractive for other industries. No work force in the country has enjoyed a higher reputation, over many years, than that at Shotton. I believe that that will be an attraction. There is also a notable improvement taking place in communications. Shotton will be very close to the end of the M56. The links through Cheshire and on through the Chester southern bypass and the Hawarden bypass will further improve communications. As to my hon. Friend's specific question, I believe that the proposals that the Government are putting forward for the control of capital expenditure will give greater freedom to local authorities, within overall totals, to decide how they spend their capital.

An appalling risk has been sanctioned by the Government in their proposal to put 6,300 workers on the dole within three months and I still hope that the Government will rethink their position. Will the Secretary of State return to the request for a task force, which should be led by one of his Under-Secretaries, so that day-to-day supervision may be exercised? Will he tell the House specifically how many new factories, with guaranteed new jobs, are planned for next year? His three-to-four year estimate of 1,000 jobs is pie in the sky for the thousands of workers who will be on the dole next year. This was a weakness—though a crucial point—in his statement. Whilst welcoming the special development area status, I believe that the right hon. Gentleman's proposal falls well short of the demand of the local council for a £38 million package and over 1,500,000 square feet of advance factory space.

How safe is the Wrexham to Birkenhead railway line? Will the Wirral motorway be linked with the A55? I support the view of my right hon. Friend the Member for Rhondda (Mr. Jones) that the package is disappointing. Did the Secretary of State fail to push all his measures through Cabinet?

We shall continue to listen to proposals for a task force. It may not be as welcome, from the hon. Gentleman's point of view, as having one of my Under-Secretaries doing the job, but at the moment I am doing the job myself and giving the operation the closest personal attention. Though I think that the task forces in Ebbw Vale and East Moors undoubtedly had an impact as far as confidence was concerned I do not know that they have made all that much difference in relation to the developments that have taken place, but we are certainly prepared to look at the proposal.

I cannot give the hon. Gentleman a precise figure for the number of jobs during the coming 12 months, but it is encouraging that in the two travel-to-work areas most affected there are 3,000 jobs in the pipeline from current projects before any new efforts are made. That suggests that the area is attractive. As to the money being well short of the figure proposed by the local authority, that authority put forward two figures. The first figure was £28 million, excluding the fifth phase of the factory building programme. The second figure was £33 million, including that phase. I have announced planning permission for an additional £15 million.

The Welsh Development Agency and BSC (Industry) Ltd. will allocate further resources. We believe that a major contribution can be made by private investment, by making use of the Agency's existing assets and by disposing of factories to tenants as they are built. In the long run this will have a major impact on the scale of what is achieved.

I shall write to the hon. Gentleman about the rail link, since that is a matter for the Minister of Transport. We are pressing on with the completion of the M56 link and a number of important improvements are taking place near the Queensferry interchange, which will improve the links there. We are progressing with the statutory procedures for the Hawarden bypass, which should begin early in 1981. The link between the M56 and the A55 is scheduled, but I cannot give a date. That is the responsibility of the Minister of Transport and I shall write to the hon. Gentleman about it.

Order. A short debate is to follow on the textile industry, and many hon. Members have an interest in that. However, if hon. Members are brief I hope to call all those who have already indicated their desire to ask a question.

Does my right hon. Friend accept that the proposals will be welcomed in the area, since they go some way to meet the anxieties of those who work at Shotton? However, I must press my right hon. Friend about the Bidston-Wrexham railway line. Will he make representations to the Minister of Transport and convince him that this is a vital lifeline for the area? Will he repudiate the rumours that that line is to be closed? Is encouragement being given to private enterprise to take over the important Shotton works?

I shall examine the question of the rail link to Wrexham. There are plans for the improvement of the road links from the Chester southern bypass to Wrexham and for improvements in the Wrexham area. The Minister of State made it clear yesterday that the Government will certainly consider any serious propositions that do not involve public expenditure. We must face the reality that there is considerable overcapacity in the steel industry. One must consider the viability of any proposition against that background.

Does the Minister recognise that packages such as he has just announced will not end the problems of Shotton and the rest of the steel industry? Will he consider introducing controls to curtail the import of steel and steel-related products? Does he agree that such a policy would put people back into work and help Britain's balance of payments?

I have no doubt that the most important aspect for the future of the steel industry, not least in Wales, is that the steel industry should be fully competitive. I welcome the notable improvement in recent months at Llanwern, where there has been a sharp upturn in productivity. I also welcome the similar pattern that is emerging at Port Talbot. Such progress represents the best solution for the steel industry.

Does my right hon. Friend agree that the best way to secure employment in the steel industry in the Shotton area is, as my hon. Friend the Member for Wirral (Mr. Hunt) suggested, to encourage private sector investment in the Shotton plant? If the British Steel Corporation opposes such a proposal, will my right hon. Friend consider using the powers in the Competition Bill, since a refusal to sell one of the BSC plants would be an anti-competitive action?

Not only are the Government willing to examine such propositions; we have initiated inquiries in that direction. We have had discussions about the possibilities, but they have come to nothing so far. The Government are prepared to consider any proposals.

Will the right hon. Gentleman consult the Manpower Services Commisison's Welsh office with a view to restoring the cuts in services at the Wrexham training centre? Will he also consider substantially increasing the range of services provided at that training centre?

I have already had discussions with the Manpower Services Commission. I am satisfied that it will be able to meet the likely demand arising from the closure. Our experience at East Moors and Ebbw Vale suggests that the demand will not be overwhelming. The response in those areas was a little disappointing in terms of the amount of retraining demanded.

Does my right hon. Friend not find it ironic that the £15 million and the further sums from other sources to be spent in the next few years is about the same as the capital investment required to make Shotton profitable? Will he consider carefully any serious propositions to take over Shotton that are made by private interests? If there is a serious interest in taking over Shotton, will my right hon. Friend bring to the attention of his colleagues the fact that there must have been something wrong with BSC's attitude towards Shotton in the last few years?

It is unrealistic to suggest that investment on the scale suggested would have made Shotton profitable. Shotton is likely to lose about £40 million in the current year. The British Steel Corporation envisages that an investment of £40 million would improve profitability by only £7 million. We shall examine any proposals from the private sector.

Is the Secretary of State aware that last week's announcement by the BSC came as a severe blow to the Welsh people, especially those living in the Shotton area? Is the Secretary of State aware that although I welcome many of the proposals, I am a little worried about the future of the young people in the area? What plans has he to safeguard the interests of the school leavers in the next five years? Has he any plans to meet those in the private sector who are interested in purchasing the whole works? If such a proposal is made, will he postpone the closure?

We all share the hon. Gentleman's anxiety about the future of the young people. I have outlined some of the measures that we intend to introduce to attract fresh jobs to the area. I emphasise that Shotton has much to offer. It is an ideal site, it has good communications, and a work force with a high reputation. Those are the aspects that we must sell. I know of no specific proposals by the private sector, so I am unable to meet anyone in that connection.

Does the Secretary of State accept that about 10,000 new jobs are necessary to meet the jobs lost by the closure of Shotton, taking into account the direct and indirect effects of the closure? Does he accept that the 3,000 jobs in the pipeline are already needed because of the high unemployment in the area? Does he agree that about £100 million investment is needed, albeit not all from the public sector?

Will the Secretary of State undertake to provide more than £15 million if he finds that that is not enough? Does he accept that an area wider than the Shot-ton travel-to-work area will be affected by the closure and that large areas of Clwyd and Gwynedd will be affected? Will he examine the full effects of the closure throughout the area?

On the best advice that I can obtain, I believe that the hon. Gentleman's estimates are too high. Indeed, they are higher than those produced by the Clwyd council. Experience at East Moors and Ebbw Vale tends to confirm that the estimates are too high. I accept that the consequences will be widespread, We shall give consideration to them. The fact that we have been willing to upgrade demonstrates that we are prepared to respond to changing circumstances. We shall always consider the circumstances as they develop.

The Merseyside group of Labour Members, which has always supported my hon. Friend the Member for Flint, East (Mr. Jones) in his long and valiant battle on behalf of the Shotton workers, will be disappointed with the total package. Does the Secretary of State realise that although we fully support the upgrading of Shotton to special development area status the area will be competing with Merseyside, where there is already a serious unemployment problem?

I understand the hon. Gentleman's fears. I do not believe that a successful regeneration of the Shotton area will harm Merseyside. I take a contrary view. If we have a successful and healthy economic area close by, the reverberations will spread out. As I have said, the Shotton work force has an enviable reputation. Areas can sell themselves on the qualities and facilities that they have to offer. In the long run that applies to Merseyside as much as to Shotton.

Is not this ragbag of non-events another example of the right hon. Gentleman's failure to win any meaningful battle for Wales within the Cabinet? Does not he realise that the Government's abandonment of the industrial development certificate control already condemns to failure the proposals that he has put forward? If any marginal value is achieved from his proposals, is it not a fact that that will inevitably be at the expense of the areas of need to the west of Shotton and of Merseyside?

Is it not the cruellest of deceptions to pretend that the Government are willing to contemplate a solution through the private purchase and production of steel at Shotton, when the Secretary of State for Industry has indicated that no funds would be available for that purpose—not even those that would normally be available for alternative job creation in a special development area, and that if a proposal came forward it would have to be subject to the approval of the BSC? Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that only two weeks ago the Prime Minister told the Welsh TUC that in her opinion Shotton had to close because the saving of Shotton would have adverse repercussions that would be unacceptable, in the Government's view, for the rest of the Corporation?

My hon. Friend the Minister of State, Department of Industry made it clear yesterday that the Government would consider representations on their merits. My hon. Friend did not indicate that there would be a veto from the Corporation, although it is necessary to take into account overcapacity in the steel industry. It would be madness for any Government to fail to do so The right hon. Gentleman's suggestion was characteristically unconstructive. He argued that any success that we may have from what he described as our rag-bag of measures will have an unfortunate effect on neighbouring areas. Presumably if we had put more money into Shotton the effect on neighbouring areas would have been even greater. I am not sure what the right hon. Gentleman is suggesting. He also referred to industrial development control. The high level of inquiries, interest and new companies coming to Wales suggests that what he is saying is completely untrue.

Welsh Affairs

Ordered,

That the matter of the Economy of Wales, being a matter relating exclusively to Wales, be referred to the Welsh Grand Committee for their consideration.—[Mr. Nicholas Edwards.]

Statutory Instruments, &C

By leave of the House, I shall put together the Questions on the four motions relating to statutory instruments.

Ordered,

That the Gas Hereditaments (Rateable Values) (Amendment) Order 1979 be referred to a Standing Committee on Statutory Instruments, &c.
That the draft Housing Corporation Advances (Increase of Limit) Order 1979 be referred to a Standing Committee on Statutory Instruments, &c.
That the draft Building Regulations (Northern Ireland) Order 1979 be referred to a Standing Committee on Statutory Instruments, &c.
That the draft Nursing Qualifications (EEC Recognition) Order 1979 be referred to a Standing Committee on Statutory Instruments, &c.—[Mr. Cope.]

Rights Of Private Tenants

4.3 pm

I beg to move,

That leave be given to bring in a Bill to confer on tenants of privately owned property the opportunity to become owner occupiers of the property concerned, and to require owners of privately rented property to install inside sanitation whenever that property has a life-expectancy of five years or more.
About 200 years ago Thomas Spence argued that the ultimate logic of the private possession of real property
"is that the landlord can oblige every living creature to remove off his property; so of consequence were all the landlords to be of one mind, all the rest of mankind might go to heaven if they would, for there would be no place for them here."
Thomas Spence was arguing that the security that landlords have should be extended to all. Only ownership of property can be true security.

Today over 9 million British homes are private rented properties, 45 per cent. of the population are tenants, nearly 3 million properties are in the private sector and 13·9 per cent, of the population live as tenants in private property. Their rights have not greatly improved since the days of Thomas Spence. They do not have control over their own homes or immediate surroundings. Ultimately the landlord determines many matters affecting his tenant's daily life.

The Bill seeks to give tenants the same rights that are to be conferred on council tenants by the Government later in the year. It amounts to discrimination, and it goes against every elementary principle of justice not to extend the same rights to the tenants of private landlords. Not to do so is to apply double standards.

If the Bill were enacted, landlords would receive the market value for the property, with such factors as the length of tenure and improvements and repairs undertaken by tenants being taken into account when fixing the price. A discount system similar to that being given to council tenants would also be available for private tenants wishing to become home owners.

The benefits for Britain in creating a great property owning democracy would be untold. Democracy's weaknesses lie at its roots. Its failures may be found in different degrees of indifference, inactivity and unwillingness to accept responsibility. There is no better way of strengthening democracy than the creation of a nation in which each person has a stake in the community through the ownership of his own home. Equally there can be no surer way to undermine democracy than to confer that right on some tenants in the public sector but refuse to do so in the private sector. That is deliberately divisive.

Many private tenants have lived in their homes all their lives, as their parents did before them and their grandparents before them. However, they do not own one brick, although they have paid their rents religiously over three generations. The Bill will liberate many hundreds of thousands of tenants who want the opportunity to own their own homes without having to move to a different house in a different district. Where there is multi-occupation, the Bill will confirm a statutory right to establish co-operatives.

The Bill embraces different localities and different circumstances—for example, seaside landladies and resident owner-occupiers renting spare rooms. In those instances property will be excluded from the terms of the Bill. Local authorities will be empowered to determine the suitability of the Bill's powers in the context of their local housing needs. Liberals are arguing that that should apply to the Government's new housing Bill. In Liverpool, where 32 per cent, of all property is still privately rented, the Bill will create the right balance between rented and owner-occupier property.

The second major area covered by the Bill concerns the standard of property that remains in the private rented sector. There are still about 1½ million homes without inside toilets and bathrooms and a supply of running hot water. In the 1880s Octavia Hill, and other great reformers who were concerned to improve the housing of the working class, adopted as a standard the assumption that privies and a water tap could be shared by several households on the same landing. They considered it justifiable for a family with several children to live in one room.

We have moved on since the 1880s. A council tenant living in a brand new Parker Morris house has toilets upstairs and downstairs. The Bill will make it compulsory for landlords to provide at least one inside toilet. That will eliminate the appalling indignity that hundreds of thousands of elderly people will suffer this winter as they skate across ice in the middle of the night to find an outside loo. These are the children of the soldiers who were promised homes fit for heroes to live in. Some photographs that have been given to me by Shelter prove that there are people still living in squalid and totally unacceptable housing conditions.

The Bill will also make it compulsory for any landlord owning a property with more than a five-year life expectancy to provide inside sanitation. If he is not prepared to do so, it is my contention that he is not fit to be a private landlord. The Bill will create a right to have repairs carried out and for tenants to be able to undertake repairs and to charge landlords who have refused to do the work.

Such reforms and simplification of procedure have been promised for years and are long overdue. Reform was first mooted in June 1977 in the "Housing Policy: A Consultative Document", Cmnd. 6851, which stated:
"Local authorities have powers to compel improvements and repair of unsatisfactory housing, but the procedures involved are complex and cumbersome. They will be examined with a view to making them simpler and more effective."
In August 1978, the Department of the Environment consultation paper on home improvements and repairs stated:
"The proposal to examine existing procedures for compulsory improvement with a view to simplification was welcomed by all respondents, who criticised present procedures as laborious, cumbersome and complicated."
In April 1979 the Association of Metropolitan Authorities, in a submission to a panel of Members of Parliament examining the new Conservative proposals, wrote:
"More immediate powers are required to integrate compulsory procedures with grant legislation. The best way of achieving this objective is to compel owners to provide basic amenities in the same way as they can at present order repairs to fit or unfit houses."
The Bill meets those requirements. It will give tenants home rule and the chance to have ownership, a stake in their community and a genuine say in the running of their own homes. Nothing is more basic than that. It also aims to provide them with basic amenities which in this day and age should be theirs by right.

Question put and agreed to.

Bill ordered to be brought in by Mr. David Alton.

Rights Of Private Tenants

Mr. David Alton accordingly presented a Bill to confer on tenants of privately owned property the opportunity to become owner occupiers of the property concerned, and to require owners of privately rented property to install inside sanitation whenever that property has a life-expectancy of five years or more: And the same was read the First time; and ordered to be read a Second time upon Friday 7 December and to be printed. [Bill 77.]

Orders Of The Day

Supply

[5TH ALLOTTED DAY]— considered.

Regional Aid

Before I call the right hon. Member for Deptford (Mr. Silkin), may I say that there are 20 hon. Members who have direct constituency concerns in the textile industry? As the House is aware, we have already lost time. It is possible for those hon. Members who have a constituency interest to be called only if speeches should last less than 10 minutes as the debate will finish, I presume, at about 7 o'clock.

4.12 pm

I beg to move,

That this House condemns Her Majesty's Government's policy of reduction in financial aid to the regions and its failure adequately to support industries such as wool and textiles, which are the victims of unfair competition, or to deal with the consequent unemployment occasioned by this failure.
We are about to discuss an industry which is one of the most important in our country and which employs nearly 809,000 people. It is a bigger employer than steel and coal put together. Last year the industry's sales totalled £8 billion and its exports totalled over £2 billion. What is happening to the industry is something in the nature of a catastrophe.

The crude trade balances this year have shown an appalling deterioration. Whether in textile fibres, textile yarns or clothing, they are all showing the same disastrous trends. The total deficit in the first six months of this year was over £550 million. The trend is accelerating. With that trend are coming major closures and redundancies affecting families in various parts of the United Kingdom who are in no way able to cope with the situation.

In the past six months there have been large losses in employment in the fibre sector. Courtaulds Ltd. has started a series of closures totalling more than 5,000 jobs. Monsanto Ltd, in Dun-donald has lost 1,500 jobs. ICI has reduced its fibre work force, or proposes to do so, by an average of 4 per cent. a year. In the wool sector, in this year alone, 4,500 jobs have been lost, and the list is growing. Between July and August, one month, in this year, according to the latest figures, the textile and clothing industry suffered a loss of 5,000 jobs. There is no reason to believe that that effect will grow any less in the months ahead.

People in the rest of the country do not see the industry in the terms in which they see perhaps Shotton or Corby, where whole towns are being massacred, because this is a scattered industry. I quoted the large scale closures and redundancies, but they are going on in much smaller works all over the stricken areas. We are dealing with a series of Corbys and Shottons. If the trend goes on, in West Yorkshire alone the collapse could cost 52,000 jobs.

This is not an industry that pays excessive wages, whatever that may mean, to its workers. On the contrary, it is a low-paid industry. This is not an industry of the kind about which we are told, often erroneously, that strikes and industrial unrest are causing all the trouble. On the contrary, industrial relationships in this industry have been extremely good for more than two generations.

What are the reasons for its decline? There are immediate reasons, for which the Government are responsible, whatever other reasons there may be. The Budget and the increase in VAT to 15 per cent. meant an immediate decline in consumer demand. What is left of the consumer demand is going far too largely to foreign imports and not to our own products. In their Budget the Government doubled the rate of VAT, although members of the Conservative Party promised in the election campaign that they would not do so. They raised interest rates to their highest level in the history of our country. They are engaging in a bank credit squeeze of unparalleled proportions. While all that is going on, there are effects on an industry which exported £2 billion worth of goods last year. The Secretary of State for Trade may laugh, but I wonder what his prophecy of this year's exports will be. Last year they totalled £2 billion. With a strong pound and the recent deliberate collapse of exchange controls—

As I have only a few minutes in which to speak, I shall not give way.

I have referred to the reasons for the decline and the Government's contribution to the crisis that is upon us. However, there is a deeper crisis, and again one to which the Government are contributing. In the last election, the Conservative manifesto said:
"We will vigorously oppose all kinds of dumping and other unfair … practices that undermine jobs at home."
The Tories had to say that because the then Secretary of State was busy trying to deal with these matters in Brussels at the time.

Man-made fibres are not only an important part of the industry in their own right. They have a kind of domino effect on other parts of the industry. As we know, the clothes that we wear are often partly man-made fibres and partly wool or cotton. In the past two years, imports of man-made fibres from the United States, which were running at a rate of about $20 million two years ago, increased to over $200 million in the first six months of this year. Due—let us be frank about it—to dramatically lower oil costs, both in oil feedstock and in energy usage, but which are the result of a deliberate dual pricing, added to an unfair cheap oil price in the first place, the difference in some of the products—not all—is as high as 30 per cent. While that advantage is given to United States man-made fibres, the United States has a tariff of 40 per cent, in many cases against our products, and against the EEC tariff of about 13 per cent. That is the first factor.

The second factor affects associates under various EEC agreements, particularly Greece, Spain, Portugal and Turkey. These are areas of low cost, low wage industries—even lower than our own—which are competing unfairly with ours.

There is also the problem of outward processing in Greece and Portugal, and the habit looks as though it is likely to spread. Outward processing, which merely means that the goods are finished cheaply in another country and then re-imported, is actively encouraged by the Commission which does not count it against the limits for normal imports, except in the case of the United Kingdom, thanks to my right hon. Friend the Member for Lanarkshire, North (Mr. Smith). Unfortunately, my right hon. Friend ceased to occupy his position in May of this year. Although the United Kingdom is the only country in the EEC to have this benefit, fully processed clothes enter the EEC and are then exported to the United Kingdom as EEC products.

I hope that the hon. Member for Ripon (Dr. Hampson) will not interrupt. I must watch the time. Interruptions help to prevent other hon. Members from speaking.

The right hon. Member for Deptford (Mr. Silkin) gave way and then kept talking.

I acted out of natural courtesy when the hon. Member rose to his feet and wanted to tell him so.

I now turn to the question of direct and unfair competition from inside the EEC. I have never had a satisfactory answer to the simple question "What benefit has the EEC ever been to us?" Nor have I had an answer to the second simple question—" What possible benefit do we expect the EEC to give us?" What happens at present within the EEC is directly disadvantageous to the producers and manufacturers in our textile industry. It is happening throughout the EEC. We are all aware of the problem in the Prato area of Italy—the hidden subsidies for wool cloth, the cottage industry and low social security payments.

The problems in the Prato region have been known for years. The right hon. Gentleman's Government tried to deal with them in 1976 and were totally unsuccessful.

That illustrates what a waste of time it is to give way. I said earlier that this was the fault of the EEC because of its inability to introduce fair competition. This is one of the few matters on which the Secretary of State for Trade and I have some measure of agreement.

Competition is unfair because the French give export rebates and freight subsidies to their wool producers. France and the Federal Republic of Germany subsidise worsteds, spinning and weaving. The latter will deny this, but, in fact, it does so through its Länder.

What should be done in the circumstances? There are four steps that are absolutely immediate. First, textiles need protection. The wool textile scheme, under section 8 of the Industry Act 1972, has been a magnificent catalyst for increased productivity and production in the industry. It is interesting to note that the small amount of £16·5 million has generated nearly £87 million worth of investment. That has helped the productivity in textiles to grow much faster over the last decade than in British manufacturing as a whole.

Secondly, the appalling decision of the Government on regional policy must be reversed and the definition of assisted areas changed. I note that in the amendment the Government congratulate themselves on concentrating regional aid in the areas of greatest need. Do not they understand that half the textile industry is in the North-West and West Yorkshire and that to withdraw assisted area status will hit hardest in those areas?

Thirdly, we must press for the renewal of the multi-fibre arrangement in 1981. I notice that the Government again congratulate themselves on their continued support of the MFA. They do not mention 1981. The present arrangement will fall into disuse within a short time. Nor do the Government say anything about strengthening the MFA, which should be done. This is one occasion when the British Government are well behind the Commission in backing British interests.

Fourthly, our industry must be protected from foreign imports. We should do what my right hon. Friend did on 3 April, when he persuaded a reluctant Commission to accept that there had to be some sort of countervailing duties against the United States to deal with the problem. That approach seems to have gone. If that is so, we must achieve unilateral protection against foreign imports.

There is a very good precedent which is worth noting—the way in which the French deal with imports of lamb. We have had a short history lesson from the French about this very industry. Only two years ago, on 20 June 1977, the French restricted textile imports from Third world countries. Three weeks later the Commission was forced to take Community measures replacing those of the French. If we are to safeguard employment we must ensure that as long as we remain in the EEC our textiles are protected. The whole history of this century shows that we are vulnerable to unfair competition in the textile industry. We must be prepared to give our industry the sort of protection we give to agriculture which produces only £3,000 million per year compared with £8,000 million by the textile industry.

This is not a new problem. It has continued throughout this century. I conclude with the words of Joseph Chamberlain in 1905. On this problem he said:
"The manufacturer may save himself—he may invest his capital abroad where profits are higher. But it is not for him that I am chiefly concerned, it is for you—the workers. I say to you the loss of employment means more than the loss of capital to any manufacturer. You cannot live on your investments in a foreign country. You live on the labour of your hands and if that labour is taken from you, you have no recourse except perhaps to learn French or German."
The problem remains with us, yet the Government take no action. Because of the need to reverse these policies, I call on my right hon, and hon. Friends to support the motion in the Division Lobby.

4.28 pm

I beg to move, to leave out from "House" to the end of the Question and to add instead thereof:

"supports the Government's policy of concentrating regional aid in areas of greatest need, and notes with approval its continuing support for the multi-fibre arrangement."
I am sorry to say that the right hon. Member for Deptford (Mr. Silkin) is earning a reputation in the House for being a one-string violin capable of playing only one tune, which is an anti-EEC tune. It is the only speech he makes whatever subject the House happens to be debating.

I do not propose to deal with the right hon. Gentleman's criticisms of our regional policy. My hon. Friend the Under-Secretary of State for Industry will deal with that in detail, if he is able to catch the eye of Mr. Deputy Speaker. It is the responsibility of the Department of Industry.

When we came to power and examined regional policy, we found that 40 per cent, of the working population was entitled to preferential treatment. The more widely one spreads support, the smaller its impact. Moreover, even with such a large coverage the system was manifestly unfair as many places outside the assisted areas had far bigger problems and much greater unemployment than those within. That is why the Government aim to concentrate their regional policy on the areas with really intractable problems and to put real effort into helping them.

I intend to devote most of my speech to dealing with the problems of the textile industry. This is one of the country's largest and most important industries. The right hon. Member for Deptford talked about the industry's achievements in recent years, and I agree that by any standards they have been impressive. At a time of rapid technological change, and in the face of heavy foreign competition, the industry has carried out substantial restructuring, has invested in new equipment and new techniques and has made and is making a valuable contribution to our balance of payments.

The right hon. Member was pessimistic about the contribution that the industry will make this year. But the half-year's figures show a reasonably substantial increase on those of the year before. His pessimistic forecasts may well turn out to be wrong. We accept, as he does, that through co-operation between management and unions, the industry has restructured without great industrial unrest. More than 226,000 people have left the industry without trouble or turmoil in the past 10 years. That is a matter for congratulation to all those in the industry—trade unions and management alike.

Listening to the right hon. Gentleman this afternoon, I gained the impression that he was talking about a once-great industry, struggling for survival in a world in which it can no longer cope. People who talk like that do the industry a grave disservice. Its achievements in rationalising and modernising itself in order to meet the challenge of the last quarter of the twentieth century have been impressive. Its record on labour relations is excellent. Its export record is very good. It achieved exports worth £2,000 million last year and the value is expected to be even more this year.

The question before us today is not the one that the right hon. Gentleman seemed to pose—how do we breathe life into a corpse? It is a question of how the Government can best help an industry which is showing every sign of vigorous life and which has within it some of the most advanced and enterprising firms in the country. Admittedly parts of that industry have severe problems. On that the right hon. Gentleman and I agree.

The right hon. Gentleman called for more positive support for the industry. No doubt that sentiment will be echoed by many other speakers in the debate. Let me describe the type of support that the industry receives at present. The Government accept their continuing duty to this important industry. Under the multi-fibre arrangement, the clothing and textile industries now receive more comprehensive protection than ever before in their history.

Does my hon. Friend accept that there would be an immediate revival of support and encouragement for the industry if he were to give a firm commitment today that the Government would actively renegotiate the multi-fibre arrangement in 1981 and the bilaterals the year after, instead of talking about orderly marketing in such vague terms?

I hope that my hon. Friend will listen carefully to the rest of my speech. The Government are committed to renegotiating the multi-fibre arrangement. The Government accept that there will be orderly marketing arrangements—there is no doubt about that—under the MFA.

The hon. Member is rarely present at trade debates. If he came occasionally, he might know what he was talking about instead of just sitting there muttering. I was about to outline the support the industry now receives.

There are formal bilateral arrangements with no fewer than 27 low cost supplying countries. Under these agreements, all products for which the EEC is a significant customer are under quota. There are arrangements for imposing additional quotas where imports of new products pass certain levels. In addition, there are voluntary restraint arrangements with seven countries in the Mediterranean area which have preferential trade agreements with the EEC. There are autonomous restrictions on Taiwan and on certain State trading countries. All these arrangements, which were negotiated under and approved by the previous Administration, have the full support of the present Government.

The Government have not been backward in maintaining these arrangements. Since we took office in May, seven new quotas have been imposed under the so-called "basket extractor mechanism." New bilateral agreements have been signed with China and Bulgaria and new voluntary restraint arrangements have been concluded with Malta and Cyprus. The European Commission has, at our request, taken safeguard action against Turkey to limit exports of cotton yarn. My right hon. Friends and I have seen representatives of the British Textile Confederation, of the clothing and knitwear industries, of the Lancashire cotton industry and the TUC textiles committee.

If the hon. Member has a word with his right hon. Friend, he will find that that is the experience of all Secretaries of State for Trade.

At this point, I pay tribute to the work done by my hon. Friend the Member for Macclesfield (Mr. Winterton), who continually presses the case for the industry. One of the House's newest hon. Members, my hon. Friend the Member for Rossendale (Mr. Trippier) has in his short time here made his mark as a powerful advocate for his constituents' interests. Hardly a day passes when I am not personally involved in problems of the textile industry.

I do not think that our record supports any claim that the Government have neglected the textile industry. On the contrary, our record demonstrates that we have fully implemented the pledge that we gave in opposition to continue to support the multi-fibre arrangement, which we accept is of great importance to the industry. That is why we support it and that is why, in spite of all the innuendoes of the right hon. Member, who repeated just about every rumour that has ever floated around about unfair competition, I think that we should keep the question of low cost imports in perspective. To listen to some hon. Members, one would think that the entire industry was about to drown in the flood of imports. In fact, imports take up about 30 per cent, of the United Kingdom market. Of the total, about 12 per cent, come from low cost sources. Of course, those broad figures simplify a complex picture, and there are movements within the figures which are much higher than those I have just given. But I must stress that low cost imports are not the main problem facing the industry.

Perhaps we should consider in more detail the essence of the multi-fibre arrangement and what it intends to achieve. I doubt whether the right hon. Member for Deptford has actually ever read it. I quote from the arrangement, which says that its objectives are
"to achieve the expansion of trade, the reduction of barriers to such trade and the progressive liberalisation of world trade in textile products, while at the same time ensuring the orderly and equitable development of this trade and the avoidance of the disruptive effects on individual markets."
In short, the MFA is not a charter for protectionism of the kind that the right hon. Gentleman thinks it is. It is not a means of stopping the clock or halting the process of industrial change. On the contrary, it is intended to promote the orderly development of trade, avoiding both rigid protectionism, on the one hand, and the disruption which a sudden surge of imports can cause, on the other. I emphasise that the Government remain committed to the maintenance of the present MFA and its associated bilateral agreements. I shall be confirming again what the right hon. Member for Deptford is pressing me to confirm.

The MFA is a device for protecting the interest of the producer. Mr. Edmund Dell, the Secretary of State for Trade in the previous Administration, said quite openly and at, of all places, a conference convened by the Consumers Association
"I am afraid that I must say to any consumer audience that, although consumers are the residual beneficiaries of the open trading system, negotiations will take place from the point of view of producers".
I was born and brought up in a textile town—Lancaster. In the High Street there was a large shop called Weaver to Wearer selling men's clothes. There are 750,000 people working in the textile and clothing industry. I certainly do not underestimate their importance. But there are 56 million customers, and they are important, too. So there are 750,000 weavers to 56 million wearers.

Some hon. Members will have seen the recent study from the Consumers Association of the effects of the MFA on the price of clothing. We do not agree with all the arguments put forward, but hon. Members cannot possibly argue that the MFA is not designed to keep up the price of clothes. That is an inevitable consequence of restricting the market to lower cost imports.

The Minister is talking about a balance of consumer and producer interests. Will he give a clear-cut commitment that the Government's objective will be to renew the MFA in 1981 on terms no less favourable to British producers than they are at present? That is a simple question. Will the Minister answer "Yes" or "No"?

I shall deal with that point in my own way. The right hon. Gentleman knows that it is absurd to make a commitment now about what one will do in 1982. We accept the need for an orderly marketing arrangement. The industry itself is already saying that in certain areas the arrangement is not satisfactory. However, there will be an arrangement. I have seen representatives of the industry and I have written to them. They have circulated my letter and have expressed agreement with what I said.

I was explaining that the Consumers Association had put out a paper showing that one of the results of the MFA has been to put up the price of clothes. The Retail Consortium, in a letter to all Members of Parliament today, confirms that that is so. It is the inevitable and logical outcome of restricting the choice of the consumer and forcing him to buy goods at a price higher than he would otherwise have to pay. If that were not so, there would be no point in the arrangement.

I need hardly remind the House that higher prices put up the cost of living. Labour Members are always berating the Government for any increases in the index of retail prices. Yet in calling for increased protection, as the right hon. Member for Deptford did today, they are calling for measures to increase the cost of living. In effect, the customer is being asked to pay to maintain employment in the textile industry.

The Government accept that that is currently necessary and that the alternative could be serious social disruption as a result of leaving the industry open to unrestricted and unfair competition. We recognise that the consumer has to pay a price, and it is a price worth paying to protect the industry. But Labour Members never talk about the price paid or about the effects of their demands on the cost of living index.

The right hon. Member for Deptford and his hon. Friends have said that the answer to the problem is further to restrict imports. However, we live by our exports. Every month £3,500 million of British goods are sent abroad, and that includes £180 millions of textiles. If we are to survive in the world, it is vital that the open trading system which ensures for us a market for those goods should be maintained. That is one of the many reasons why we reject the call for general import controls, which are so popular with Labour Members.

I shall not give way.

No group of countries is more vulnerable to a trade war or to restrictionist policies than the developing countries. It has often struck me as ironic that so many Labour Members, who are rightly concerned about the need to support and encourage the development of the Third world, should be at the same time so eager to prevent the British customer from buying the products of those countries.

The right hon. Member for Deptford suggested today that our policy for textiles should be like our farm policy. I always thought that he believed that the British should buy their surpluses where-ever they could find them. Today, however, he is arguing that we should not even buy products from low cost countries. Apparently cheap food is all right, but cheap textiles and shoes are a threat and are totally unacceptable.

Last year we had a substantial surplus on our balance of trade with the developing countries, even excluding the OPEC countries. Very many of these low cost suppliers, therefore, who are attacked by Labour Members, are already trading with us at a deficit. I hope that the Opposition will recognise that fact.

Does my hon. Friend recognise that the balance of trade in clothing has deteriorated dramatically in recent years? Given that fact and the tremendous job loss, which has been greater in this industry in the last few years than anything we may see at Corby and Shotton, may we expect some move by the Government to get from the EEC for textiles the sort of help that it is giving the steel industry for its rundown?

We have operated policies to help the restructuring of the industry. For instance, £100 million has been invested in the wool textile industry with the object of re-equipping the industry and reducing employment. The first programme involved £72 million and the second £30 million.

We clearly recognise that it is vitally important if we are to support the multilateral trade negotiations and have an open trading system, that there must be satisfactory anti-dumping procedures and satisfactory procedures for investigating complaints. As the right hon. Member for Deptford said, this is now the responsibility of the EEC Commission.

Very shortly after we took office my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State and I went to Brussels to see for ourselves how its anti-dumping machinery operates, and to impress upon the Commission the importance that we attach to this matter. The Commission's anti-dumping unit has been considerably strengthened since the end of the transitional period, and the pace of investigation is improving. Certainly the level of activity of the unit is very high.

The Government have recently reissued a booklet advising United Kingdom firms how to use the anti-dumping machinery, and I have made it quite clear in the foreword to that booklet that the Government stand available to help any sector of industry which has a complaint and wishes to put it to Brussels.

No, I shall not give way.

One of the points that the right hon. Member for Deptford demonstrated clearly was that it is very difficult to take action on general assertions and allegations not backed up by fact. The main part of his speech was a reiteration of a number of those allegations. I shall make the right hon. Gentleman this offer. If he will send me specific information to back up his allegations, I shall take them up as a matter of urgency. The right hon. Gentleman will find it easier to make assertions than to come forward with evidence.

I wish to deal with two problems that the right hon. Gentleman raised—United States feedstock prices and the Prato region. I stress straight away that the Government recognise the urgency of the feedstock prices problem for some sectors of the textile industry. Other factors, however, have contributed to the increase in American exports.

The first thing that I did at the July Council was to demand that the Commission set up a fact-finding body and at the same time come forward with a range of options for action and report to the September Council on the facts and options. At the September meeting we were informed that there was to be a high level meeting with the United States authorities early in October and that the problem would be raised as a matter of urgency and a report given to the October Council. At the October Council the Commission reported that the October meeting with the American authorities had taken place, work had been started and further work would continue in November, and a full report and recommendation would be made to the Council on 20 November. I stressed our anger at the delay in dealing with this important matter, and I assure the House that at the Council next week we shall press for the implementation of the Commission's recommendations.

The right hon. Gentleman appears to forget that he and his right hon. and hon. Friends were the Government until five months ago.

I believe that the right hon. Gentleman was misleading himself, if not the House, in asserting that we should take unilateral action. It would not be effective, would not be supported by our Community partners, would hardly be possible to monitor and would damage relations with our leading trading partner, the United States.

On the problem of the Prato region, the Labour Government referred the matter to the Commission in 1976. After an investigation it was found that the allegations could not be substantiated, and the previous Government accepted that finding. When we came to office we were not happy with the finding. We again referred the matter to the Commission and demanded a further investigation, which is taking place. We are determined to use the machinery of the Commission to make sure that the Italian Prato region companies, if trading unfairly, should be made to stop.

Much has been made recently of the fact that many developing countries keep out our exports of textiles and clothing by high tariff barriers or direct quantitative restrictions. It is recognised in GATT that developing countries need time to strengthen their industries, and that is a fundamental part of the arrangements. I suspect that the right hon. Gentleman also grappled with the problem of how to persuade developing countries to surrender their status and start to reduce their tariff barriers. We recognise the problem and, although it is difficult to find an answer at present, we are continuing our efforts.

Most clothing and textile imports come not from low cost countries but from developed countries. It is no good saying, as did the right hon. Gentleman, that all competition is dumped or subsidised. Some of it may be, and if it is we shall take action. Most of it is not. In this country we have a substantial advantage in labour costs over most of our developed country competitors, and there is no excuse for our inability to compete.

I pay tribute to the industry's record, adaptability, resilence and export record. It has its full share of problems. The fact remains, however, that the industry is still losing ground to competition that it should be able to beat. It is not enough to blame that on the iniquities of foreigners or Government neglect. The Government have done a great deal to help the industry and will continue to play their part, but we cannot do the industry's job for it. We cannot make the industry improve its productivity, the quality of its output, the standard of its designs or its ability to meet delivery dates. Whether we like it or not, we live in a harsh competitive world. We shall not reverse our industrial decline by permanently sheltering any industry from those realities. The task of the Government is to provide through their economic policies a climate in which industry can flourish, and we shall continue to try to do that.

We make no apology for placing the maximum emphasis on the first priority, which is the defeat of inflation. If we do not achieve that, there is no prospect of returning to a steady path of economic growth.

The Government are also committed to the maintenance of the open trading system. That is, not out of any free trade dogma but is because, as we are a major trading nation, it is in our interest. We shall continue to support the MFA. The Labour Government had enough problems maintaining that tight network of restrictions, and in opposition they should understand why we cannot always do everything that the industry wants. There will be a need for a continuing orderly marketing arrangement in textiles after the present MFA expires, and we shall play our full part in negotiating that arrangement. We shall continue to act vigorously against instances of dumping or unfair competition where the evidence justifies doing so, but we can only set the scene.

Labour hon. Members talk as though the Government have all the answers and Government alone can cure industry's troubles, but industry is not made more competitive by subsidising it or shielding it from competition. The future of the British textile industry lies in its own hands. Its achievements in the past have been great and its performance in many areas is still impressive, and I am much more optimistic than the right hon. Gentleman about the industry's ability to deal with its problems.

The motion is the pathetic product of a part-time and uninterested Opposition, too busy with their internal squabbles to do their job. They criticise the Government for changing a policy that has failed, for continuing and strengthening a set of international agreements that they negotiated when in government and for unemployment which their policies caused. I ask my right hon. and hon. Friends to reject their pathetic motion.

4.58 p.m.

I am sorry that the Minister was not more positive in his approach, but I hope that the debate will proceed in a constructive manner. I and other hon. Members with constituency interests wish to help the industry and not score petty party points.

On behalf of the all-party group, which wishes to help the textile industry although it may not subscribe to the motion, I thank the Opposition Front Bench for providing the opportunity for the debate. If from time to time I speak in verbal shorthand, it is because I am trying to save time to allow colleagues to speak.

I am anxious about the situation in the wool textile industry as distinct from the textile industry as a whole. At the end of 1970 there were about 122,000 employed in that industry, at the end of 1978 there were only about 73,000 and it is expected that there will be a further drop of 7,000 this year. That is a reduction of approximately 65 per cent. in the labour force since the end of 1970. Although the problem concerns many areas of the country, it is of particular importance in West Yorkshire. Barnsley is famed for another product but even there there are substantial textile interests, and today I was passed a letter by my right hon. Friend the Member for Barnsley (Mr. Mason). If an employer in the industry goes out of business he usually has resources to turn to. If an employee loses his job he is out on the street and, with the present economy, there is no hope for him of securing other employment. In those circumstances, a great duty devolves on any Government.

Following the Atkinson report, the wool textile industry has modernised itself over the years. That report was a product of the wool textile EDC. The trade unions co-operated fully on the matter. They are now asking themselves whether that co-operation was worth while, particularly in the light of speeches like the one of the Minister for Trade.

What are the reasons for the decline? My right hon. Friend the Member for Deptford (Mr. Silkin) went into many of those reasons this afternoon. There is a downturn in world economic activity. The pound stands at an extraordinary and artificially high level. That makes exporting difficult. Cheap imports are also harming the industry. Even the second MFA did not help because the Commission was slow to implement the basket extractor mechanism.

Free circulation within the EEC has not been mentioned in the debate. However, it follows outward processing and it means that developed countries within the EEC can land a product of undeveloped countries in this country without labels of origin being attached. We should press within the EEC for marks of origin to be applied to garments and cloth landed in this country. In that connection, the TUC recommendations deserve some study.

We have discussed the American dual energy pricing policy. EEC fibre producers pay between 35 and 70 per cent. more for their raw materials in this country. The problem runs through our textile industry, making it uncompetitive to that extent. Until the Americans come to a rational arrangement, we should press the EEC to apply countervailing duties. I hope that the point will be mentioned at the meeting on 20 November.

Successive Governments could have done more to help the industry. Earlier in the decade no quick action was taken on cheap imports. Governments have been unhelpful about finding money for, for example, guards for carding machinery which are required under health and safety regulations. The industry does not grumble about applying safety measures, but when they cost £3,000 per machine with no increase in productivity the industry rightly hopes for support from the Government. Many small firms have been driven out of business.

We have discussed with Ministers time and again the problem of trade effluent costs. All that would be involved to remedy the position is £1 million per year. We talk in this House in terms of hundreds and thousands of millions and billions of pounds every week. The sum of £1 million would be of particular benefit to the scouring industry preventing it from having to move to an estuarial site, thus breaking up the industry and gradually removing it from West Yorkshire. I hope that the Government will consider that matter.

I shall address most of my remarks to the clothing industry. Our wool cloths should have a large home market. Yet the industry imports cheaper suits and cloths for sale on the home market. Many people in this country are deceived by trick labels on garments. They believe that they are buying British when they are buying foreign cloths and foreign clothes imported from low cost countries. The clothing industry requirement for cheap suits and cloths contributes largely to its inefficiency. Some large groups of companies hardly make any suits. They import most of their clothes from abroad. Small firms use imported cheap cloth in order to make up suits at competitive prices. It is estimated that the British clothing industry has about 1,500 small firms employing between 20 and 100 persons—that is, about 30 per cent of the manpower in the entire industry. That sector could benefit greatly from productivity schemes.

Som