House Of Commons
Monday 14 April 1980
The House met at half-past Two o'clock
Prayers
[Mr. SPEAKER in the Chair]
Oral Answers To Questions
Energy
Nuclear Generating Capacity
1.
asked the Secretary of State for Energy what has been the increase in nuclear generating capacity since 1975.
Since 1975 the CEGB has commissioned the AGR station at Hinkley Point at an interim capacity of 800 megawatts. Power stations in Scotland are the responsibility of my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for Scotland.
By how much does my hon. Friend expect our nuclear capacity to increase over the next five years and how will that increase compare with progress in other EEC countries?
I cannot give a precise figure for the next five years. For the moment, our nuclear capacity provides almost 13 per cent. of electricity supplied. When the AGRs at present under construction come on stream that proportion will, I think, increase to almost 20 per cent. By the year 2000 when the Government's programme of a station per year from 1982 onwards has been completed, the proportion of electricity supplied might be nearer 30 per cent.
In comparison with other countries, on the evidence of present trends, a much smaller proportion of our electricity will be supplied by nuclear power in the year 2000 than is the case in other countries. France and Japan will have a higher proportion in the year 1985 than we shall have in the year 2000.
Will the hon. Gentleman say whether those figures represent available capacity or rated capacity? It is important that the House gets it right.
The figures that I quoted were for electricity supplied.
North Sea Oil Licences (Seventh Round)
2.
asked the Secretary of State for Energy what date he has fixed for the announcement of allocations for the seventh round of offshore oil licences.
10.
asked the Secretary of State for Energy when he expects to announce the arrangements for the seventh round of licences for the exploitation of North Sea oil.
My right hon. Friend will be announcing the full arrangements for the round and the blocks to be offered for licensing very soon.
May I thank my hon. Friend for that answer and express the hope that the announcement will be made soon? Will my hon. Friend say specifically how he expects the arangements for BNOC will be constructed on this occasion compared with participation agreements in the previous round?
Negotiations are taking place on the BNOC arrangements. We have received representations from the oil industry and from those outwith the industry as to how the arangements might best be achieved. My hon. Friend would not, I think, expect me to anticipate the announcement to be made by my right hon. Friend in due course.
Is my hon. Friend aware that the delay in making the announcement on the seventh round means that the companies will miss the weather window in 1980? Furthermore, is my hon. Friend aware that the constant changes in PRT combined with the uncertainty about the role of BNOC will have a seriously adverse effect on future drilling activity?
My hon. Friend is taking an unduly pessimistic view. There has been no undue delay. These are important matters and I am sure that my hon. Friend agrees that, for the sake of a few weeks, it is essential that they are properly resolved and that we reach the right conclusions.
Does the Minister agree that there is considerable disquiet in the industry, which believes that there ought to be more than 70 blocks announced in the seventh round? What assessment has the hon. Gentleman made of the rig market, particularly in view of the loss of the "Alexander Keilland"?
It is correct that the industry would have preferred a larger round and we are, of course, taking due note of all representations. The hon. Gentleman will appreciate that, dealing with the rig market all available exploration and appraisal rigs are at present in use. It is not expected that drilling in connection with the seventh round will take place before 1981. The drilling taking place at the moment is on old acreage. That has been made much more attractive, not only by price rises but by the relevant Government policies.
Before the Minister allocates the seventh round of offshore licences, will he undertake to make regulations on the debris from these rigs that floats about the North Sea and to have consultations with the fishing industry to ensure that the damage that is done to fishing vessels is eliminated or, alternatively, is properly compensated for? Is he aware that at the moment regulations do not exist and the oil operators are getting away with pure murder?
I know of the concern that my hon. Friend always shows about this matter, with his constituency interest. I assure him that the Government are having close consultations with the fishing industry and, indeed, with others outside the oil industry.
We quite understand that my hon. Friend cannot give us the full details of BNOC's role after the seventh round, but will he at least give us a guarantee that the automatic right of BNOC to sit on all the operating committees will no longer apply?
Consultations are taking place regarding the BNOC and the joint operating committees. The proposals at present being considered are that BNOC should have limited rights and that those rights should be put into effect only when the uplifting of oil or directly related issues are concerned.
European Community (Council Of Energy Ministers)
3.
asked the Secretary of State for Energy when next he intends to meet the EEC Energy Ministers.
I expect to meet other EEC Energy Ministers at the Energy Council meeting planned for early May. The exact date has yet to be arranged.
Does my hon. Friend agree that it is difficult to imagine a European common energy policy, whether based on a levy on imported energy or on anything else, which would not constitute an even greater absurdity than the common agricultural policy?
The Government's view is that the main thrust of energy policy must come from national energy policies. At the same time, there may be certain areas, such as setting oil import targets for the Community as a whole, where international collaboration is called for and where an EEC attitude may be appropriate. However, the main thrust of energy policy remains with national Governments.
Will the Minister ensure that his right hon. Friend discusses very thoroughly at the next meeting of Energy Ministers the appalling problems of the coal mining industry in the rest of the Community? Will he also ensure that Britain supports arrangements and policies which will assist its industry and equitably bring about the necessary support which our own industry should receive?
I am sure that the hon. Gentleman knows that we have put forward a series of proposals emphasising the importance of coal in supplying the Community's energy needs. Of course, we have drawn attention to the great part that the United Kingdom's coal industry can play in supplying the Community's needs. Those proposals are before the Commission and we are awaiting an answer.
Does my hon. Friend agree that, in a world in which there will be increasing competition for energy, a sensible energy policy for this country cannot be worked out—even if most of it comes from our own resources and decisions—except within the context of a European common energy policy?
I agree with that, but my hon. Friend must also recognise that the resources of the different countries vary considerably. National policies diverge considerably and consumption patterns vary from country to country. Therefore, it is not easy to agree a common production policy.
Can the Minister give an absolute assurance that there will be no trade-off of our energy policy and our own energy interests at the Summit meeting in return for any reduction in our net contribution to the EEC?
If the hon. Gentleman is referring to our contribution to the budget, that question stands on its own, unrelated to energy.
Gas (Availability And Price)
4.
asked the Secretary of State for Energy what representations he has had from industry on the price and availability of gas.
Over the past six months my Department has received 60 representations from industry about the price of gas and a further 60 about availability.
Does my hon. Friend accept that, in the event of a normal cold winter and no steel strike, gas supplies to industry would be in jeopardy? Will he therefore consider whether, in the Gas Bill now before the House, we should consider the removal of the statutory obligation to provide gas on demand to domestic as well as to industrial consumers?
I note what my hon. Friend said. I think that would be a matter of considerable controversy. The obligation to supply gas is of long standing. However, I shall consider what my hon. Friend has said.
If and whenever the so-called enterprise zones get off the ground, will the Department of Energy ensure that firms moving into the enterprise zones will he able to obtain a supply of gas?
We shall do our best to co-operate in the setting up of enterprise zones. But, as the hon. Gentleman knows, the supply of gas to any firm is a matter for the British Gas Corporation.
Does my hon. Friend accept that, while we continue to market gas to the domestic consumer below the European and world price, there must continue to be distortions in the market place or shortages?
I very much agree with what my hon. Friend has said.
North Sea (Oil And Gas Exploration)
5.
asked the Secretary of State for Energy what steps he now proposes to take to encourage oil and gas exploration in the North Sea.
The Government propose to continue with their present policies which already show signs of stimulating an improvement in the level of exploration.
Does the Secretary of State believe that advancing petroleum revenue tax by 25 per cent. in one year is an incentive? Does he also believe that reserving to BNOC an option to take 51 per cent. of the available oil and gas is an incentive? Does he further believe that giving small operators no special incentive to operate in the North Sea will be in their interests?
None of these points has got in the way of the increased incentive momentum that we are now seeing in exploration. I am confident that, when the announcement on the seventh round is made, that will provide further momentum and that we shall see a considerable stepping-up in exploration and development in our North Sea programme. I recognise my hon. Friend's concern, but I do not believe that any of these matters have acted as substantial disincentives in achieving the momentum and the increased expansion in our North Sea programme which we all want to see.
Does the Minister agree that we have done sufficient exploration now to indicate that there is ample oil coming from the North Sea to stop us worrying unduly about the Middle East? Does he agree that groveling apologies by the Foreign Secretary to Saudi Arabia are no longer necessary because we have so much oil now coming from the North Sea?
I think that the hon. Gentleman is mixing up a number of questions. First, exploration now means oil in eight, nine or 10 years, because that is the length of time that it takes to develop an exploration well. Therefore, we have to think ahead about oil supplies.
As for oil availability now, I think that the hon. Gentleman recognises that the quality of the oil that we produce, the match with our refineries and the need to enter into world trade in oil, involve us both in exporting and importing oil. Therefore, it is in our interests to see a stable world oil market, stable prices and stable trade on the basis of good relations between other countires.In considering future action to deal with production in the North Sea—and as there is no question on the Order Paper about this matter—can my right hon. Friend say anything further about the safety requirements and problems of semi-submersibles following his statement in the House just before the Easter Recess?
I agree with my hon. Friend that there is nothing on the Order Paper about this matter. I undertook to him and to others to keep the House informed. I am today answering a written question on progress so far in relation to the inquiry being held by the Norwegian authorities into the "Alexander Keilland" disaster. From that he will learn that, although the inquiry is entirely in Norwegian hands, we are being kept closely informed. Obviously, at each stage that we learn about information relevant to the accident, we shall immediately apply it to our inspection surveys of our semi-submersibles.
In the light of the Secretary of State's reply, will he now give the House some indication when we may expect a debate on the Burgoyne report? If the Norwegian commission is likely to take some time, will he take it that we should not consider it reasonable to withhold a debate from the House? We should have the debate before the com- mission reports, if it is a matter of some months away.
This is a bit off the question, but I note the right hon. Gentleman's views. The timing of a debate is a matter for my right hon. Friend the Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster. I am sure that he will note—indeed, I shall call his attention to it—what the right hon. Gentleman has said.
Coal Industry
6.
asked the Secretary of State for Energy if he will make a further statement on the capital investment programme of the coal industry.
The board's capital expenditure on fixed assets was £636 million last financial year, and is expected to be some £800 million this financial year. Figures for later years are in the latest public expenditure White Paper.
Does not the Minister accept that some projects, for example, the Park colliery in Staffordshire, are vital if we are to retain mining skills in areas such as Cannock Chase? Will he use his considerable influence with the Department of the Environment—now that the Belvoir inquiry is nearing conclusion—to ensure that the inquiry concerning this colliery goes forward forthwith?
As I said on 11 February. I understand the reasonable constituency interests of the hon. Gentleman. I shall draw his remarks to the attention of the Department of the Environment. However, in the last analysis, the timing of the inquiry is a decision for the Department of the Environment.
Will the Minister take into account that, in addition to developing the new coalfields at Selby and Belvoir, many existing pits require a large amount of money for modernisation? Will he ensure that sufficient investment funds are available for that sort of colliery? Further, will the Minister do all that he can to ensure that, when we produce the coal, we sell it? To that end will he refuse to allow coal imports?
I take the hon. Gentleman's point. It is matter of note to the House that an enormous amount of money is being spent on both old and new pits. An amount in excess of £600 million is a large annual commitment in capital investment.
I think that the whole House would join me in commending the industry's recent success. It would be appropriate for me to draw attention to the outstanding safety record last year, which showed the lowest death rate in the history of the coal industry. That, together with the increase in productivity, is to be commended.Brandt Commission Report (International Energy Strategy)
8.
asked the Secretary of State for Energy what study he has made of the recommendation in the Brandt commission report for an international energy strategy.
As my hon. Friend the Minister for Trade made clear during the debate on the Brandt commission report on 28th March, the Government are studying the report, including the recommendations for an international energy strategy, with great care.
I thank my right hon. Friend for his reply. Will he tell the House when he expects to reach conclusions on those recommendations that have a bearing on his Department? Does he support the idea of a global energy research centre run under the auspices of the United Nations? Is he in a position to say what progress he is making with his energy conservation policies?
The report took two years to put together. There has been a preliminary debate. It will take some time to reach conclusions on the variety of suggestions contained in the report. In some areas the report is couched in a degree of generality. Following its completion, there have been many developments in world oil markets, and arrangements are moving on.
I welcome the stress that the report places on the need to reduce dependence on oil—which is the other side of the coin of alternative sources of energy, such as nuclear—and on increased conservation. I welcome its emphasis on the need for fuller international discussion of energy matters, although much is happen- ing in that area. We are trying to develop bilateral and multilateral talks with those OPEC countries that can act together in a way which will enable us to carry forward constructive discussions. All these matters are being examined. At the same time developments are taking place in parallel with our examination of the Brandt report.Would it be unfair to suggest that on 28 March the comparatively junior Minister who answered the debate on Brandt gave the impression that the Government wished to put the report into a pigeon hole and forget about many of its recommendations? Perhaps the Minister will say whether that is an unfair suggestion.
Are we discussing the global energy research centre with our European colleagues? After all, there is a foundation of experience at TSPA and elsewhere.I think that the hon. Gentleman's suggestion was unfair. The global research centre is one of a number of suggestions included in the report and which needs further consideration. Things are moving so fast on the world oil scene, and the impact on the developing countries of changing oil prices is so rapid, that we cannot afford to wait for the full unfolding of global conferences and massive committees. We must move ahead as quickly as possible with some practical tasks in concert with a number of other countries, including oil-producing countries. That does not mean that we cannot learn from the Brandt report, and draw from its constructive parts. However, we cannot wait and ignore the fact that the world oil and economic scenes are changing at a rapid pace and require rapid response.
Does the Minister agree that a practical action for the Government would be to put far greater resources into renewable sources of energy, such as wave and solar power, which avoid many of the difficulties posed by oil and nuclear power?
Many resources in terms of brain power and research are being put into renewable sources of energy. However, neither of those technologies has reached the stage of requiring massive development funds that other technologies are now ready to receive. If and when the economics of these possibilities emerge, and when the calculations show that heavy investment is desirable, the enterprise sector—with the necessary support of Government—will push them forward. To push forward major expenditure, whether in the private or public sectors, before these technologies become economic, would waste and divert funds that should be channelled into more effective means of alternative energy development.
Electricity Supply Industry (Reorganisation)
9.
asked the Secretary of State for Energy on what date he plans to make his proposed statement on the reorganisation of the electricity supply industry.
I am continuing consultations, and hope to make a statement in due course.
Will my right hon. Friend bear in mind that many of us would prefer an inquiry, a move away from centralisation—which has been proposed—and provision for independent generation of electricity? Will he take a favourable view of those suggestions?
I note my hon. Friend's view on the matter. The central recommendations of the Plowden committee were on the table when the Government came into office. Consideration of the recommendations has formed part of our overall consideration of how we should proceed on electricity reorganisation. We have also considered possible restructuring of the generating boards. I ask my hon. Friend to await my statement on the conclusions that we have reached.
Will the Minister give an assurance that when he is ready to make his statement—which has been longawaited—on the reorganisation of this important basic industry, he will make it from the Dispatch Box and will not use the evasive device of an inspired parliamentary question?
The statement will be made in the appropriate form.
Will my right hon. Friend confirm that what the industry needs to serve the consumer more efficiently is not more centralisation but far greater regional autonomy?
The sentiment reflected in my hon. Friend's question is the right one. Over the years, we have learnt that there are dangers in excessive centralisation. This is not an aid to centralisation. People are seeking organisations on a more manageable and human scale. That thought should be reflected in all major considerations of reorganisation of all major public and national bodies.
Is the Minister aware that his statement will cause a great deal of disappointment within the electricity industry itself because of the inordinate delay—I appreciate that it is not the Minister's fault—in implementing the Plowden committee report, or some alternative policy? Is he aware that the industry is becoming demoralised? Will he make an announcement as quickly as possible?
I am not sure that matters are as bad as the hon. Gentleman suggests. He was kind enough to say that it was not my fault. Indeed, the question of reorganisation of electricity has been on the table for the past 10 years. It was continuously discussed under successive Governments, reached the point of near decision in the fourth year of any parliament, and then was put off as being too late.
The industry has a perfect right to demand that the uncertainty be ended. I undertook that decisions would be reached around Easter, and that I would make a statement some time after Easter on our conclusions, after appropriate consultations and discussions. That is the process in which I am engaged. I am moving towards a stage where I can make a statement, and I shall certainly do so.Commercial Fast-Breeder Reactor
11.
asked the Secretary of State for Energy when he expects to complete his consideration of the advice which he has received from the United Kingdom Atomic Energy Authority and others on the development of the commercial fast-breeder reactor.
As I told my hon. Friend in my written answer of 10 March, a statement on fast reactor policy will be made in due course.
Is my hon. Friend aware that there is still widespread public misconception about the fast-breeder reactor? Will he ensure that greater efforts are made to explain to the public that the fast breeder reactor does not breed fast and that, far from increasing stocks of plutonium, it will help to reduce stocks.
My hon. Friend is correct. That is one of the advantages of the fast reactor. It would use the plutonium that is enevitably generated in a country with a thermal programme. Another advantage is that the fast reactor could help to overcome whatever constraints may arise on uranium supplies. The Government are considering those issues carefully. We must consider whether a commercial demonstration fast reactor should be built, and whether there should be international collaboration.
Does the hon. Gentleman accept that since it will he necessary to use coal more and more for oil-related and chemical purposes in the next few decades, the fast reactor may, ultimately, have a role to play?
As we are dealing with a 15 to 20 year time scale, is it not time to open the debate on the matter?I am pleased to hear the hon. Gentleman say that. That is one of the reasons why the Government have placed an emphasis on nuclear power, as a replacement for coal. It will play an increasing role in meeting industrial needs and as a chemical feedstock.
Nuclear Power Programme
12.
asked the Secretary of State for Energy what action he is proposing to take on the Government's nuclear power programme prior to the receipt of the report of the Central Policy Review Staff on the nuclear power stations at Heysham and Torness.
13.
asked the Secretary of State for Energy what steps he is now taking to make possible the announced expansion of the nuclear power programme, in view of the difficult financial position of the Central Electricity Generat- ing Board and the cash limits imposed by Government policy.
18.
asked the Secretary of State for Energy what progress has been achieved in the implementation of the programme of nuclear power construction since his statement of December 1979.
19.
asked the Secretary of State for Energy if he is still committed to the building of the advanced gas-cooled reactors he announced in his statement of 18 December 1979.
As the House knows, the Government have reviewed the proposal to construct new advanced gas-cooled reactor power stations at Heysham and Torness. The generating boards made clear their wish to proceed with the stations, and the Government have decided that this would be right.
The cost of these stations was fully reflected in the public expenditure White Paper—Cmnd. 7841. But in view of the heavy costs of these and other capital projects the Government have urged the CEGB, the SSEB and the other boards to identify economies wherever possible. Work is in hand on all the measures announced in my statement of 18 December, which provides a framework for the development of the nuclear programme.Since it has taken 16 years to produce 1½ gigawatts of generating capacity in the present AGR programme, is it not ridiculous to suppose that the Government's new programme is in any way practicable? In the light of the fall in demand for electricity, will not the Government be lumbering the country not simply with one white elephant, but with a whole herd of white elephants?
The hon. Gentleman is wrong. It is generally recognised that while we are not planning a crash programme—a massive programme of nuclear generation capacity increase—we are proposing a steady programme over the coming years which will build up our electricity generation from nuclear sources to a reasonable percentage. Even then, as my hon. Friend the Under-Secretary said in reply to an earlier question, the amount of electricity generated from nuclear power which Britain will have by the year 2000 on the plans which I announced before Christmas, will be less than that which will be available to the French and the Germans in 1985. Since nuclear-generated electricity, on all present experience costs less, the consumer will be the loser if we do not build nuclear.
rose—
Order. I propose to call first those hon. Members whose questions are being answered.
Does the Secretary of State agree that in practical terms there is a clash between the expansion of the nuclear power programme and the cash limits that the Government are imposing on the electricity supply industry? Is it not a fact that the Cabinet hoped to get out of the dilemma by getting the Central Policy Review Staff to make a decision in favour of postponement until the pressurised water reactor was ready? Will the Secretary of State deny those rumours, if they are rumours?
They are rumours. There is no conflict between the cash limit restraints on the electricity industry and the decision to go ahead with the building of these stations. As I have already said, the Government decided that that would be right, and the cost of those stations is fully reflected in the public expenditure White Paper. It makes sense to go ahead with building nuclear power stations and the available technology at present is the advanced gas-cooled reactor. I have explained to the House that it is the Government's objective that we move towards seeking to build a pressurised water reactor in due course. In the meantime we have the opportunity to build nuclear; that is what the boards are to do and they will keep within their cash limits in doing so.
Taking into account the huge escalation in costs and the delayed time scale, as well as the unsatisfactory performance of the existing AGR programme, how will the Government monitor the new construction programmes so that they keep within even the unacceptably high costs, and the proposed time scale of six years per station?
It has been widely recognised that there is a need to strengthen the nuclear construction capacity. For that reason I announced before Christmas the Government's plans to reorganise the NNC, and to strengthen it to meet the demands which will fall upon it from building nuclear power stations in the coming years. My hon. Friend is correct in saying that the performance has not been good in the past. It is essential that the industry is reorganised, that confidence is given by a steady programme, and that the different roles of the customer and the supplier are clearly defined. Within that broad set of arrangements we can go forward with more economic and efficient building, with tighter control on costs.
Will the Secretary of State concede that doubt and indecision at Government level in general, and within the Department of Energy in particular, have bedevilled the nuclear industry over the years? Does his announcement mean that the industry can now get on with the job without any further interference from the Prime Minister?
My announcement today confirms what the Government also made clear before Chirstmas. We are setitng out a basic programme around which the industry can organise with confidence. No one in the industry expects any such programmes, stretching ahead over many years, to be completely free from uncertainties and questions as time goes on. The pace must be influenced by resource availability and demand. The fundamental point is that we now have the basic programme to give the industry confidence.
Will the Secretary of State take an early opportunity to visit Dungeness B? Will he further explain that the long building programme was due to the experimental work that was carried out? Is he aware that there is an extremely good team working at Dungeness B, whose experience should be used for future stations?
I am grateful to my hon. Friend for his invitation. Despite the unwelcome delays, there is a prospect that these stations will produce electricity highly competitively and economically. That is an indication of the strong economic benefit from nuclear electricity—which is cheaper. Even where there are considerable delays and difficulties, the cheaper quality of that electricity is maintained.
How can the right hon. Gentleman expect the nuclear industry and the power plant industry to work when an order is placed one month, and before the month is out the "Think Tank" reviews it, the Prime Minister protests about it, the Treasury argues about it, and his right hon. Friends leak stories to the press about it? How can any industry be organised—Conservative Members are supposed to know about such matters—on that basis? Further, how can the industry operate on the basis of steady ordering when everyone knows that an order scheduled for completion in 1982 will not be completed before 1984–85?
The Labour Party and the previous Labour Government know all about uncertainty and change of direction on nuclear power and nuclear ordering. If the hon. Gentleman had a little grace and courtesy he would recognise that there has been a great improvement and that we now have the basis for a steady ordering programme, and for the revival of the British nuclear industry. He should congratulate my right hon. and hon. Friends on that, and he should think back to the poorer performance of his party.
Surely the Secretary of State is aware that the existing AGRs are difficult to complete, and are extremely expensive. Would it not be wiser to cut the Gordian knot and go straight to the PWR now, which is much cheaper than the AGR?
As my hon. Friend will know, Hinkley B compares favourably with fossil fuel stations, taking all the factors into account. My hon. Friend talks of cutting Gordian knots. The reality is that we have the capacity, technology and opportunity to build AGR stations. I have stated the objective that we should seek to build a PWR, but safety considerations are paramount and there must first be a full and thorough inquiry, which takes time. In the meantime, the CEGB and SSEB should continue building nuclear so that we are not left so far behind our continental competitors in cheap nuclear electricity.
Will the right hon. Gentleman accept that I welcome his decision, without which the industry would not have the steady ordering programme that is vital if it is to be viable throughout the next decade and beyond? Has the right hon. Gentleman yet decided on the choice for the important appointment of chairman, over which the delay has been too long?
Any power programme must reflect demand. Can the right hon. Gentleman give us an idea about future energy demand, particularly for electricity? Is a fall in demand anticipated, which would result in the building programme being cut back? For example, does the right hon. Gentleman still hold to the belief that he can sustain a building programme of one nuclear station a year, as announced in December?I am grateful for the right hon. Gentleman's welcome for what I have said. I intend to make a statement about the chairmanship and the new chairman of the NNC shortly. Recent electricity supply industry estimates of demand have been revised downwards to a growth rate of just under 1 per cent. My announcement of nuclear power building before Christmas was based on at least the possibility of an overall energy demand growth of 1 per cent. and an electricity demand growth of less than 1 per cent. On demand grounds alone my announcement before Christmas is still valid. In addition, there is an economic case for building nuclear power stations. The increasing evidence is that electricity from nuclear power is considerably cheaper than from oil—or coal-fired stations, even on present prices, let alone with possible price trends in a dangerous world. Reading the newspapers one is daily aware of the growing threats to oil and gas supplies. There is an urgent need for us to diversify our energy resources, and it makes sense to build nuclear.
Order. Questions are becoming lengthy and answers longer still.
Electricity Supplies (Disconnections)
14.
asked the Secretary of State for Energy when next he expects to meet the chairman of the Electricity Council.
I meet the chairman from time to time.
When the Minister next meets the chairman, will he try to put an end to the scandal of tenants having their electricity supplies cut off when they have paid the appropriate amount to their landlord, in whose name the account stands, but the landlord defaults in paying over what is necessary to clear the account?
I shall discuss that matter when I next meet the chairman. As the hon. and learned Gentleman will know, the code of practice is also being studied by the PSI, and I have emphasised that we wish to have that matter completed as quickly as possible. Such issues are of great importance.
Gas-Gathering System
15.
asked the Secretary of State for Energy if he will make a fuller statement on the gas-gathering system for the United Kingdom sector of the North Sea.
The British Gas Corporation and Mobil North Sea Limited have now sent my right hon. Friend a copy of the report submitted by the study team. My right hon. Friend will make a fuller statement when the report has been considered.
Will the Minister accept that that reply is again disappointing? Does the hon. Gentleman agree that in answer to a previous question the Secretary of State indicated that this was an area where we could, within our own resouces, make significant advnces? Is he delaying the statement so that there can be a depletion policy statement at the same time?
There is no question of delaying a statement. This is an important matter, which involves highly technical engineering skills. It would be wrong for the Government to come forward with any decisions without giving the matter the fullest consideration.
What conversations has my hon. Friend had with his opposite numbers in Norway? The IPU conference in Norway has just taken place. Will my hon. Friend accept that exploration in the next few years will occur north of the 62nd parallel? What likelihood is there of a line directly to Emden, cutting out the North Sea?
The Norwegian Government were given the opportunity to participate in the survey that has just been completed. We regret that they did not take that opportunity. We are still prepared to discuss these matters with the Norwegian Government. If they indicate that they would like to be a partner in any future line, their proposals will be carefully considered.
Gas Supply (New Industrial Units)
16.
asked the Secretary of State for Energy if he is satisfied with the policy of British Gas in respect of conditions relating to the supplying of gas to new industrial units.
The British Gas Corporation is facing considerable difficulties because of the unprecedented demand for gas. I am satisfied that its longer-term plans should improve the situation.
I appreciate my hon. Friend's reply, but will he keep the matter under review? Most reasonable people would say that the conditions laid down by British Gas are far too inhibiting and ought to be re-examined, and a greater priority given. Does my hon. Friend agree?
We discuss these matters with individual firms and with trade associations representing industries which are particularly adversely affected. My hon. Friend has to recognise that, because of the increase in oil prices of 100 per cent. in 12 months, the demand for gas has absolutely run away. There are more people wanting to have gas than there is gas available, and it is extremely difficult to bring the two together. That is why we have had to make unpopular decisions on pricing. I agree with my hon. Friend that we must keep this under review, especially in regard to the industrial consequences.
House Of Commons
Recycled Paper
29.
asked the Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster what consideration he is giving, in the light of the Services Committee's deliberations, to the availability of recycled paper in the House for those who wish to make use of it.
The Services Committee is always ready to receive suggestions regarding the use of recycled papers for House stationery, provided that the criteria of cost, quality and general suitability can be met. Her Majesty's Stationery Office continues to look for suitable recycled papers and any that it recommends will be carefully considered by the Committee. I regret, however, that limitations on the storage facilities available in the Palace of Westminster preclude stocking a wider choice of ranges of stationery. Other items of stationery used in the House are standard Civil Service quality supplies which contain as much recycled fibre as can practicably be included.
Is that not a somewhat standard Civil Service answer? Why do we send each other the most ephemeral notes on the best and extremely costly manilla paper? Does the right hon. Gentleman agree that even such a small example by the House of Commons would be worth any number of eloquent speeches on conservation?
I find it difficult to be eloquent on the subject of stationery. It is in accordance with the dignity of this House that correspondence should be on reasonable paper. We considered using recycled paper for memos, but the suggestion was rejected because it would have been more expensive than the paper being used.
Would it not be preferable to "decycle" by reducing the official bumf that circulates around Whitehall, Westminster and the entire nation?
I thoroughly agree. However, the fault lies not with the stationery, of whatever quality, but with the regrettable invention of the photocopying machine.
Ministers (Public Speeches)
30.
asked the Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster if he will refer to a Procedure Committee the rules and practice relating to questions on speeches by Ministers outside Parliament, including junior Ministers.
I have noted the hon. and learned Gentleman's suggestion. This matter would be within the remit of any Procedure Committee established by the House which had the normal broad terms of reference.
Does the right hon. Gentleman agree that there is no reason why hon. Members should be prevented from questioning in this House speeches made by junior Ministers outside the House when we may question those made outside the House by senior Ministers?
In logic there is something to be said for what the hon. and learned Gentleman suggests. However, if we were guided by logic, none of us would be here. As a matter of practice, the Prime Minister answers for Ministers of Cabinet rank and not for others. I believe that it would be unreasonable to ask my right hon. Friend to answer for more than 100 Ministers.
County Palatine Of Lancashire
31.
asked the Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster when next he expects to visit the County Palatine of Lancashire.
My next visit will be on 20 May, in attendance on Her Majesty.
Will my right hon Friend take the opportunity of that visit to congratulate Lancashire county council on levying the second lowest rate in the country? Does he draw any political conclusions from that fact?
I am sure that that is an interesting fact, but when in attendance on Her Majesty I think one ought to avoid political matters of that kind. I shall be fully occupied with my duties.
House Of Commons
Provisions For The Press
32.
asked the Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster if he will make a statement on provisions for the Press in the House.
The facilities for the press in the House on which it would fall to the Services Committee to make recommendations have remained unchanged in the present Parliament, except that 21 seats on the sides of the Upper Reporters' Gallery previously allocated to the overseas press have been transferred to the United Kingdom press. Some minor works to facilitate this change will be undertaken during the Summer Adjournment.
Is not one of the alterations that from 1 April this year the total cost of the press facilities is to be borne by the taxpayer—about £100,000 a year—whereas up to 1 April the press employers contributed something approaching £50,000? When the Government are cutting back on virtually every social service in the country, why are they putting the total cost of press facilities on the taxpayer?
Because we have introduced a reform of our arrangements and, in accordance with the practice followed in other Parliaments, the cost of the wages of catering staff is now borne on the Vote of the House. It was right when making—
No doubt the same practice will be followed by Members of Parliament.
What an extraordinary apparition, Mr. Speaker. The hon. Gentleman will never get on to the Front Bench in that way.
The press receives a number of services for which no charge is made—rent, rates, electricity, gas and local telephone calls. There was no reason why the catering facilities should not be included. In a referendum on the matter, the members of the Press Gallery supported the proposal by a substantial majority.Select Committees
34.
asked the right hon. Member for Middlesbrough (Mr. Bottomley), as representing the House of Commons Commission, whether, in considering applications for travel by Select Committees, the Commission will treat travel within European Economic Community as domestic, rather than overseas, travel.
35.
asked the right hon. Member for Middlesbrough (Mr. Bottomley), as representing the House of Commons Commission, what finance will be made available to the Select Committees of the House during 1980–81 to enable them to discharge the duties that the House has entrusted to them.
These matters are still under consideration by the Commission, in consultation with the Liaison Committee.
I thank the right hon. Gentleman for that most helpful answer. Will he and his colleagues bear in mind that it is both acceptable and necessary that our new Select Committees should be given budgets within which it is reasonable to expect that they should work? It is both unnecessary and unacceptable that distinction should be made as to travel between various parts of the United Kingdom and various parts of the EEC. Whether hon. Members like it or not, we are members of the European Community, and therefore we are as entitled—
Order. The hon. Gentleman was called to ask a question. He is now giving information. Perhaps he would come to a conclusion.
I was asking the right hon. Gentleman whether he and his colleagues on the Commission had taken these important facts on board.
I am sure that you, Mr. Speaker, and the other Commissioners present, will have noted the point. Consideration will be given to the views of the hon. Member.
Is my right hon. Friend aware that the creation of a powerful and coherent Select Committee system is one of the most important reforms that the House has carried out in the past few decades? Will he, give an assurance that the Committee system will be properly financed, and that we shall not in future have any silly squabbles between the House of Commons Commission and the Liaison Committee about the finances necessary for the work of the Select Committees?
I shall bring the views of my hon. Friend to the notice of the Commission.
Will the right hon. Gentleman encourage the Commission to arrive at a speedy conclusion on the matter of foreign travel? Is he aware that the Foreign Affairs Committee has in mind some modest examination of matters overseas, and requires to arrive at decisions fairly early in order to do its job?
There is no need to stress the importance of that matter to me, as a past Commonwealth Secretary. Note will be made of the matter.
As it appears to be current policy for hon. Members to travel in luxury and then to exist as paupers, might the reverse be allowed to occur, if an hon. Member so desires?
Media Coverage And Comment
36.
asked the Paymaster General if he remains satisfied with media coverage and comment on Government policies.
Yes Sir.
Is the Paymaster General aware that there appears to be widespread dissatisfaction within the Tory Party about his failure to persuade the media to put a better gloss on his Government's appalling policies? Is he further aware that there appears to be a lot of feeling in the Tory Party that he should be replaced by the hon. Member for Southend, East (Mr. Taylor)?
I suspect that I have had more contact recently with members of the Tory Party than the hon. Member has, and I assure him that they are in very good heart. They are confident that the Government's message is coming through loud and clear.
Is it not clear that the hon. Member for Newton (Mr. Evans) must read one of the newspapers that in the last 12 months have been spreading doom, gloom and despondency? Is he aware that many of us are delighted that, in spite of the prophecies of impending doom that have been made for the past 12 months, we managed to reach Easter without a civil war?
My hon. Friend is perfectly right. There is no doubt that recent events, including the reaction to the Budget, have shown quite clearly that the Government's policy message is getting through.
Government Publicity
37.
asked the Paymaster General if he is satisfied with the present state of recent Government publicity.
Yes, Sir.
Would my right hon. Friend care to expand a little on the effects of the publicity surrounding the Budget?
A great deal of effort was expended by the Treasury and other Departments in letting the media have the facts, as well as giving explanations of the Chancellor's policy. The press reaction and the public reaction, as shown by opinion polls, indicate that it was extremely successful.
Does the Paymaster General consider that the low standing of the public—[Interruption]— of the Government—[Interruption.] Does the Paymaster General consider that the low standing of the public in the Government's esteem is due to the Government's failures of communication?
Does the hon. Member really mean that the public are held in low esteem by the Government?
Yes.
Then all I can say is that the hon. Member seems to be a great deal more confused than the public.
Does my right hon. Friend agree that Conservative Members have far more respect for the public and their views than many Labour Members? Does he also agree that one of his priorities will be to stand up to the great, mighty power of the departmental information officers, who are naturally reluctant to let any part of their empire go to a politically functioning co-ordinating information and publicity organisation?
No, Sir. I do not find that that is true of the information sections of Government Departments. They are clear that their job is to provide factual information and explanations to the media, and to provide a service to the media. This they do, in my opinion, extremely effectively. I shall do everything that I can to help them and encourage them.
How much effort went into the Paymaster General's endeavour to inform the hon. Member for Isle of Ely (Mr. Freud) of his visit to that constituency?
I was performing a purely political task on that occasion. I was addressing a political gathering. It is not customary for Ministers to inform hon. Members unless they are going to their constituencies in their official capacity as Ministers.
Iran
With permission, Mr. Speaker, I will make a statement about Iran.
President Carter has asked the friends and allies of the United States for their help and support in the serious situation over the continued illegal detention of the American hostages in Tehran. This illegal act by Iran is now in its sixth month. The United States Administration and the American people have exercised remarkable patience and restraint in the face of the greatest provocation. Time and again their reasonable hopes of progress have been dashed. It has become clear that the prospects for the early release of the hostages through diplomatic action have markedly diminished. The United States Administration have put up with the flouting of international law and established diplomatic practice by Iran for several months in the hope of securing the release of the hostages. Naturally they now feel obliged to demonstrate that the continued detention of their people will carry increasing penalties. They understandably expect solidarity from their allies and we, for our part, have been giving and will continue to give them our utmost support. At an early stage in the crisis we agreed on certain measures in the financial and commercial fields, on which we have been co-operating with the United States. These remain in force. No arms or defence equipment has been sent from this country to Iran since the hostage crisis arose in early November. In December we made a substantial reduction in the size of our embassy in Tehran. The European Foreign Ministers met in Lisbon last week. The Foreign Ministers of the Nine expressed their solidarity with the United States and the American people and instructed their ambassadors to make an immediate approach to the President of Iran to urge the release of the hostages and to seek precise assurances about the dates and methods by which their release would take place and then to report back in person. Our ambassador, Sir John Graham, is due to arrive in London to report this afternoon. The Americans have asked us to consider a wide range of measures. These include applying the economic sanctions that the Russians vetoed at the United Nations in January. They also include an eventual break in relations with Iran if there is no progress. It is important that whatever we do should be effective and should be capable of commanding a broad measure of international support. We are now in close and urgent consultation with our European partners as well as with other friendly countries about how best we can together respond to President Carter's appeal to us to intensify our efforts. When the Foreign Ministers of the EEC meet on Monday of next week, I hope that the necessary decisions will be taken. This, therefore, can be only an interim statement, and a further report will be made to the House after next week's meeting, or sooner if required.I am grateful to the Prime Minister for making a statement today about what is becoming an increasingly serious situation. Let it be made absolutely clear from the House, as the Prime Minister has already done, that the holding of these hostages—innocent men and women in the employment of the United States—by the militants in Tehran is a violation of international law, that it is in defiance of an order of the International Court of Justice, and that it ignores the resolution of the United Nations, and, therefore, that there can be no acceptance by us of any situation short of the release of these men and women.
I am glad to learn that there is now a strong proposal for further discussions in the light of the President's message. I do not question the right hon. Lady on whether any time limit has been set for a reply to the message by the President. That is a matter of minor significance against the issues that we have to resolve. What is necessary is solidarity not only between the European countries but between European and like-minded countries and the United States. If there is to be a co-ordination of our tactics, that demands the maximum consultation between us all. It may mean that we shall not be able to follow certain courses that others would like to follow. It is important that we should get the highest common factor, and that means giving the utmost support to the United States in this matter. I draw attention to the fact that the United Nations resolution, to which the right hon. Lady and I have referred, called upon the United States and Iran not to resort to military action. That would be no solution. It would give point to the most chilling comment that was made by Chancellor Schmidt over the weekend, when he said that in some respects the present situation is not dissimilar to the situation that existed immeditely prior to Sarajevo, when no one wanted war but we clriften into it. If we are to avoid that—and we must avoid it—it is necessary that there should be the maximum co-ordination between European countries, like-minded countries and the United States. If the Foreign Ministers are unable to come to a satisfactory agreement next Monday, I am sure that the right hon. Lady will not rule out the opportunity for the Heads of Government to take it up a week later and for there to be a summit conference at an even higher level, involving, if necessary, the President of the United States. I ask the right hon. Lady to pursue the course that she seems to be pursuing at present. We should not be seen, as apparently we are at present, to be reacting to the situation. There should be a positive policy agreed between us. We should decide on the limits of action economically and diplomatically. This should be made known clearly to the United States and to all those who are concerned. I hope that the right hon. Lady's statement and other comments that come from the House this afternoon will reassure the American people and the American Administration, which are under a very great strain, that we fully understand and comprehend the strain and frustration that they feel and that we shall do our best to remove them.I am grateful to the Leader of the Opposition. Our objective is to show our support for the American people and President Carter and to do everything possible to secure the release of the hostages. It is plain that, so far, diplomatic action has not worked. Therefore, after his hopes have been dashed on a number of occasions, the President feels that we must now go a stage further with political and economic action, and we are anxious to get maximum international support for that.
We have not been set a date by which our American friends want us to act. Any guidelines that have been given have been given by reference to events in Iran, and have given a reasonable period for any new measures to take effect. The Americans have made clear that they do not contemplate the use of force now. I believe that asking us to go further in political and economic matters and measures is designed to avoid anything in that regard. I agree with the right hon. Gentleman that any contemplation of that would be an extremely serious step. I hope that the Foreign Ministers will be able to reach a decision next Monday. There will, of course, be urgent consultations in the meantime. The European summit is on the following Monday. We would not rule out any steps for further consultation designed to achieve the objective, which is twofold, namely, our support for the American people and the release of the hostages.I agree with the attitude that the Prime Minister has adopted, but does she not agree that it is unfortunate that President Carter has had to ask the European countries to intensify their efforts in this matter? Does she not also agree that diplomatic relations cannot be maintained without absolute acceptance of the principle of diplomatic immunity and that if we allow this precedent to stand without an adequate response from the international community it will be an open invitation to all dictatorships of the Left or Right to use diplomats as hostages as part of their power struggle?
With respect to the right hon. Gentleman, his comments are a little unjustified. As he knows, there have been a number of diplomatic moves between the United States and Iran, which aroused hopes, first that the hostages would be removed from the custody of the students and placed in the custody of the Government. It was when those moves failed and there did not seem to be any hope of achieving a solution within a reasonable time that President Carter naturally asked his friends to consider further action. That further request came comparatively recently, and it is our wish to respond to it as definitely and as soon as we possibly can.
I welcome the firm and positive note of the interim statement of my right hon. Friend the Prime Minister. Will she impress upon our European allies—who have for so long, together with us, sheltered under the umbrella of the United States military strength—that they must now be prepared to share the burden as well as the benefits of the alliance?
I am grateful to my right hon. and learned Friend. A number of us feel that way but now that the United States has asked us to take action we must do our utmost to respond, both because of our friendship and alliance with her and because of the appalling situation in which diplomats, after some six months, are still hostages in Iran.
Will the right hon. Lady make it perfectly clear that the Foreign Ministers of the EEC collectively have no right or power whatsoever to issue instructions to ambassadors, that the communiqué to that effect was wrongly phrased, and that this right rests wholly with national Governments?
Indeed, but they can agree at a meeting that each of them will issue instructions to ambassadors, and that, in fact, is what they did.
I note the measures already taken by Her Majesty's Government, but does my right hon. Friend not agree that the totality of the collective Western response to the threat posed to international peace and security by the events in Iran and Afghanistan has been inadequate and unsatisfactory so far? Will she therefore consider the possibility of proposing an urgent and immediate date for a small summit between the President of the United States and, perhaps, four or five representatives of Western nations, because the need now is for speedy and positive action?
As my hon. Friend will be the first to appreciate, the statement that I made was about Iran in particular. As he knows, we have been extremely active in urging a more definite and more co-ordinated response in relation to Afghanistan. Certainly this Government have not been backward in giving a lead about what we should do in the light of events in Afghanistan. On my hon. Friend's other point, regarding a smaller summit, we meet in Venice in June for what is normally called an economic summit. I believe that all of us feel that at this time we really must consider world events, especially on the first day. Of course, if that is not soon enough I do not think that any of us would rule out the possibility of an earlier meeting.
Will the Prime Minister answer a question that was put to President Carter by Mr. Fred Emery last night and was not answered? Will not any kind of economic blockade tend to throw the Iranians into dependence on the Russians?
That is one factor which all of us have to take into consideration, but there are also other factors. The patience of the United States in this very difficult situation is not inexhaustible, and diplomatic action has so far not succeeded even in transferring the hostages from the control of the students into the control of the Government. Therefore, we have to consider what next to do, and beyond that the next step must be either political or economic action, or both.
Is it not the case that some time ago President Carter proposed precisely the measures that he is now taking, and is asking his allies to take, but desisted from applying them because his allies asked him not to, so that the Waldheim initiative could first be attempted? In those circumstances, may I impress upon my right hon. Friend—either at the summit in Venice or before —to do what she can to strengthen the position of Mr. Bani-Sadr, who is the best hope in these circumstances, and to demonstrate to the United States that we stand together in this matter, because apart we shall undoubtedly fail?
It is quite true that after the United Nations resolution was vetoed it was hoped that diplomatic inititives could secure some furtherance of the cause of the hostages and secure their release. As my lion. Friend knows, the Waldheim commission was not successful and there was the later initiative, which we expected to produce something but which was suddenly dashed. That being so, we must return to consider the steps for which many of us voted in the Security Council on the United Nations resolution that was vetoed. I agree with my hon. Friend that there have been people in the Government in Iran who seem to have been very anxious to help, believing, as they do, that to keep hostages is no way to conduct international relations. They do not wish to flout international law, but their hands have not been totally free. I also agree that we must show solidarity with the United States in this matter.
Referring to the answer that the Prime Minister has just given, should not British advice to the Americans be based upon a return to the Security Council, because is it not a fact that conditions have now changed and the Americans are unable to concede the original demand of the Iranians which was the return of the Shah to Iran? Is there not also a further development, in the sense that the Shah could now either ask for political asylum or be faced with extradition proceedings, both of which courses would be very embarrassing if this Government, together with the Americans, now tried to mobilise world opinion behind sanctions of the kind about which the Prime Minister is now talking?
As the hon. Gentleman knows, at the time that resolution went before the Security Council international law was being flouted by the Government of Iran and yet Russia used the veto in circumstances that surprised many of us, because we thought that Russia, too, was concerned to see that international law was observed with regard to her diplomats and diplomats all over the world. I believe that the United States feels that it has gone to every international forum, and in a way it has achieved a result in its favour in every international forum, but so far it has had no effect on securing the release of the hostages or even their custody under the Government of Iran. Therefore, I believe that the United States is justified in feeling that further measures are now necessary.
rose—
Order. I propose to call three more hon. Members from either side.
In view of the highly religious nature of the Iranian revolution, will my right hon. Friend consider inviting someone of very high standing within Islam to act as an emissary to the Ayatollah Khomeini before we resort to sanctions? As she will appreciate, Waldheim does not stand high in the Islamic pecking order.
My hon. Friend will know that many of the Islamic nations that are non-aligned voted in another connection against Afghanistan. However, I think that a number of people within Islam have been active in this matter and have not yet secured any result. Therefore, I do not think that it would be wise to wait for something else to fail.
Does the Prime Minister accept that it is extremely important that she does everything possible to meet the reasonable demands of the President of the United States in the action that he proposes to take against international terrorists, not least so as to avoid the likelihood of the United States feeling compelled to take military action? As an interim measure, will she consider expelling from this country those Iranian nationals who are currently undergoing military training here?
I am grateful to the hon. Gentleman for the first part of his comments. There are very few Iranian nationals concerned. I think that the number is about 28 or 30. That is a factor that we shall have to consider.
In the emotional circumstances of a religious revolution, is it not just conceivable that economic and political sanctions might prove counter-productive? In these circumstances, will my right hon. Friend carefully note the suggestion made by my hon. Friend the Member for Eastleigh (Mr. Price)? If a leading member of Islam is not to be called upon to mediate, will she take note of the initiative by His Holiness the Pope and, remembering that we are dealing here with a religious aspect, perhaps suggest that before the politicians go too far there should be an initiative on a basis such as that?
I think that it would be wrong to assume that members of Islam have not been active, because naturally they are very concerned that anyone should conclude that what is happening is characteristic of Islam. Many prominent Islamic people would say that it is not.
With regard to my hon. Friend's question whether economic sanctions would be counter-productive, there are a number of people who are very doubtful about sanctions, but the fact is that all other methods have so far failed, and it would seem that this is the only possible next step.Will the Prime Minister accept that there is an additional factor in this delicate situation? We all want to see the hostages released as soon as possible. Does the right hon. Lady accept that the fact of the American elections looming quite close could result in unacceptable pressure being placed on the Government to make decisions that might subsequently prove untenable? Will she, therefore, assure us that before decisions are taken she will ask the House for its approval of those decisions?
With regard to any possible measure of sanctions, in the absence of a United Nations resolution I believe that we should have to ask the House for the necessary legislative authority. A Government have no powers under international law just to break contracts that are valid in international law, unless there is a mandatory resolution of the United Nations, which automatically becomes embodied in our law, or unless we take specific legal action. Of course, if we were to do so, we would need widespread support from other countries.
There is only one third possibility, which is that some of these things are within the competence of the Community. It may be possible to carry out some of them under Community law, but I think that the hon. Gentleman may rest assured that before any further action on economic sanctions could become effective we would have to come back to the House.All other niceties apart, is it not a fact that if the special relationship is to mean anything, Britain must stand as one with the United States in this deepening crisis, and that failure to do so will have the gravest implications for the Atlantic Alliance, which is the basis of Western European defence?
I agree with my hon. Friend. We also want wide international support. If sanctions are to be effective, they must command wide international support. They cannot be effective if applied by only one or two nations. From that arises the need to consult widely and to take action together.
Does the Prime Minister agree that while there have been some differences about what sort of action should be taken, it should be clearly known and understood in the United States that the House of Commons is absolutely united in condemnation of what has been done by the terrorists in Iran and in the right of the United States' President to come before this House and ask us to co-operate? Secondly, would it not be helpful if further initiatives were taken in those other countries that voted in the United Nations in condemnation of what has happened?
We would, of course, expect the President of the United States, in his great difficulty, to ask his friends for their support. In the same circumstances, I believe that we should do the same thing. He is naturally entitled to expect us to respond, as we should be entitled to expect him to respond to us. I think that the right hon. Gentleman and I are at one on this matter. I am very grateful to him for making it perfectly clear that we are so.
Gibraltar
With your permission, Mr. Speaker, I will make a statement on Gibraltar.
I am pleased to report that the Spanish Foreign Minister and my right hon. and noble Friend reached agreement on 10 April on the re-establishment of direct communications between Spain and Gibraltar. It is envisaged that the practical preparations will be completed not later than 1 June. This will then allow the agreement to be speedily implemented. A copy of the joint AngloSpanish statement has been placed in the Library of the House. This is a very important step, and one I am sure that the House will wish to welcome, though I should emphasise that this is only the beginning of what is likely to be a very long process. The Spanish decision represents another milestone for democratic Spain, and the Government pay tribute to Senor Oreja's statesmanship and the good will which he has shown in his approach to this problem. Our agreement makes a significant contribution towards the strengthening of the United Kingdom's bilateral relations with Spain, to whose early membership of the European Community we look forward. It is also a move of great significance for the people of Gibraltar, who have been cut off from Spain for 11 years. My right hon. and noble Friend and I discussed the implications with the Chief Minister and Leader of the Opposition in London earlier today. I should like to stress that the AngloSpanish statement reaffirms the Government's commitment never to enter into arrangements under which the people of Gibraltar would pass under the sovereignty of another State against their freely and democratically expressed wishes.The House will welcome the removal of restrictions on movements and the opening of the border between Gibraltar and Spain, all the more so since the 11-year siege of Gibraltar was wholly unjustified from beginning to end. The right hon. Gentleman has rightly stated—we welcome this, too—the Government's commitment, as he puts it, never to enter into arrangements under which the people of Gibraltar would pass under the sovereignty of another State against their freely and democratically expressed wishes. That is absolutely right.
I have only two questions to put. The communiqué of 10 April referred toCan the Lord Privy Seal say what subjects are to be covered in these negotiations or talks? Will he confirm that they will not include the question of the sovereignty of Gibraltar?"the forthcoming negotiations aimed at overcoming all the differences between Spain and Britain on Gibraltar."
I am grateful to the right hon. Gentleman for what he said about re-emphasising the Government's firm commitment which I stated at the end of my statement.
With regard to the right hon. Gentleman's question about the communiqué that was issued at the end of my right hon. and noble Friend's conversations with Senor Oreja, we agreed to talk about anything. It is a part of the agreement that nothing is barred. We shall discuss anything. But, as I say, that must be read in the context of our firm commitment to the people of Gibraltar which I mentioned earlier.Will my right hon. Friend say whether the Spaniards are still insisting that, under the correct interpretation of the Treaty of Utrecht, any change in the status of Gibraltar would necessarily involve a reversion to Spanish sovereignty? Will he say whether Her Majesty's Government accept or reject that as a matter of law and as being outwith the spirit of the age?
As my right hon. and learned Friend will know, the Spanish Government stated in the agreed text that they believed that Gibraltar was part of the territorial integrity of Spain. As I have said, we do not take that view. Our position is as I have stated—that there can be no change in the position of Gibraltar without the freely and democratically stated wishes of the people of Gibraltar.
I welcome the Lord Privy Seal's statement, particularly the last paragraph. Can he say anything about lifting restrictions on flight paths into Gibraltar? I understand that those restrictions are still in force. Can he comment on employment in the dockyards? I understand that Moroccans have now replaced Spaniards. Is that subject still open for discussion, and what is the likely outcome?
The restrictions on flight paths were referred to in the statement and should come to an end. That will be beneficial to anyone flying into or out of Gibraltar. The dockyards will be discussed in the negotiations. As the hon. Gentleman has rightly said, Spanish workers have been replaced by Moroccan workers. However, future employment is a matter for commercial negotiation.
With respect to my right hon. Friend, I do not think that he has fully answered the question put to him by my right hon. and learned Friend the Member for Hertfordshire, East (Sir D. Walker-Smith) about the effect of the Treaty of Utrecht. Do the Government agree that, although there is no question of unilaterally abrogating British sovereignty, or doing anything without the approval of the people of Gibraltar, if we were to leave Gibraltar for any reason the sovereignty of the island would revert to Spain?
I cannot agree with my right lion, and learned Friend. We have no intention of leaving Gibraltar and therefore the question does not arise. As I have said, any change in the constitutional arrangements of Gibraltar—that means any giving up of British sovereignty over Gibraltar—can take place only after the free and democratic wishes of the people of Gibraltar have been stated.
As one of the proposals mooted in the past has been that there should be joint administration with Spain of the dockyard and airfield, will the right hon. Gentleman confirm that such proposals would be far easier to implement if Spain were to become a member of NATO? Will he confirm also that the considerations applying to those two sets of installations are totally different?
I agree with the right hon. Gentleman. The question of Spanish membership of NATO is entirely a matter for Spain and is some way in the future.
What action is my right hon. Friend taking in his negotiations with Spain to safeguard the interests of the many Moroccan workers who have provided indispensable support for the Gibraltarian economy for 10 years and who may now have no employment in Morocco? Will he bear their interests in mind in return for the valuable service that they have performed for the economy of Gibraltar and its territorial integrity?
I entirely agree with my hon. Friend. Moroccan workers have played during the past few years an indispensable part in the preservation of Gibraltar. Their interests will be safeguarded. As I have already said, all these issues are for future discussion by the Gibraltarians. I should make plain that in all future negotiations the Gibraltarians will be represented.
if the right hon. Gentleman thinks that he can fob off his right hon. and learned Friends as he has done, he is wrong. They are right. Will the right hon. Gentleman publish, or at least put in the Library, the legal case made on behalf of the British Government answering that put by a previous Spanish Government? For example, a previous Spanish Government pointed out that by admitting Jews to Gibraltar we had broken the express provisions of the Treaty of Utrecht. That might be something that we would all wish to do. However, the point needs answering and no answer has yet been given. Will the right hon. Gentleman do that?
At present, I do not think so. It is not an issue that is being put forward in the present negotiations. I do not see any great advantage in answering such points if they are not being put forward. If they are put forward, we shall answer them.
rose—
Order. I propose to call those hon. Members who have stood throughout questions on the statement, if they will co-operate.
In the light of my right hon. Friend's announcement, will he state that there is no excuse for the inordinately high air fares which impede the tourist development of the Rock? As has been stated, there is British sovereignty and Spanish sovereignty and a third option called "independence". Will my right hon. Friend categorically state his position?
I have already stated my position. British sovereignty will not be altered without the expressly and democratically stated wish of Gibraltarians. Surely that is as clear as it can be. I cannot go any further. The inordinately high air fares to Gibraltar are a subject for my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for Trade. I hope that one of the beneficial results of the agreement will be that such fares will come down.
Are we quite sure that there is no misunderstanding in the minds of those negotiating on the Spanish side? Are they clear that we have no intention of leaving, according to the terms of the Lord Privy Seal's statement? A second and lesser question is whether anything has yet been said about the possibilities of British Service men being allowed to travel in southern Spain when stationed on the Rock.
Nothing has yet been said as regards the second question. As regards the first, if the hon. Gentleman reads the joint declaration he will sec the answer.
Do the Government intend to propose to the Spanish Government that a referendum should take place to determine the wishes of the people of Gibraltar concerning their future status?
As my hon. Friend will know, a referendum took place some time ago. To have another referendum now would be to rush things. There is a long way to go before any question of another referendum arises.
Since the previous position of the Spanish Government was understood to be that restrictions would not be lifted until there had been an agreement to enter into meaningful discussions and negotiations about sovereignty, can my right hon. Friend say whether that condition has been fulfilled?
I have already told the House that, as was made clear in the joint Anglo-Spanish statement, which my hon. Friend will have read, we have agreed to discuss everything. That seems a perfectly reasonable thing to agree to. We have agreed to do so in the context, which I have stated many times, of the 1969 declaration.
Does my right hon. Friend agree that the atmosphere in which the discussions will take place will be enhanced because the Spanish Government have not only applied to join the EEC but have stated their intention to join the NATO Alliance? If he agrees, will he, to enhance the atmosphere of those talks, go further by stating that were Gibraltarians to choose to change their status and to move closer to Spain the British Government would not stand in their way? Will he also confirm the point already made, that under the terms of the Treaty of Utrecht it is not possible for Gibraltar to resort to independence and that were the United Kingdom to withdraw Gibraltar would automatically become subject to Spain's sovereignty?
I cannot continue to repeat my remarks or make them any more meaningful. I have already said that we have no intention of withdrawing, and therefore the question does not arise.
Of course we should welcome any decision by Spain to join NATO. However, that is some years ahead and is an issue for Spain, and not us, to decide.Was not one of the contributory factors to this most welcome advance the sturdy conduct of the Gibraltarian people under the leadership of their Chief Minister? Does not Gibraltar now require a period of calm and reflection during which confidence can be re-established and relationships cemented between Spain and Gibraltar?
I agree with those remarks, particularly those concerning the leadership given to Gibraltar by the Chief Minister. It is natural that after 11 years of blockade and isolation there should be some apprehension in Gibraltar about the future. It is therefore right and proper to have a period of calmness.
I welcome the decision to have talks. I am sure that my right hon. Friend's attention will have been drawn to the large demonstration in Gibraltar expressing considerable opposition to the decision to have the talks. Having experienced this for six years, I can tell my right hon. Friend that an emotiveness has been created in Gibraltar. I welcome my right hon. Friend's view that there should be a period of calm before negotiations are started. I also welcome the fact that the Chief Minister and the Leader of the Opposition in Gibraltar will be present during the negotiations because that will give the Gibraltarians an opportunity to see that both sides are considered. Is my right hon. Friend aware—
Order. I hope that the hon. Gentleman will ask his question. I have extended the time allowed in order to permit him to ask his question. We want to move on at some stage.
Is my right hon. Friend aware of the joint communiqué by the Chief Minister and the Leader of the Opposition issued on 12 April? It said:
"We further reiterate the position of the people of Gibraltar that for their part they are opposed to any negotiations on sovereignty over Gibraltar, a view expressed in a unanimous resolution of the House of Assembly in November 1977."
As my hon. Friend knows, the Chief Minister and the Leader of the Opposition were at the Foreign Office today and the Foreign Secretary and I had talks with them. They seemed to be fully satisfied by what we said. There can be no possible objection to our agreeing to discuss everything with Spain. That must be right, provided that it is recognised that it is in the context of the 1969 declaration. That is our firm position.
Is the Lord Privy Seal aware that the President of the Council of Ministers, when answering a question that I put to him, said that the British Government, during negotiations on the Spanish application to join the Common Market, had never raised the issue of sovereignty over the Rock of Gibraltar? Is it not time that the issue was raised? Should not the Government spell out to the Council of Ministers and to Europe where the British Government stand?
The hon. Gentleman is slightly behind events. The agreement appears to make his suggestion unnecessary.
One aspect of the scope of negotiations worries me. Given the clear statements by the Spanish and British Governments, there can be no merit or benefit in picking over that particular sore in the talks. Will the Lord Privy Seal therefore do his utmost to steer away from the sovereignty issue and discuss such important and practical issues as the flight path and other matters which are of concern to the people of Gibraltar?
I think that the right hon. Gentleman slightly misunderstands. I hope that issues such as the flight path will be agreed before negotiations start. It must be right, in the context of the agreement, to agree to the Spaniards raising any matter that they wish. That is normal. We have discussed that with the Chief Minister and the Leader of the Opposition today. They have said that they are satisfied. It is unduly suspicious of the right hon. Gentleman to object to the terms of the agreement.
Northern Ireland (Security)
I beg to ask leave to move the Adjournment of the House, under Standing Order No. 9, for the purpose of discussing a specific and important matter that should have urgent consideration, namely,
The House should be aware of the serious situation that has arisen in Northern Ireland since the House went into recess. The House is the only place where Northern Ireland elected representatives can discuss these matters. In view of the deplorable absence of a ministerial statement we should have an emergency debate. When the House was going into recess a police officer, Constable Stokes, was blown up in his car by the type of bomb that killed our much lamented colleague, Mr. Airey Neave. That constable was seriously injured. On Good Friday a Royal Ulster Constabulary reserve constable, one of my constituents, Bernard Montgomery, aged 33, who was married, with a 4-year-old son, was shot in the back and murdered by IRA thugs. Just after the holiday weekend another young police officer, who had been one of my constituents for almost all his life—RUC Constable Stephen Magill, aged 24, who had been married for only four months—was murdered in an IRA ambush in which three of his colleagues were injured. On Friday RUC Reserve Constable Fred Wilson, aged 43, married with two children, was murdered by the IRA in the city centre. Mr. Fred Wilson was well known as an able and efficient Housing Executive administrator. My colleagues who represent Belfast constituencies are absent, because they are attending his funeral. Mr. Wilson was held in high esteem by all sections of the community as an officer of the Housing Executive who sought to serve the whole community impartially. A new ingredient has entered the security situation in Northern Ireland—the unofficial strike in progress at the Royal Victoria hospital. The National Union of Public Employees has officially condemned the strike, and rightly. The aim is to have the troops removed from the hospital complex. The troops guard those who have been injured by terrorists and prevent their being further attacked. They also guard terrorists injured while being captured by security forces. The strike is orchestrated by the Provisional IRA. Many sinister incidents have taken place. Attacks have been made on workers preparing food for patients. Food has been thrown on the floor and a porter attacked and seized by the throat by those involved in the unofficial protest. A cardiac ambulance has had difficulty in taking a critically ill patient to the hospital. Grave difficulties are being experienced in supplying food to patients. The situation is highly dangerous and there is a build up of resentment. The House should have the opportunity to debate the issues as soon as possible."the security situation in Northern Ireland with the murder of three police officers and the serious wounding of others by the Provisional IRA and the unofficial strike at the Royal Victoria hospital, aimed at getting the troops out of the hospital complex and resulting in attacks on hospital workers and serious risk to critically ill patients."
The hon. Gentleman gave me notice before 12 o'clock that he would seek leave to move the Adjournment of the House, under Standing Order No. 9, for the purpose of discussing a specific and important matter that he thinks should have urgent consideration, namely,
The House will have listened with deep concern to the hon. Gentleman, who has brought to our attention once again the serious situation in Northern Ireland. As the House knows, I do not decide whether this matter should be debated. I merely decide whether it should be debated tonight or tomorrow night as an emergency debate. As the House also knows, under Standing Order No. 9 I am directed to take into account the several factors set out in the order but to give no reasons for my decision. After listening carefully to the hon. Gentleman, I have to rule that his submission does not fall within the provisions of the Standing Order and I cannot, therefore, submit his application to the House."the security situation in Northern Ireland with the murder of three police officers and the serious wounding of others by the Provisional IRA, and the unofficial strike at the Royal Victoria hospital, aimed at getting the troops out of the hospital complex and resulting in attacks on hospital workers and serious risk to critically ill patients."
Statutory Instruments, &C
By the leave of the House, I will put together the eight Questions on the motions relating to statutory instruments.
Ordered,
That the draft Double Taxation Relief (Taxes on Income) (Australia) Order 1980 be referred to a Standing Committee on Statutory Instruments, &c.
That the draft Double Taxation Relief (Taxes on Income) (Bangladesh) Order 1980 be referred to a Standing Committee on Statutory Instruments, &c.
That the draft Double Taxation Relief (Taxes on Income) (Egpyt) Order 1980 be referred to a Standing Committee on Statutory Instruments, &c.
That the draft Double Taxation Relief (Taxes on Income) (Finland) Order 1980 be referred to a Standing Committee on Statutory Instruments, &c.
That the draft Double Taxation Relief (Taxes on Income) (Norway) (No. 1) Order 1980 be referred to a Standing Committee on Statutory Instruments, &c.
That the draft Double Taxation Relief (Taxes on Income) (Norway) (No. 2) Order 1980 be referred to a Standing Committee on Statutory Instruments, &c.
That the draft Double Taxation Relief (Taxes on Income) (Sri Lanka) Order 1980 be referred to a Standing Committee on Statutory Instruments, &c.
That the draft Double Taxation Relief (Taxes on Estates of Deceased Persons and Inheritance and on Gifts) (Netherlands) Order 1980 be referred to a Standing Committtee on Statutory Instrument, &c.—[Mr. Brooke.]
Orders Of The Day
Criminal Justice (Scotland) Bill Lords
Order for Second Reading read.
I have selected the amendment in the name of the right hon. Gentleman the Leader of the Opposition. For the Second Reading of this Bill, I propose to apply the 10-minute rule from 7 pm until 9 pm. This rule has already worked well in enabling a larger number of hon. Members to be called.
4.23 pm