House Of Commons
Thursday 21 February 1985
The House met at half-past Two o'clock
Prayers
[MR. SPEAKER in the Chair]
Private Business
Order. As all the private Bills have blocking motions, I shall, with the leave of the House, deal with them in a single group.
BRITISH RAILWAYS BILL (By Order)
BIRMINGHAM CITY COUNCIL BILL (By Order)
CAMBRIDGE CITY COUNCIL BILL (By Order)
C-POULTRY COMPANY LIMITED BILL (By Order)
FELIXSTOWE DOCK AND RAILWAY BILL (By Order)
GREATER LONDON COUNCIL (GENERAL POWERS) BILL (By Order)
HARROGATE STRAY BILL (By Order)
LINCOLN CITY COUNCIL BILL (By Order)
PLYMOUTH MARINE EVENTS BASE BILL (By Order)
SCARBOROUGH BOROUGH COUNCIL BILL (By Order)
STREATHAM PARK CEMETERY BILL (By Order)
YORKSHIRE WATER AUTHORITY BILL (By Order)
Orders for Second Reading read.
To be read a Second time upon Thursday 28 February.
Oral Answers To Questions
National Finance
Medium-Term Financial Strategy
1.
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer when he expects to achieve his targets as regards sustainable growth and jobs, as set out in the medium-term financial strategy.
Output has been growing steadily for the best part of four years and employment has been rising since the first quarter of 1983. With inflation under control, those trends are expected to continue.
The nation will not recognise the picture that the Chancellor of the Exchequer painted. Does he agree that output has not yet reached the level of 1979 when the Labour Government left office? Does he agree that the medium-term financial strategy had three elements: the conquest of inflation, sustainable growth, and job creation? Is it not a fact that they are mutually exclusive, that he has not conquered inflation, or achieved sustainable growth, and that he cannot create jobs? When will the Chancellor tell the House that he is abandoning the medium-term financial strategy?
From someone who is normally as well informed as the hon. Gentleman, I have never heard so many errors in a single question. First, output, far from not having reached the 1979 peak, exceeded the 1979 peak in 1983, went still higher in 1984, and is expected to go higher still in 1985. The latest figures for employment published only yesterday show that during the 18 months to September 1984 there was an increase of about 480,000. That is a substantial increase, in which an increase in self-employment has played a large part. My right hon. and hon. Friends will be glad to know that. Far from the conquest of inflation being incompatible with a healthy economy, growth and more jobs, it is one of the essential elements in the foundation for more jobs, although there are also other elements.
While I welcome the Government's record since 1981 in boosting both output and employment, does my right hon. Friend believe that there is a place now for treating the public sector borrowing requirement calculation on an oil-adjusted basis?
I read with great interest the pamphlet written and published by my hon. Friend and my hon. Friend the Member for Lewisham, West (Mr. Maples). Many adjustments must be made to the PSBR in different directions to decide on an appropriate level. Those adjustments were all made. The factors were all taken into account when the last medium-term financial strategy was published in March 1984.
Since the Chancellor recently published a careful study of the effect on the number of jobs of lower employment costs, will he tell the House approximately how many new jobs he reckons will have resulted from the abolition of the national insurance surcharge last year?
It is extremely difficult to put a figure on that, but the same factor would broadly apply as applied in the Treasury paper, that is, the 1 per cent. lower level of real earnings would over time be expected to result in between 110,000 and 220,000 additional jobs.
Does my right hon. Friend accept that, in the light of the world recession and the decades of industrial decline that preceded this Government's tenure of office, his financial strategy is working well in the national economic interest? Will he acknowledge the great role being played by new and small businesses in the creation of jobs within the economy? Furthermore, will he have regard to the wishes of my constituents that that should be taken into account in the forthcoming Budget?
I always take my hon. Friend's representations very carefully into account when framing my Budget.
Imports
2.
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer if he has made any estimate of the impact of (a) tax cuts and (b) public sector construction spending on imports.
It would be misleading to look at tax and expenditure decisions solely in terms of their relative import content. What matters is whether tax or expenditure decisions will contribute towards improved economic performance.
Has the Minister read the input and output tables of the Department of Trade and Industry, which show conclusively that public sector construction is less import intensive than tax cuts? Will he now at last treat jobs as the main priority instead of putting forward his own pet theories?
Any addition to disposable income will go on imports, and that is true of higher wages as well as of additional income due to tax cuts. If the hon. Gentleman is consistent in his view, he is presumably also opposed to wage increases on the ground that they, too, suck in imports.
Does my right hon. and learned Friend accept that it is not only tax cuts that have an effect on the economy, and that the Government are right not to set themselves a harsh target on the value of the pound, as many of the things that have happened have been very helpful to manufacturing industry, which in turn helps to strengthen the economy? Anyone who thinks that having a set target for the pound helps this country just does not understand the facts of economic life.
My hon. Friend is quite right. The export opportunities to, for example, the United States are enormous at present. Hon. Members will know that, even disregarding oil, the volume of exports rose by 9·5 per cent. in 1984 to reach an all-time high.
Infrastructure
3.
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer how many representations he has received concerning the need for more public spending on the infrastructure.
Several.
The Minister has already accepted that tax cuts will not necessarily create jobs, but does he realise that there is evidence to show that money spent on the infrastructure would create two and a half times as many jobs as money spent in tax cuts? Will he accept that public spending is a necessary part of job creation?
I certainly accept that public spending can create jobs, but if the hon. Lady reflects for a moment she will realise that economies, such as the economy of Japan, which carry a low rate of public expenditure and a low tax burden are performing rather well, and are therefore creating more jobs.
When considering public expenditure on the infrastructure, will my right hon. and learned Friend bear in mind the return produced thereby? The last thing that we want is more fiascos like that of the Humber bridge, which act as a drain on the economy and destroy jobs in the long term?
My hon. Friend is absolutely right. Capital projects are bound to be looked at on an individual basis. There can be no absolutely correct level of capital expenditure on infrastructure projects. Each project must be looked at on a case-by-case basis to see whether it is likely to yield a proper return.
Is the Minister aware that capital investment has fallen as a proportion of gross domestic product from an average of 19 per cent. under Labour to an average of 17 per cent. over the past four years? Is he further aware that Britain is now at the bottom of the investment league of major industrial countries? Is it not high time that he listened to the voices of industry, the unions and Members of Parliament of both parties and stepped up investment in our decaying infrastructure in order to provide real jobs and to make our economy more efficient?
If the hon. Lady was not mesmerised by the public sector—we all know her penchant for an East European economy — she would realise that capital investment is running at an all-time high.
Will my right hon. and learned Friend remind the House that if our public sector borrowing requirement were increased to provide more infrastructure investment it would put an added strain on the nation's finances, since the national debt costs taxpayers about £17 billion a year to service? Consequently, does he agree that anybody asking for increased public expenditure must realise that it would put further strain on taxpayers?
I accept my hon. Friend's analysis. He appreciates, just as I and other Government Members do, that by giving more scope for manoeuvre in the private sector we are creating scope for investment in that sector which can make for a more effective economy.
If, as is alleged, the main sewers are collapsing in all our main cities, does that not take care of all the dogmatic theories on both sides of the House?
I have to confess that I cannot talk with authority about the main sewers in Portree on the Isle of Skye, but I can tell the right hon. Gentleman that nearly £1 billion of public investment will be spent on water and sewerage services in 1985–86.
Capital Investment
5.
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer what are the latest figures available for the levels of capital investment in the United Kingdom.
Total fixed investment in the economy is reckoned to have reached about £55 billion in 1984, an all-time record in real terms. It is forecast to rise higher still this year.
I thank my right hon. Friend for that reply. Does he agree that one of the best indicators of the direction of the economy, of confidence in the future and of hope for jobs is the level of capital expenditure in manufacturing industry? What are the trends here?
That certainly is one of a number of important indicators. My hon. Friend is right to refer to it. Provisional figures published today show that manufacturing investment increased by about 13 per cent. in real terms in 1984.
Is not investment in manufacturing industries 30 per cent. less than it was when the last Labour Government left office?
Investment in manufacturing is, indeed, less—although not by that amount—in real terms since 1979. Total business investment is at an all-time high. That is what the hon. Gentleman should take on board.
Will my right hon. Friend remind the House that one of the great modern delusions is that all public capital expenditure is labour intensive? Is that not far from the truth?
My hon. Friend, who speaks with great experience from a distinguished career in municipal government, is absolutely right.
Job Creation
6.
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer if he has made any estimate of the effect of a £1·5 billion income tax cut on the level of unemployment.
Income tax cuts will encourage enterprise and effort, facilitate lower wage settlements, and help to provide the conditions for improved economic performance and a sustainable increase in employment.
Will the Minister please answer the question and give his estimate of the number of people who will be taken off the unemployment queues as a result of tax cuts? Does he agree that talk about incentives when 4 million people are unemployed is an insult to the unemployed, since they want work but it is not available? They are not shy of work. Would it not be better to put the money back into public capital expenditure instead of giving it away to the rich?
The weakness in our economy is not a lack of demand or a lack of public expenditure. Our weakness relates to our inability to compete effectively with foreigners in domestic and international markets. Tax cuts will help not only to stimulate enterprise and effort but to encourage lower wage settlements and to make our economy more competitive.
If a substantial part of the £1·5 billion were used to reduce the cost of employment by reducing further employers' national insurance payments, is it not arguable that that would have a better effect on unemployment than capital investment or reduction of personal taxation?
My hon. Friend has argued that point before, and my right hon. Friend the Chancellor will have heard his question. I am sure that my hon. Friend is pleased that, in the past five or six years, employer costs as a percentage of total taxation have decreased from 14 plus per cent. to 9 per cent. That shows the Government's recognition of the burden.
Although Treasury Ministers are quite mistaken in thinking that income tax cuts are the most effective means of stimulating employment, does the Financial Secretary, within his own terms of reference, agree with the Institute of Fiscal Studies that the worst way to improve incentives is to raise thresholds?
No, I do not agree with that suggestion. It has an attractive simplicity and I understand some of the points that the institute makes. Bearing in mind our exceptionally low thresholds, I thought that it was common ground that they always merit attention. I shall draw what the hon. Gentleman said to the attention of my right hon. Friend, who was listening carefully.
Does my hon. Friend agree that but for the miners' strike we would be looking forward to much larger tax deductions in the Budget and therefore a much greater effect on employment? Will my hon. Friend remind taxpayers that if the Labour party had not given Arthur Scargill such solid support they would have more money in their pockets?
My hon. Friend is right to the extent that our gross domestic product grew by 2·5 per cent. last year —something more than 1 per cent. less than it might have grown. The strike has clearly had a significant impact on my right hon. Friend's ability to carry forward our policies. I hope that all hon. Members want there to be an end to this unnecessary dispute.
How many jobs will arise from using £1·5 billion to cut taxes? Does the Minister not know, or is he refusing to tell us?
The simplicity that is evident in the hon. Gentleman's question sometimes makes me despair. To the extent to which the economy suffers from supply side difficulties, as opposed to demand difficulties, any attempt to reduce the taxation burden will increase job opportunities. Simple analysis of mathematical models fails to understand how supply side effects are improved by competition through tax cuts. Failure to understand that is at the base of the Opposition's inability to understand the Government's economic policies.
Public Expenditure
7.
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer if he has made any revisions to the estimates for the overshoot of public spending above targets contained in the recent public expenditure White Paper.
An updated estimate of the public expenditure planning total outturn for 1984–85 will be published in the "Financial Statement and Budget Report".
At least the right hon. and learned Gentleman has not made his perennial boast about holding spending in real terms. Presumably he now knows that hardly anyone believes him. Moreover, he continues to threaten us with cuts in spending programmes which might have boosted wealth to fund a social security bill which is the direct result of the Government's failure to generate jobs. Contrary to what the Financial Secretary has just said, does the right hon. and learned Gentleman agree that we want, not clamps on labour costs and price tags on public assets, but a sharp increase in spending power, which will increase wealth and jobs?
I remind the hon. Gentleman that the hon. Member for Tynebridge (Mr. Cowans) suggested that increased spending would suck in imports. Sustainable jobs will be created by the policy being pursued by the Government, not by a meretricious increase in spending on uncosted capital projects.
In the light of recent debates on water charges and local authority housing expenditure, does my right hon. and learned Friend agree that those who call most stridently for increased public spending are often those who are most reluctant to find means to pay for it?
My hon. Friend is absolutely right. That was evident in some of our debates—for example, on the increase in water charges, which will open the way to increased capital investment by the water authorities of nearly £1 billion next year.
Will the Chief Secretary to the Treasury explain to us how he expects the external financing of the nationalised industries to be reduced by £3 billion over the next three years? When the Government last expressed optimism in 1980 they expected it to be reduced by £2 billion, but it never was. Why is the Chief Secretary more optimistic now than he was then?
It seems to have escaped the attention of the right hon. Gentleman that we have moved rather sharply out of the recession. It will also have escaped his attention that the nationalised industries are getting a rather firmer control over costs than they had before 1979.
May I ask my right hon. and learned Friend what he believes are the prospects for public expenditure overshoots on local authority expenditure and what effect he believes the present levels of local authority spending have upon job prospects and the economy as a whole?
We believe that firm control of public expenditure is an important element in the Government's strategy and that that is the way to create sustainable long-term jobs. On my hon. Friend's precise question about local authority current spending, the Government have improved the control mechanisms. I have no doubt that my hon. Friend is a firm supporter of rate capping. Rate capping will operate on the 18 authorities which account for about 70 per cent. of the local authority overspend.
Economic Growth
8.
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer if he is satisfied with the growth rate of the economy in the last 12 months.
By the middle of this year our economy will have achieved four consecutive years of growth. The duration of the recovery will then be longer than any since 1945.
Will the Minister explain to my constitutents why he is so pleased with those figures? If the pound has responded by going down, thus forcing inflation to start rising again, it masks a fall in industrial production. What figures does the Minister believe have to be achieved before unemployment starts to fall?
I should have thought that the whole House, whatever its legitimate concern about the long-term problem of tackling unemployment, would welcome the fact that we are in the middle of four years of recovery. As the hon. Gentleman is worried about our manufacturing capability, I hope that he will not only remember the words of my right hon. Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer a few moments ago about manufacturing investment being up by 13 per cent. in 1984, but that he will be interested in the fact that in 1984 manufacturing export volume was up by 11 per cent.—another piece of what I hope the hon. Gentleman thinks is good news.
Has my hon. Friend noticed that the level of real interest rates is higher now than it has been, on average, for some time? Does he agree, therefore, that one of the most desirable forms of stimulus to the British economy would be a Budget which enabled real interest rates to be significantly reduced in the coming months?
The rate of real interest rates reflects one of the features of the last five years—the reduction of inflation. Obviously I shall draw the attention of my right hon. Friend to the budgetary recommendations of my hon. Friend, but what most industrialists and business men want, and what would add most to long-term employment, is a further reduction of inflation and the opportunity in wage settlements for our country to be competitive in terms of international wage unit costs.
Does the Chancellor realise that the imposition of further taxation on the tobacco industry will seriously affect jobs in that long suffering sector and the economy of the country as a whole?
I commend the hon. Gentleman on the way in which he has been able to make a budgetary representation to my right hon. Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer by means of that question.
Does my hon. Friend agree that one action that the Government could take to relieve unemployment would be the complete abolition of wages councils?
I am not quite sure how that fits as a budgetary representation, but I shall certainly draw the attention of my right hon. and hon. Friends to that recommendation.
How are discussions developing on the package of incentives for small businesses and the community programme that was commented upon a few weeks ago in the leader columns of the Sunday newspapers? Is it true that the Chancellor is under pressure from his own Back Benchers to introduce such a package, and will he make sure that if it is introduced it includes a substantial increase in the number of places made available under the community programme, because that would create real employment in areas such as mine?
I could not begin to comment on newspaper speculation, but I draw the hon. Member's attention to the major achievements in the small business sector over past years, especially the radical reduction in the corporation tax rate to 30 per cent.—a record low in the whole of the Western world.
Does my hon. Friend agree that the cost of financing the miners' strike is a burden on the money markets, and that capital investment is not helped if there is a Scargill surcharge on mortgage payments?
There is no way in which industrial disputes of the kind that we are going through at the moment can in any way help our country's economic development. I am sure that all those who wish to see a reduction in unemployment, and a return to the kind of growth pattern that might have developed last year without the strike, would wish to see this unnecessary dispute ended.
To remove one of the obstacles to economic growth and to assist business confidence, will the Government take advantage of the present favourable opportunity to open negotiations with a view to Britain joining the exchange rate mechanisms of the European monetary system?
I shall draw my right hon. Friend's attention to that point. I think that the Chancellor of the Exchequer made the Government's position on that issue clear last Question Time, and that position has not changed since.
Does my hon. Friend agree that one of the factors restraining the economy is that the state is still far too much engaged in industry? Will he accordingly introduce plans to denationalise the gas, water and electricity industries, in order to release a large amount of money into the economy?
I have a distinct feeling that my hon. Friend's suggestion is somewhat wide of the question, but he is absolutely right in recognising the Government's privatisation programme as a key element in revitalising the economy.
Is not industry now paying about £1,000 million per year more for the cost of borrowing because of high interest rates? Are not real interest rates now the highest that they have ever been, under a Government who said that they should be judged by their achievement of low real interest rates? When will the Minister tell the House that those real interest rates will come down?
As I said earlier, in the last five years industry has seen a reduction in the burden of taxation relative to total taxation, from 14 per cent. of all taxes to 9 per cent. now. That is a significant achievement, which helps industry. I am sure that the hon. Member will help in further assisting industry by ensuring that pay settlements reflect productivity increases, instead of having the kind of pattern that has made our wage unit costs so unattractive in competitive terms.
Manufacturing Output
9.
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer what are the latest statistics for United Kingdom manufacturing output; and if he will make a statement.
Manufacturing output is estimated to have risen by some 3½ per cent. in 1984. This is the largest percentage increase in any year since 1973.
I duly acknowledge and warmly welcome my right hon. Friend's answer, but, bearing in mind that opponents of the Government sometimes try to argue that such an increase from a relatively low baseline is fairly easily achieved, will he comment on any underlying trends or indications which suggest that that growth is sustainable?
The growth is certainly sustainable; indeed, I am confident that it will be sustained, provided that the Government stick firmly, as they will, to the medium-term financial strategy.
Why is our trade in manufactured goods now in deficit for the first time since the Industrial Revolution?
I should have thought that the hon. Member, coming from a constituency in Scotland, would at least have heard of North sea oil and would realise that if there is to be a large surplus—as there is—on our oil account in the balance of payments, there is bound to be a corresponding deficit in regard to trade in manufactured goods.
Value Added Tax
10.
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer what representations he has recently received from disability organisations on the imposition of value added tax on building alterations.
Over 100 from disabled individuals and their organisations.
Is my hon. Friend aware that last year's extension of VAT to house adaptations has added a vast amount to the VAT bills faced by charities? Is he also aware that the system of relief for adaptations for the disabled is causing great confusion and anomalies? Will he remove them by extending relief to all household adaptations for the disabled?
I have noted what my hon. Friend has said. He will recognise that last year special reliefs were given and at that time I said that the main objection to the proposal he has now made was revenue costs. The facts remain the same this year as last year.
Is the Minister aware that after the last budget the Jewish Blind Society had an extra VAT bill of £100,000, the Spastics Society one of £120,000 and the Royal National Institute for the Blind one of £100,000? The result was that their work in the service of severely disabled people was adversely affected. Is this not an intolerable way to treat the voluntary sector?
I met the representatives of the Charities VAT Reform Group and points along the lines of those mentioned by the right hon. Gentleman were made at that meeting. One has to see this in the broader context of the very significant concessions within the tax system made available to charities and the very substantial grants that are made by the Government to charities.
Does my hon. Friend recognise that many charities undertake responsibilities which would otherwise be a direct and full charge upon the public purse? Will he therefore reconsider his policy with a view to putting in place a tax regime for charities that is coherent and systematically supportive of charities?
The points made by my hon. Friend are those contained in the representations that the Chancellor has received from the Charities VAT Reform Group and, as has been indicated to that group, they will be given careful consideration.
Does the Minister agree that VAT on a vital alteration in a building for disabled people represents a tax on disability?
No, I do not think that I would accept that proposition.
Does my hon. Friend agree that the continued imposition of VAT on charities runs directly counter to the other helpful measures which the Government have tried to introduce in support of their wish for a partnership with the voluntary sector?
I do not think that there is any question of trying to introduce—very substantial concessions and advantages have been introduced by this Government.
Does the Minister recognise that the Treasury has been less than charitable to charitable organisations which are trying to carry out these adaptations for disable people? Why is he quibbling over a very tiny cost that could help many people in great hardship, especially when we know that the Chancellor is accumulating £1·5 million to give away in tax cuts?
I do not think that "quibbling" is the right judgment to apply to the debates we had last year on that matter, and I was referring back to them. With regard to this year, it would, of course, be quite improper for me to seek to anticipate my right hon. Friend's Budget statement. I again assert that the Government have done a great deal to help charities, particularly those dealing with the disabled.
Will the Minister reflect on the answer that he gave to the hon. Member for Eccles (Mr. Carter-Jones), who is surely right? Many disabled people need building alterations to cope with their disability. This is surely a tax on disability.
When one takes account of the relief that was given in the last Budget in connection with building operations for facilitating access to buildings by the handicapped, and of the special zero rating of the first-time installation of a bathroom, washroom or lavatory for a handicapped person in his own home, one sees that very considerable relief was afforded to the disabled in the last Budget.
Job Creation
11.
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer if he has made any calculation of the impact of the recent public expenditure White Paper on unemployment.
The Government's public expenditure plans are an integral part of their policies to encourage a vigorous and enterprising economy and, thus, the conditions for sustainable growth of jobs.
Does the Minister realise that he is speaking against a background of growing unemployment, including another 1,000 men placed on the unemployment register in my constituency in Oldham, and that, despite the welter of statistics with which he tries to mislead the country, outside this building there are 4 million people, who are not statistics, who are unemployed, and to whom his boast of an expanding economy rings very hollow indeed?
The hon. Gentleman misunderstands the background against which I gave my answer. There was an increase in jobs of 389,000 between the third quarter of 1983 and the third quarter of 1984.
Does my right hon. and learned Friend agree that unemployment in the construction industry could be reduced significantly if development land tax was amended significantly? Does he agree also that the cost of collecting this pernicious tax exceeds the net revenue that is enjoyed from it?
My hon. Friend's second proposition is not correct. As for prospects of abolishing or curtailing the tax, my hon. Friend will have to wait for 19 March.
If things are on the up and up, as is alleged, why is it that Rowntree Mackintosh is closing its profitable factory in Edinburgh? Will the right hon. and learned Gentleman answer that question?
No, because I am not answerable for Rowntree Mackintosh.
Does my right hon. and learned Friend agree that, irrespective of what the White Paper may say, if workers continue to ask for more money than the value of the goods they produce they will put more and more people out of work? Would it be an idea for the teaching profession to learn that as well?
I am sure that the House will accept my hon. Friend's analysis. I hope that the lesson is learnt by the trade union movement.
Will the reduction of £1 billion in spending on construction next year compared with expenditure in the previous year result in more, or fewer, jobs?
The hon. Gentleman, like his hon. Friends, is focusing on the public sector. He should consider housing starts in the private sector.
North Sea Oil
12.
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer if he has revised his forecast of the total tax take from North sea oil in the light of exchange rate and oil price movements that have occurred since the Autumn Statement.
The latest forecasts of North sea tax revenues will be published on Budget day.
Is it not a fact that, since the Autumn Statement, the pound has fallen 12 cents against the dollar? In the light of Treasury Ministers telling the Select Committee that each cent. is worth about £150 million more in oil revenues for Britain, that means that the Chancellor of the Exchequer has about £1·8 billion of manoeuvre for his Budget statement. Will he use that money to create jobs in industry and not waste it as he has wasted it before?
It is important to remind the House of what was said by Treasury Ministers and the chief economic adviser at the meeting to which the hon. Gentleman has referred. When asked about calculations, the chief economic adviser said:
The chief economic adviser was trying to point out the danger of the simplistic trap into which the hon. Gentleman has sought to lead us. He should recognise the other implications for oil price and exchange rate changes."to achieve a systematic set of calculations right across the board you have to specify rather precisely quite a lot of assumptions about whether one is speaking of a particular bilateral rate, or whether one is speaking about the effective rate and in turn what effects you think that would have upon world commodity prices, and particularly upon oil prices, the impact upon the inflation rate etc."
Does my hon. Friend agree that the tax take from the North sea will be vital in the long term for Britain's economy? Is it not absurd that the Leader of the Opposition has announced that it is his policy to take and retain controls over North sea oil development? This will prejudice development in the North sea and eventually the tax take from it.
My hon. Friend is right. The tax revenue system, as he will know from his Scottish experience, is extremely important. He will know also, from the Autumn Statement, that revenues expected in the current fiscal year amount to £12 billion. It is forecast in the Autumn Statement that revenues in 1985–86 will be a similar £12 billion. North sea oil is an important national asset, and my hon. Friend is right to draw our attention to the fact that it will, we trust, continue to produce good results for the nation for many significant years.
Value Added Tax
13.
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer how many representations he has received regarding the imposition of value added tax on newspapers.
Over 2,000 representations about the imposition of VAT on books, newspapers and periodicals.
Has the Minister considered the Price Waterhouse report, commissioned by the Newspaper Society, which suggests that the imposition of VAT in this area could result in the loss of 7,000 jobs and over 100 titles? Is this part of the budget for jobs?
The Price Waterhouse report referred to by the hon. Gentleman is one of the many representations and pieces of information that have been received and are being considered.
In view of the representations received, does my hon. Friend agree that to impose VAT on the cover price of local newspapers would be a crippling blow to many of them?
I have met representatives from the Newspaper Society, who have made their case with considerable strength.
With regard to the likelihood of VAT being imposed on newspapers, has the Treasury considered what will happen to local free newspapers which rely solely on revenue from advertising and provide a good service for their communities? Is the hon. Gentleman aware that they will be unable to pass on costs to their customers because they are free sheets? Is he aware that this service may fold up?
As I said, representations have been received across the board. I met representatives of the Association of Free Newspapers, who again have made the case for free newspapers with considerable vigour.
Prime Minister
Engagements
Q1.
asked the Prime Minister if she will list her official engagements for Thursday 21 February.
I have been asked to reply.
My right hon. Friend is paying an official visit to the United States.
Will my right hon. Friend take this opportunity to confirm, in regard to limited list prescribing, that it is and always has been the Government's intention that a full and comprehensive list of drugs should be available for all National Health Service patients, irrespective of their ability to pay? Will he, therefore, condemn the disreputable behaviour of a small minority of doctors who have grossly misrepresented the Government's proposals and in so doing have caused their patients, particularly their elderly patients, acute anguish and distress?
I can confirm that it has always been the intention that the list should be comprehensive and well judged. I agree that there has been a good deal of public misapprehension about what is intended. I very much hope that that problem will be resolved when my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for Social Services makes a statement later this afternoon.
When the right hon. Lady comes back from America, will the Leader of the House ask her to visit Strathclyde region, where half of the male population who are unemployed and drawing benefit have been unemployed for over a year, where 40 per cent. of them have actually been unemployed for over two years and where 40 per cent. of the women between the ages of 30 and 59 have also been unemployed for over two years? Is it not time that the Prime Minister paid a visit to the region to see at first hand the effects of her economic policy?
My right hon. Friend is undoubtedly sufficiently seized of the problems of unemployment not to need to visit any particular part of the United Kingdom to realise that it is a substantial and widespread difficulty. In that context, I am sure that the hon. Gentleman will at least take some solace from the latest figures of the Department of Employment, which show that the number employed is rising, and rising quite well.
Mr. Cockeram.
Has my right hon. Friend had time to study the figures—
Order. Question No. 2.
Q2.
asked the Prime Minister if she will list her official engagements for Thursday 21 February.
I have been asked to reply.
I refer my hon. Friend to the reply that I gave some moments ago.Has my right hon. Friend had time to study the figures to which he referred in his reply to the hon. Member for Motherwell, North (Mr. Hamilton)? Is it not remarkable that the number of people in work has risen by over one third of a million in the last 12 months? Is not this the other side of the coin to the number joining the unemployment register and seeking work, which of course includes married women?
My hon. Friend is right in the point that he has made. Without doubt, a study of the register demonstrates the importance of the self-employed in our economy and, therefore, of economic policies designed to encourage their interests.
Will the right hon. Gentleman confirm, or deny, that I am being subjected to political snooping by MI5? If I am, will he arrange for me to see a copy of my file? Is it not the case that such snooping is outside the guidelines, since information gathered on me clearly has nothing to do with national security?
If it is of any interest to the House, I am in absolutely no position to comment upon what may have been the situation of the hon. Lady. She will know that my right hon. and learned Friend the Home Secretary confirmed on 7 February what has been the practice of successive Governments, that it was never the practice in cases of individuals where telephone tapping was alleged either to confirm or deny that interception had taken place.
asked the Prime Minister if she will list her official engagements for Thursday 21 February.
I have been asked to reply.
I refer my hon. Friend to the reply that I gave some moments ago.Will my right hon. Friend urge our right hon. and learned Friend the Home Secretary to study carefully the representations made by Poole borough council on Sunday trading? May we have an early assurance that action will be taken to clear up the collection of anomalies that exist at the moment?
I am sure that the representations of Poole council will be among the many that will be assessed by my right hon. and learned Friend the Home Secretary. Indeed, the House will wish to assess them when it, in turn, debates the Auld report. My hon. Friend will recollect that that matter was considered in private Members' time in the last Parliament, and on that occasion a sharp division of opinion was revealed.
I take on board the earlier responses of the Leader of the House, but can he remind the Prime Minister, on her return from Washington, of her written promise to me to visit Teesside in the lifetime of this Parliament? Will he further remind the Prime Minister that 1,000 jobs were lost in the first 10 days of the year and that there is nothing like personal experience of unemployment to chasten the mind and change the Government's policies?
I say particularly in the context of the answer that I gave to the hon. Member for Motherwell, North (Mr. Hamilton) that a visit to Teesside, no less than a visit to Scotland, is a pleasurable prospect. I shall draw the attention of my right hon. Friend the Prime Minister to the hon. Gentleman's point. On the wider issue of unemployment, I go back to the answer that I have given hitherto. I believe that it is the Government's policies that will ultimately provide the basis for a recovery in employment, and there is some harbinger of that in the figures for those who are actually in work.
Q4.
asked the Prime Minister if she will list her official engagements for Thursday 21 February.
I have been asked to reply.
I refer my hon. Friend to the reply that I gave some moments ago.Is my right hon. Friend aware that there are press reports that the United Kingdom may make a bid to have the 1992 Olympic Games in this country? Is he further aware that there are other places in this country than London? Does he appreciate that somewhere north of Watford is an area known as the north-west, where we have some of the finest sporting facilities in the country? Does my right hon. Friend not think that Manchester would be a splendid venue for the 1992 Olympic Games?
I take note of what my hon. Friend says, championing the claims of Manchester. The appropriate action would be for the city to make its cause favoured by the British Olympic Association. I suggest that as the course that my hon. Friend should follow. I should also like to make this observation. By the time we come towards the casting of the Olympic Games, I believe that some authorities in England will be happy to declare themselves Olympic-free zones.
Will the Leader of the House confirm that it is the British Government's policy in no way to support American backing for the Contras against Nicaragua? Will he make sure that that point is made clear by the Prime Minister to President Reagan during her present visit?
I am sure that the Prime Minister will make the most clear and explicit statements promoting the British national interest in the Caribbean, and that they will not be lost on the American regime.
Q5.
asked the Prime Minister if she will list her official engagements for Thursday 21 February.
I have been asked to reply.
I refer my hon. Friend to the reply that I gave some moments ago.Does my right hon. Friend agree that the executive of the National Union of Mineworkers has utterly isolated itself, not only from the Coal Board, but from nearly half — probably more — of its own membership and the leadership of the British trade union movement? Does my right hon. Friend further agree that it is about time that the Labour party condemned the strike and appealed, together with us in the Conservative party, for a return to work as soon as possible?
The House will be aware that the Secretary of State for Energy will answer a private notice question on that matter in a few moments. I should like to respond to my hon. Friend by saying that I believe that Mr. Scargill has no hope whatsoever of securing victory, but he has a very real prospect of dividing his union.
Is the Leader of the House aware that another construction can be put on the toings and froings between the TUC, the Government and the Coal Board? Many members of the NUM and others believe that the TUC was hoodwinked by the Prime Minister and that the liaison committee, headed by Norman Willis, came back with a deal that was infinitely worse than the one the week before.
I cannot join the hon. Gentleman in delivering so magisterial a rebuke to the TUC — one which alleged, above all, that it displayed the cardinal crime of innocence when in the presence of my right hon. Friend the Prime Minister. I do not think that Ray Buckton is hoodwinking material. This instance demonstrates the intransigence of Arthur Scargill and the reason why, from the very outset, it has never been possible to come to a reasonable and working arrangement to terminate the strike.
Q6.
asked the Prime Minister if she will list her official engagements for Thursday 21 February.
I have been asked to reply.
I refer the hon. Gentleman to the reply that I gave some moments ago.Will the Leader of the House urge the Prime Minister, when she returns, to clarify the position of members of the Transport and General Workers Union working at the Ministry of Defence who have been dismissed? The reason for dismissal given to Mrs. Balkinson and other women was that their security screening clearance had run out. The decision taken by the contractors might be a reason for the dismissal. The trade union movement has been unable to obtain a clear answer from the Government. May we take it that this is part of the post-Ponting hysteria that prevails at the Ministry of Defence? Will the right hon. Gentleman press for this matter to be cleared up as soon as possible?
I should like to thank the hon. Gentleman for his courtesy in giving me notice that he would raise this question. I understand that the matter is now before my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for Defence. I shall certainly ensure that my right hon. Friend the Prime Minister is apprised of the question when she returns from the United States.
Does my right hon. Friend accept that the greatest scar and scab on this nation is Arthur Scargill? Does my right hon. Friend remember that 10 months ago I advised the house that Scargill was a Marxist surrounded by Communists and supported by the Kremlin? Does my right hon. Friend accept that we know that Scargill is a Marxist surrounded by Communists and that Russian money is coming into his grubby little hands?
I think that the whole House realises that Mr. Arthur Scargill is possessed of a wide range of formidable qualities, many of which were covered by my hon. Friend's question. What the House is entitled to know, and what doubtless will be revealed when we come to the private notice question, is how many hon. Members remain in the Arthur Scargill fan club.
Is the Leader of the House aware that there is wide public concern about Government threats to employees' pension schemes in companies and to the state earnings-related pension scheme? Will the right hon. Gentleman give an undertaking that the Government will not undermine the employees' occupational pension schemes either by changes in taxation or by DHSS proposals for portable pensions? Will the right hon. Gentleman confirm that the specific statement made by the Prime Minister during the general election campaign—that there are no plans to change the earnings-related component of the state pension — still defines the Government's position?
As the right hon. Gentleman knows, the earnings-related scheme is covered by one of the reviews now being undertaken by my right hon. Friend. The right hon. Gentleman, together with the rest of us, will have to wait to learn the consequences of the review.
On the taxation of pensions, the right hon. Gentleman knows that he makes comments that invite a judgment upon the Budget. First, he addressed the wrong person; and, secondly, he asked his questions at the wrong time, as they are just ahead of the Budget. He should take a lesson in patience and, in the best Asquithian sense, wait and see.On occupational pensions, I urge the right hon. Gentleman to convey to his right hon. Friend that it is a pension scheme, which in every respect has been worked for and paid for by people in this country, and they must not be let down for any reason, including the taxation convenience of the Government.
The right hon. Gentleman said that the inquiry would cover the earnings-related scheme, yet his right hon. Friend said that the aim of setting up the inquiry was not to call into question the fundamental pension structure established in the 1970s. Will the right hon. Gentleman assure us that, with or without the inquiry, there will be no disadvantageous changes in the state earnings-related pension scheme?No, I must say quite clearly—
Why is the Secretary of State for Energy telling the right hon. Gentleman what to say?
I shall provide National Health spectacles for the hon. Gentleman if he thinks that I am seeking to get a message from my left hand side.
I shall not stand at this Box and say anything that prejudices either the Budget considerations or the outcome of the pension reviews now being conducted by my right hon. Friend.Coal Industry Dispute
3.31 pm
asked the Secretary of State for Energy if he will make a statement on the mining dispute following the decision of the National Union of Mineworkers' executive yesterday.
Mr. Norman Willis, on behalf of the TUC, held a series of discussions with the chairman of the National Coal Board. As a result of those discussions, proposals were prepared by the board which expressed the basis upon which an agreement could be reached on the main issues of the dispute. Those proposals took account of the views Mr. Willis had expressed to the board. Over the weekend, the TUC showed that paper to the NUM executive, which asked for amendments to be made.
The National Coal Board confirmed to the TUC that this was its final paper. The TUC then requested a meeting with the Prime Minister. The TUC confirmed to the Prime Minister that the proposals under discussion would, if agreed to, constitute the final agreement on all of the matters with which they dealt, and that they were not a document which would be an agenda or form the basis of any further negotiations on these issues. The TUC explained to the Prime Minister that it had a number of difficulties with the document, and my right hon. Friend undertook that I would convey its views to the National Coal Board. That was done, and subsequently the seven TUC leaders asked to have further talks with me before they met the National Coal Board. During those talks I clarified the Government's desire to see that the new NACODS procedures were brought into operation as speedily as possible, and that it was the National Coal Board's intention that they would be in place by the time they were needed. I explained that neither the board nor the Government could accept a position where, if the NUM refused to agree to the detail of the independent body, no review procedures would exist because that might have the effect of the NUM being able to frustrate any reasonable plans for closure. The document was therefore amended to express the desire of all parties to see that the new procedures were in operation by 1 June, which would be well in time for any disputed closure to be referred to the independent body. The document was further reordered to meet the NUM's anxiety that its sequence as originally drafted could have implied that disputed closures would take place prior to going through the proper procedures. A reordering of the document made it perfectly clear that a disputed closure would take place only at the end of the agreed procedures. I share the TUC's disappointment that the NUM executive has rejected the proposals which had been made. The NUM executive has now rejected proposals in seven rounds of talks, the compromise proposal put forward by ACAS and the proposals prepared following discussions between the TUC and the National Coal Board. I deplore the fact that the generous and reasonable offers now available to miners continue to be rejected by the NUM executive. Those coalfields which originally balloted voted overwhelmingly against strike action. I can only urge those miners still on strike, though deprived of a ballot, to return swiftly to normal working so that the damage being done to their industry, their families and their communities can come to an end.Is the Secretary of State aware that his statement entirely fails to explain how the executive and delegate conference of the NUM unanimously rejected conditions which were much worse than the ones discussed over the weekend? Is he also aware that the leadership of Arthur Scargill, Peter Heathfield and Mick McGahey—the subject of unfavourable comment in the House—has throughout earned the unanimous support of the executive and the delegate conference?
Is the right hon. Gentleman further aware that the NUM executive is, and remains, ready to meet for discussions without preconditions, but that after the enormous sacrifices made by the miners, two thirds of whom are still on strike—87 per cent. of those who have ever been on strike are still on strike—it is not prepared to accept the 13 per cent. cut in its industry which Mr. Michael Eaton announced on television? Is he also aware that the public is beginning to understand that the Government planned, financed and sustained the strike, and now want it to continue, and that that, among many other reasons, is why there is a substantial fall in the Government's popularity as well as in the value of the pound?The right hon. Gentleman's opening remarks are a gross insult to seven leading trade union leaders. For the executive of the NUM to say that not just Mr. Norman Willis, but people like Moss Evans, David Basnett, Ray Buckton and Bill Keys went back with a document which was worse than the one they took last Sunday is a total criticism of those trade union leaders. No one could look at those documents and say that this was a much worse proposal.
As to the support for the three NUM leaders mentioned by the right hon. Gentleman, they are the only NUM leaders in history who have divided their union from top to bottom.It is a personal disappointment that the talks have broken down, and my right hon. Friend has told us why. However, those miners who have been working since the strike began are becoming highly agitated by the fact that their outstanding pay award has not been implemented. Has my right hon. Friend any contingency plans for talking to them?
This is obviously a matter for the National Coal Board. The figures which the right hon. Member for Chesterfield (Mr. Benn) gave about the number of miners now at work are totally and completely inaccurate. In fact, within the next few days I expect more than half the NUM membership to be at work. The other two unions are at work. Yesterday, Mr. Vincent rushed out of the meeting and gleefully said, "We rejected all the proposals". When he said "We", he forgot that in his own area 83 per cent. of NUM members are at work.
Will the Secretary of State confirm that substantial concessions have been made by the NUM, including acceptance of the modified colliery review procedure agreed at ACAS between the NCB and NACODS last October? That was reaffirmed this morning. Therefore, the misunderstanding which has arisen over the NCB document — it is not a TUC document—could be resolved by immediate direct talks between the full NUM executive and the NCB. Did not the TUC also attempt to facilitate those direct talks? Therefore, instead of insisting that there will be no further talks, will the Secretary of State facilitate such a meeting so that a negotiated settlement can be agreed and this damaging and painful dispute brought to an end?
I wish to make it perfectly clear that the Coal Board has said — with the Government's full support—that there will be no further talks on the main issues in the document. The reason why there will be no further talks is that the Trades Union Congress came to the National Coal Board, had a series of talks, returned suggesting further amendments, which were made, sat at No. 10, and all seven TUC leaders confirmed that this agreement would not be subject to further negotiation. The Government and the Coal Board stick to that position.
Does my right hon. Friend agree with the hon. Member for Bolsover (Mr. Skinner) that Mr. Willis was hoodwinked? Does he agree that many thousands of ordinary decent working miners have been hoodwinked by Mr. Scargill and his cronies into supporting what is now exposed as a political, not an industrial, strike? Does he agree that the solution is in their hands, and that they should return to work?
We know that the Left wing of Labour party politics is currently conducting a campaign against Mr. Willis. It was not just Mr. Willis but a wide range of trade union leaders, from left and right of the spectrum, who took the decisions. We must be clear that anyone who makes accusations about hoodwinking makes them against seven of the top trade union leaders in the United Kingdom.
On the question of who has been led astray, I remind the House that for the first time in living memory miners were deprived of a ballot. They were then subject to mob picketing, never previously witnessed in this country. The tragedy is that, although the best offer has been made since nationalisation, miners' families and mining communities have suffered more than at any time since the war.Does the Secretary of State agree that the policy of continuous negotiation and of dribbling out concessions has probably extended the strike? Does he agree that there is a strong likelihood that the strike will come to an end more quickly if there is a clear pause in negotiations?
At the time of the ACAS compromise proposal it was perfectly reasonable for the Coal Board to say that there was no point in having further talks with Mr. Scargill. The board said that until Mr. Scargill confirmed that he was willing to accept the reality that uneconomic pits must face the prospect of closure there was no point in having further negotiations. Recently, at the request of the TUC, further negotiations have taken place. Mr. Scargill slapped the TUC in the face in the same way that he slapped ACAS in the face. As far as I am concerned, talks about the issues dealt with in the document have come to an end.
Will my right hon. Friend confirm that there has been a genuine and sustained effort by Mr. Willis and the TUC to help to solve the dispute, and that once again Mr. Scargill and his supporters are out of line with TUC thinking and the way in which industrial relations in the coal industry should be conducted?
The seven trade union leaders in the TUC group made a detailed examination. Anyone who objectively studies the documents now available will recognise that it is lunacy not to obtain a settlement based on them.
Will the Secretary of State explain to the House the role of Michael Eaton in the dispute, who last weekend made statements about negotiations that were taking place in London when he was in Yorkshire? Will the right hon. Gentleman further explain why he has not used his office to bring both sides of the dispute to the table and to chair a meeting so that sensible face-to-face negotiations may take place instead of little lads scurrying to and fro with letters? Will the right hon. Gentleman now come to his senses and allow negotiations to take place?
I can only say that talks have taken place across the table between the two parties on seven occasions and after every.meeting Mr. Scargill's boast has been that he has not moved an inch. I am not sure which "little lads" the hon. Gentleman is referring to, but if he is referring to the seven trade union leaders who have done their best during this past week, I find that a rather strange comment.
As the NUM executive has made it quite plain that it is not prepared to make any concessions whatever, will my right hon. Friend make it clear that there is now no basis on which talks can proceed, and that the only hope of ending the strike lies in a continued return to work?
With regard to the crux issues which are dealt with in the document, the NCB has made its final position clear. That has been rejected by the NUM executive. Until the executive accepts those proposals, I fear that the strike must go on. But it is in the interests of the industry that every striking miner should recognise that he will serve his industry best by returning immediately to work.
Is the Secretary of State aware that Geoff Kirk, who had been at the NCB since 1947 and who had advised every chairman, and Ned Smith, the chief negotiator, who had been at the NCB since 1947 and who had advised every chairman, have left the board? Is it not a fact that they said that they could no longer stomach what the board, Ian MacGregor and the Government were doing to the miners and the mining industry?
What the board was offering in terms of pay, investment, early retirement programmes and businesses for mining communities was better than anything offered by any previous National Coal Board or under any Labour Government.
How many more coal faces can the NCB afford to lose as a result of the strike before it is forced, even against its wishes, to withdraw the offer now on the table?
The situation is already serious in that 38 working faces have been lost during the dispute. Thus there has been a serious deterioration in the industry's capacity. Unfortunately, many of those faces were in pits that had a good future. Miners must recognise that if the strike continues for much longer considerable damage will be done to their prospects.
Does the Secretary of State realise that the 130,000 miners who are still on strike will take great comfort from the fact that the decision of the NUM executive to reject the document was unanimous? While he is checking his figures, will he bear in mind that 70 per cent. of the Scottish miners are on strike, 90 per cent. of the Yorkshire miners are on strike and that 98 per cent. of the South Wales miners are on strike? Despite the documents that the right hon. Gentleman has referred to, this strike will not be over until every one of the 600 miners sacked during the dispute is reinstated and walks back through the pit gates with their colleagues.
Given the hon. Gentleman's interest in statistics, I am sure that he would like to know first that 78 per cent. of the miners in the colliery in his constituency are working. I only hope that he goes and listens to them. His figures are totally wrong. The hon. Gentleman is just clinging to the hope that the militant Left who organised this strike has some possibility of surviving. I am glad to say that it has lost this strike. It has done great damage to the Labour party and is now damaging the TUC; but, above all, it has damaged the miners.
Is it not clear that from the start of the dispute Scargill has been much more interested in play acting the British Lenin than in ensuring the well-being of NUM members? Is it not now time to stop just urging those on strike to go back to work? Should we not lay it on the line and say that if the strike continues for much longer we shall not be able to continue with the generous offers that are on the table and that mines will have to start to close?
I am certain that miners recognise fully the damage that is being done to machinery, to coal faces and to the prospects for their local communities. I believe that many miners have remained out for a range of reasons, including a strong loyalty to the union. I hope that they now recognise, particularly after the events of this week, that loyalty should not apply only to the present leadership of their union.
Is the Secretary of State aware that many Members on the Opposition Benches make a sharp distinction between the mass of the miners and the leadership of the NUM? Nevertheless, will the right hon. Gentleman understand that the mass of moderate miners throughout the country are deeply disturbed by the statement of the Chancellor of the Exchequer that £4·5 billion, which the strike has cost, is a very good investment from the Government's view? The Prime Minister has talked about "the enemy within"—meaning the miners—[HON. MEMBERS: "No."] The Minister had better understand that moderate miners believe that. They are frightened by statements of very senior Ministers. Will the right hon. Gentleman, who is much more moderate in these matters than his leader, go back to Mr. Willis and see whether he and Mr. Willis can have one more try to solve this serious and damaging dispute in which there can be no winners?
In the speech by the Prime Minister to which the hon. Gentleman referred she made the same distinction as he makes between the present leaderhip of the NUM and the miners. She made it clear that she thought that the enemy was not ordinary, decent miners, but the manner in which part of the leadership operates.
Whatever the cost of the dispute, it was the Chancellor who agreed to a massive investment programme for the years to come in the industry, for hundreds of millions of pounds to pay for generous early retirement provisions and for millions of pounds to be spent on a new enterprise company to bring new jobs to mining communities. When one examines the reality of the Government's performance, there can be no doubt that they have made the most generous offers to the miners since nationalisation. Mr. Willis has shown great patience and was willing to work hard with his colleagues. I am afraid that it was not Mr. Willis who brought the talks to an end, but the NUM executive.Bearing in mind that Mr. Buckton was one of the magnificent seven of the TUC, is it not time that he went back to his railwaymen and started the coal trains moving again?
There is not much need; they are all moving.
Is it not extraordinary that throughout the dispute the Secretary of State and the Prime Minister have repeatedly shirked their responsibilities on the pretext that the dispute is between management and trade unions and that they have refused to intervene since the strike started? Will the right hon. Gentleman now say whether he is prepared to intervene and to use his good will to initiate further negotiations between the unions and the NCB?
No, Sir.
Does my right hon. Friend accept that the jobs of other industrial workers, such as machine tool workers in the west midlands, are far from safe and that they would give their right arms for such an offer?
Yes. One of the things upon which I reflected as I spoke for several hours to the seven trade union leaders in my office was that none of them had had an offer for their union like that made to the miners.
Does the Secretary of State recognise that, whether he likes it or not, in a democracy miners have the right to withdraw their labour and to go back when they have a settlement? The right hon. Gentleman believes that the offer is generous, but obviously the miners do not accept the terms. Does he accept that the country needs the coal and to have the miners back at work? There might have been several discussions to date, but no direct discussions have taken place with the third party involved—the Government, who have the power and the responsibility and could, with a positive attitude to the dispute, resolve it. Why do not the Government call the two sides together and resolve the dispute?
The two sides have met seven times. On one, they both went to ACAS, which is generally accepted as a genuine machinery for arbitration. ACAS made a compromise proposal which the NCB accepted and the NUM rejected. More recently, to the knowledge of the NUM, with the NUM discussing amendments to the document, the TUC has attempted to bring about a solution but has been rejected. The only conclusion that the House should come to is that we are dealing with an NUM leadership which has not been interested in a reasonable and sensible settlement. Our view is now shared by 47 per cent. of NUM members who are at work, and I believe that it will be accepted by many more.
Is my right hon. Friend aware that 83 per cent. of miners in my constituency are at work and that the pit at which they work is working near normally and is in profit? Is he also aware that they strongly welcome the efforts that the Government have made in an attempt to bring about an honourable settlement? Does he agree that it is only justice to those men who are working that those who persist in refusing to work must be served notice to quit as they clearly do not want jobs?
No, Sir; I do not believe that it would be in any way justified to give notices to quit. When miners consider the basis of what is on offer, its fairness and how the TUC has tried to intervene to their benefit, I believe that they will return to work. I shall have no part in saying that, at any given moment, miners, who might have been kept out by all sorts of intimidation, should be dismissed because they have stayed out. As for the numbers who have returned to work, I am pleased to hear the figures for my hon. Friend's constituency, but in north Nottinghamshire, 95 per cent. are back at work, in the south midlands, 80 per cent. are back. In the western area, 82 per cent. are back and in north Derbyshire, 76 per cent. are back. The pattern is being copied all over the country.
Will the Secretary of State stop attempting to mislead the House and make a proper statement about the document that was rejected by the NUM conference today, as it is not that the TUC recommended acceptance of it at the weekend? The document is nothing more than the NCB's and the Government's bottom line, and they want preconditions. The Secretary of State should be a bit more honest and state the facts. He is saying that there are no more negotiations and accepting preconditions, which many trade union leaders have said that it is nonsense for anyone ever to accept.
I repeat that seven trade union leaders said categorically at 10 Downing street that the document would be an agreement, not a point on an agenda or for further discussions. If the hon. Gentleman is accusing anyone of deception, he is accusing seven distinguished trade union leaders.
My right hon. Friend has identified the position as adopted by the leaders of the TUC, the position as adopted by the NCB and the position as adopted by the Government. Has he at any stage during the past 24 hours received a declaration of the position as adopted by the leadership of the Opposition?
No, Sir.
Will the Secretary of State spend a little time reflecting on what he has said? Is he saying that his prescription is to sit in the trenches and wait until the men go back to work and, in effect, declare their disloyalty to their union, thus breaking it? Is that what he wants? Ninety-nine per cent. of my miners are still out on strike and will not break their loyalty, not to Mr. Scargill, not to a personality, but to their trade union. The right hon. Gentleman ought to reflect upon what he said and call together the two parties directly involved and live up to his office as Secretary of State.
The hon. Gentleman ought to reflect upon what he has said—that because the miners in his constituency have a great loyalty not to Mr. Scargill but to their union they will not break that loyalty. However, the miners are also saying that until Mr. Scargill, as the leader of the union, is satisfied that his demands will be met they will stay on strike. There is no way in which Mr. Scargill's absurd and extreme demands will be met.
Does not the Secretary of State owe it to the House to tell it what is in his mind about his future actions, which may or may not harm relationships in the mining communities? The Secretary of State said on the radio this morning that if 51 per cent. of the miners go back to work that will not be a magic number. Can he tell us what is the magic number which would trigger off action by the Secretary of State?
I believe that it is very important for the whole House to encourage miners to return to normal working as quickly as possible. I am sure that the board would be willing and eager to put into operation the very generous offers that it has made to the miners. I hope that the NUM executive will reflect upon that fact and will quickly accept the very good offers that are available.
Does my right hon. Friend agree with me that the refusal by Arthur Scargill and the National Union of Mineworkers to accept the proposals of the Trades Union Congress come as no surprise whatsoever, in view of the fact that Arthur Scargill set out not to preserve and save the remaining pits that are still in operation but to attempt to bring down the Government?
While I cannot speak for the motives of Mr. Scargill, I can say that his actions have done great damage to miners, mining families and mining communities.
Is the Secretary of State aware that the reason why some of us believe that the TUC delegation was hoodwinked was that when the matter was put to the national executive committee every member, including the miners' leaders in those areas that have been working since the strike began, voted to reject the deal? Every one of them said that the deal was worse than the deal of the previous week.
Will the Secretary of State also bear in mind that, although he seems to be cock-a-hoop about miners returning to work, he ought to look at the area that I represent where miners have returned to work? The fact is that 30 per cent. of the miners are still on strike and coal is costing as much as £200 a tonne to mine. The Government and the National Coal Board have to pay the wages not only of the managers and deputies but of the working miners. Instead of coal being mined at the average cost of £38 per tonne which obtained before the strike, even in those areas where only 30 per cent. of the miners came out on strike it is costing five times as much to mine coal. The Secretary of State ought to be ashamed of himself. He is forcing the taxpayer to foot this bill for the rest of the strike.As the hon. Gentleman mentioned it, I shall give the figure for his constituency. The fact is that 90·7 per cent. of the miners there are at work. I accept that that is not true of the whole of north Derbyshire because the hon. Gentleman does not have the same influence over the rest of the area.
On the cost of coal, I can only say that the result of this strike, called without a ballot, is that markets have been lost instead of markets having been gained. If during the past year we had put into the industry the capital investment that was available, we should be gaining new markets and producing cheaper coal in the interests of miners.Business Of The House
4.4 pm
May I ask the Leader of the House if he will state the business of next week?
Yes, Sir. The business for next week will be as follows:
MONDAY 25 FEBRUARY—Motion on the Rate Limitation (Prescribed Maximum) (Rates) Order. Motion on the annual report of the European Court of Auditors for 1983. TUESDAY 26 FEBRUARY — Completion of remaining stages of the Water (Fluoridation) Bill Motion on the British Shipbuilders Borrowing Powers (Increase of Limit) Order. WEDNESDAY 27 FEBRUARY — Opposition Day (8th Allotted Day) (First Part). There will be a debate on an Opposition motion on local authority capital expenditure. Afterwards, completion of remaining stages of the Representation of the People Bill. THURSDAY 28 FEBRUARY—There will be a debate on Welsh affairs on a motion for the Adjournment of the House. Second Reading of the Companies Consolidation (Consequential Provisions) Bill [Lords] and proceedings on the Companies Bill [Lords], the Company Securities (Insider Dealings) Bill [Lords] and the Business Names Bill [Lords] which are consolidation measures. FRIDAY I MARCH—Private Members' motions. MONDAY 4 MARCH—There will be a debate on a motion to take note of the Government's expenditure plans 1985–86, Cmnd. 9428. The House will wish to know, Mr. Speaker, that it will be proposed that the House should rise for the Easter Adjournment on Thursday 4 April until Monday 15 April.[Debate on Court of Auditors' Report for 1983 on 25 February 1985
Document
OJ No. C348 Annual Report of the European Court of Auditors for the financial year 1983.
Relevant Report of European Legislation Committee HC 5—ix (1984–85), para. 4.]
First, may I thank the Leader of the House for giving to the House the dates of the Easter Adjournment? May I also offer him my personal thanks for ensuring that the debate on Welsh affairs is to be taken so near to St. David's Day? Dialch yn fawr. Finally, may I also thank the Leader of the House for agreeing to hold a debate on Monday week on the public expenditure White Paper, a debate for which we have been pressing for some weeks? May I ask the right hon. Gentleman how it can be appropriate to debate the Rate Limitation (Prescribed Maximum) (Rates) Order next week when the matter is still before the courts? If the information upon the rate-capping decision is to be given to one council and is now to be given to the courts, surely that information ought to be given to Parliament before any debate on the order takes place.
May I renew my request to the Government to provide time for an urgent debate on Britain's immigration laws, especially in view of the very disturbing evidence from the Commission for Racial Equality in its report which was published last week? Will the Leader of the House arrange for a statement to be made early next week on the very serious allegations that were made against the Home Secretary and the Secretary of State for Defence in the "20:20 Vision" television programme which was withdrawn last night by the Independent Broadcasting Authority? Finally, in view of the statement yesterday by the Prime Minister to the United States Congress in which she expressed her eagerness for British participation in star wars research, will the right hon. Gentleman ensure that a debate takes place as quickly as possible on this issue so that hon. Members can expose the dangers and delusions of such participation?I thank the Leader of the Opposition for his comments upon the timing of the Welsh debate. I acknowledge his few words in Welsh which, although not comprehended, I am certain were well intended. I, like the right hon. Gentleman, am glad that we shall be able to have a debate upon the Government's public expenditure plans and that it will take place well ahead of the Budget. As for a debate on the Rate Limitation (Prescribed Maximum) (Rates) Order, I think that the matter which the right hon. Gentleman has in mind refers to the precepting capacity of the Greater London council. This was the subject of the previous order, not of the order that will be debated on Monday next. However, I acknowledge that in a sense there is commonality between the two. Perhaps we may consider through the usual channels whether there might be a debate on the immigration regulations. Again I note the right hon. Gentleman's concern about what was highlighted in the "20:20 Vision" television programme. I acknowledge the importance that the right hon. Gentleman attaches to his request for a statement. Perhaps we may also look at that matter through the usual channels. Star wars research will, I think, be a matter of continuing political controversy. I noted what the right hon. Gentleman said as an opening shot.
Has my right hon. Friend's attention been called to early-day motion 174—
[That this House calls for an increase in the resources devoted to the Overseas Services of the BBC and notes with interest the possibility of an experimental BBC Overseas Television Service.]— which calls attention to the desirability of increasing the resources made available to the overseas services of the BBC and, by an amendment standing in my name and those of other hon. Members, the resources of the British Council:[At end add "and also believes that an increase in national resources devoted to the British Council would improve Great Britain's influence and prestige in the world, and be beneficial to the interests of this country."]? In view of the nearness of the Budget and the finalising of the Estimates, can my right hon. Friend hold out any hope of a debate before the Budget?I have to say, in all candour, that the chances are slim. Let me try to compensate by saying that I recognise the importance of the topicality of the matter. As my hon. Friend is the Chairman of the Select Committee on Foreign Affairs, that adds even more importance to its consideration.
May I reinforce the request for the House to be given an early chance to debate the issues raised by the Channel 4 programme on MI5's official secrets, banned by the IBA last night? When former long-service MI5 employees are prepared to state publicly that the secret services have broken their rules by mounting clandestine operations against organisations and individuals who pose no conceivable threat to state security, is that not an issue that this House should have an opportunity to debate at the earliest possible opportunity?
I take note of the hon. Gentleman's question and I am certain that the anxiety that he expresses extends to all parts of the House, but I cannot go beyond the answer that I gave to the Leader of the Opposition.
Has my right hon. Friend had a chance to consider the implications of the Unborn Children (Protection) Bill having been given a Second Reading by such a substantial majority? Will he agree with me that, while it was entirely right that the Government should have adopted a neutral attitude to the Bill until the will of the House was made known, now that the will of the House has been made known in such overwhelming terms, it would be appropriate for the Government to ensure that sufficient time is given for that Bill, so that the will of the majority cannot be thwarted by a small minority of people using parliamentary procedures to that end?
My hon. Friend might like to reconsider the proposition that the neutrality of the Government should be balanced by the Government making time available. I do not think that that is how the House would regard neutrality.
Is the Leader of the House aware that anyone who saw the programme on Channel 4 last night, to which reference has been made, must have considerable concern over the way that MI5 operates, and must ask whether MI5 is now out of ministerial control?
Will the Leader of the House give an assurance that either the Prime Minister or the Home Secretary will make a statement to the House next week? Will the Attorney-General also give an assurance that in no circumstances will the person interviewed in the television programme, a former employee of MI5, be prosecuted under section 2 of the Official Secrets Act?I gave a measured reply to the Leader of the Opposition and I refer the hon. Gentleman to that. But as the hon. Gentleman raised the wider issue of the Attorney-General giving an assurance, I shall make that point known to my right hon. and learned Friend.
Notwithstanding what the House might be hearing later this afternoon on the question of the limited list of drugs, may I suggest to my right hon. Friend that it will not be sufficient for this House to consider the matter by the negative resolution procedure? Will he promise us a whole day's debate on the subject in due course?
I note the strength of interest that my hon. Friend has in the matter and I shall bear it in mind, but I would mislead the House if at this stage I held out a likely prospect of a full day's debate.
Is the Leader of the House aware of the difficulties that are created for Select Committees when Members who leave them are not replaced quickly enough? Is he aware that for some months now the Select Committee on Social Services has been two members short, one from each side of the House? It is a very serious disadvantage to the Committee. The right hon. Gentleman will remember that his hon. Friend the Member for Hastings and Rye (Mr. Warren) raised the same matter last week. When may we expect some action to remedy the inconvenience?