Skip to main content

Northern Ireland

Volume 225: debated on Thursday 20 May 1993

The text on this page has been created from Hansard archive content, it may contain typographical errors.

Constitutional Talks

1.

To ask the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland if he will make a statement on the current state of the constitutional talks in Northern Ireland.

2.

To ask the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland what recent discussions he has had on the present status of the inter-party talks concerning Northern Ireland; and if he will make a statement.

The Government are intent on promoting further political dialogue between the main constitutional parties in Northern Ireland and the British and Irish Governments, commencing as soon as practicable. I shall be seeking early meetings with the leaders of the Northern Ireland parties to hear their views on the way ahead. I also plan to discuss the matter with the Irish Government.

Will my right hon. and learned Friend join me in condemning the wholly pointless bomb in Belfast city centre this morning? Will he confirm that that sort of outrage will not affect any constitutional talks? Will he join me in urging the Dublin Government to condemn the terrorist disruption this morning?

I whole-heartedly and utterly join my hon. Friend in condemning this latest outrage. I have noted the contrast between yesterday and today. Yesterday, the people of Northern Ireland, on a universal suffrage, went to the polls; today, the IRA went for the people of Northern Ireland in an attempt to maim and murder at random and destroy their livelihoods. So much for the IRA's self-proclaimed campaign, the struggle for freedom.

I assure my hon. Friend of my belief that the Irish Government are as deeply opposed to this sort of outrage as we are, and our opposition is total. It will no doubt be a long fight, but it will not be the first one to which our country has stuck, and won.

The whole House joins the right hon. and learned Gentleman in his condemnation of the bombings in Belfast this morning. I am sure that all hon. Members wish to convey our sympathies to those who have been maimed and injured. However, those bombings merely confirm the need for the democratic processes to be upheld and for the talks to continue. There is no place in our democracy for terrorists or terrorism.

What discussions has the right hon. and learned Gentleman had with the Irish Government—the co-sponsors of the talks—on the content of the proposals that he intends to present when the talks reconvene?

I am grateful to the hon. Lady for her opening remarks, which are heartening but not surprising. On the question of the constitutional and political talks, the resumption of those—or they might be described as further talks—represent the best way forward in achieving the objectives that the House so overwhelmingly endorsed when my predecessor announced them in March 1991. It is important that we should now give some direction and focus to those talks and I propose, therefore, to table some propositions on behalf of the British Government.

The hon. Lady asked what consultation there has been. These will be British proposals, but, naturally enough, I wish to consult my opposite number in Dublin about the ideas that we shall put forward, although it will not be a joint paper. I was glad to see that, on 15 May in Washington, Mr. Spring said that we had been having an exchange of views.

He said:
"We have been in active contact and I have to say that I believe we are working very well together to try to get resumption of the dialogue."

Is not the prerequisite to peace and political progress the unequivocal defeat of the Irish Republican Army? Is it not the case that so long as members of that organisation, with bombs and bullets, seek to maim and intimidate, democracy as we know it will be a fragile flower? Therefore, will my right hon. and learned Friend devote his energies wholly to the first priority, which is to ensure that terrorism is defeated and the IRA no longer poses a threat to freedom and liberty within the Province?

The elimination of terrorism is, indeed, the Government's first priority, and it will remain so. Democracy is a good deal stronger in Northern Ireland than my hon. Friend perhaps implies in his question. Those who are responsible for destroying the peace are relatively small in number, but are of unmatched evil in their character. The people of Northern Ireland are very resilient. They are determined to hold on to their democracy and they will do so. But the Government's primary purpose is to achieve the elimination of terrorists of whatever character, and that will remain the case.

I am sure that the House will be glad to know that despite the bomb outside our party headquarters this morning, that headquarters is now back in operation and functioning. I am sure that the Secretary of State will agree that any proposals that he brings forward will have to be based on more than wishful thinking. He will know from the last talks that we ran into some serious obstacles—obstacles that lie uniquely within the role of the two Governments and are uniquely for them to solve. I refer, of course, to the illegal territorial claim and the immoral diktat. I should be grateful, therefore, if the Secretary of State would let us know what progress he has made in defusing those obstacles.

The hon. Gentleman speaks, I think, of articles 2 and 3 of the Irish constitution and of the Anglo-Irish Agreement. The Government remain committed to the Anglo-Irish Agreement, and the British Government, together with the Irish Government, have jointly said that if, as a result of discussion and negotiation, it is possible to replace the Anglo-Irish Agreement with another agreement or similar instrument that would carry broader support, they would welcome that.

As to articles 2 and 3, I welcome the fact that the Irish Government have said that they are prepared to initiate and bring forward legislation to amend articles 2 and 3 as part of an overall settlement of the process in which we are engaged.

In his Liverpool speech, the Secretary of State reported that Metternich, on hearing of the death of a political opponent, asked, "What did he mean by that?" We put the same question when the Secretary of State talks about putting his proposals to the participants. When the Secretary of State makes his proposals, will he be merely stating those areas where he believes that the parties have been moving towards an agreement or will he be stating those areas where he feels that the parties should come to an agreement and where he has proposals to overcome difficulties or will he be creating new parameters for the talks, which he seemed to be doing in his Liverpool speech, abandoning the three-strand approach and the principle that nothing is agreed until everything is agreed?

The last point of the question causes me great surprise. I have made it abundantly clear that the Government remain committed to the three-strand approach and are not in the business of promoting a single-strand approach, first dealing with the internal arrangements of Northern Ireland. As to the remainder, I have already made it clear that the time has come for the British Government to accede to requests that they give some direction and focus to the talks if they are to take place. Accordingly, we shall put forward propositions to the parties first of all. Their purpose will be to build on the wide area of progress that was made last year and to make suggestions that may help people to come forward. It will not be a blueprint, but suggestions that may give some focus and direction to talks. I hope that the hon. Gentleman welcomes that.

Electricity Prices

3.

To ask the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland what representations he has had on the future price of electricity in Northern Ireland.

The Secretary of State and I have received representations from a number of bodies and individuals, notably the Action Group on Northern Ireland Electricity Prices, the Confederation of British Industry, the chairman of the consumer committee, and some Members of Parliament.

Does my hon. Friend agree that the regulatory framework for electricity now in place in Northern Ireland will ensure that efficiency and competition will drive down costs, and that reduced costs will lead to lower electricity prices—unlike the Opposition policy, which suggests that after achieving reduced costs, additional taxation should be imposed on utilities, which would make electricity more expensive?

It is fair to say that Northern Ireland suffers in one respect in respect of energy, in that there is no opportunity to use gas there. The introduction of a gas interconnector in the not-too-distant future, together with the Scottish interconnector, will provide a great deal of extra resource and competition, which I hope will drive prices down.

Surely the hon. Member for South Dorset (Mr. Bruce) is completely wrong when he says that efficiency will drive down prices. Anyone who heard the statements on the prospectus issued the other day will know that it was said that electricity prices will rise considerably over the next four years. What prospect does that offer those attempting to attract industry to Northern Ireland?

Such is the interest—which I hope will be fulfilled—in the privatisation of Northern Ireland Electricity that 600,000 people have already applied for the necessary details. I venture to suggest that a good number of them live in the hon. Gentleman's constituency, so I suggest that he should be a little cautious about being critical of what I am sure will prove to be a great success and yet another example of privatised industry being returned to those who ought to own it—all the consumers.

The Minister will recall that during the appropriation debate in February, I warned him that the Electricity Consumers Council in Northern Ireland had obtained information that electricity prices would rise by a massive 15 per cent. after privatisation—a fact which he refused to deny. Given that industrial and domestic electricity prices in Northern Ireland are already the highest in these islands, and from next year will attract 15 per cent. value added tax, how can the Minister justify pursuing the privatisation of Northern Ireland Electricity —when the business community does not want it, industry cannot afford it, and all the political parties in Northern Ireland have opposed it?

The people—to the tune of 600,000 of them appear to want it. Perhaps the hon. Gentleman ought to listen to that message.

Shopping Centres

4.

To ask the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland what discussions he has had with retailers' organisations about future shopping centre developments in Northern Ireland.

None as such. However, from time to time, I and my officials have had discussions with individual retail outlets about specific developments.

Will the Minister join me in congratulating the Northern Ireland Co-operative Development Agency on Creggan Enterprise and the work that it has done at the Rathmore centre in Londonderry? Does the Minister accept that he and his Administration need to do much more to encourage retailers, including the Co-operative Wholesale Society, to participate in shopping centres such as that at Rathmore and throughout Northern Ireland?

I am pleased to offer my congratulations to any retail operation that wants to open in Northern Ireland. Recently, I visited the Co-op in Yorkgate in Belfast, which is a splendid location and one which I know will attract a lot of custom. That is true of many other organisations, such as Marks and Spencer, whose activities in Northern Ireland played a significant part in the results that it recently announced. We will do all that we can to attract retail developments, large or small. The hon. Gentleman is not entirely fair with his implicit criticism. If he speaks to those who are interested in such developments in Northern Ireland, he will find that they receive total support from us already.

Is my hon. Friend aware that most shopping centres in Northern Ireland are thriving in spite of terrorist attacks? Does he agree that the message from Northern Ireland is simple—the retailers of that Province will not give in to terrorism?

As ever, my hon. Friend's statement is very helpful. I am not one to spend as much time in shops as my wife, who tells me that the city of Belfast has the best shopping centre that she has had the opportunity to visit, even allowing for centres in England. Yes, the message from Northern Ireland retailers the length and breadth of the Province is that they will not be deterred by the antics of the paramilitaries, business will go on and they will provide a first-rate service for all customers, wherever they come from.

While I welcome the development of retail centres, does the Minister accept that a lot of high street shopping exists, especially along the Newtownards, Woodstock and Lisburn roads and that it is important to keep such shopping in the community? Does he agree that the Government could help by ensuring that compensation bills are paid faster when traders are hit by IRA terrorists, to enable them to get back in business again?

I understand the hon. Gentleman's point. Clearly, there is always room for improvement in the quality and variety of shops and we certainly wish to encourage that in the hon. Gentleman's constituency and everywhere else. I am sure that my hon. Friend the Member for East Hampshire (Mr. Mates), the Minister of State, will have heard the hon. Gentleman's remarks about compensation and if he has concerns, I am sure that my hon. Friend will be happy to discuss them.

In regard to shopping centre development in Northern Ireland and in the centre of Belfast, I must also refer to the bomb that went off in Belfast city centre this morning on the edges of my constituency and that of the hon. Member for Belfast, South (Rev. Martin Smyth). Some people were injured there today. Will the Secretary of State join me in sympathising with them, the retailers, the official Unionist party—whose headquarters were damaged—and with those people responsible for promoting the beautiful grand opera house building, which was virtually destroyed by the Provos about one and a half years ago? That has happened once again and we all condemn them.

I am grateful to the hon. Gentleman, whose presence demonstrates that organisations that support terrorism will not win. I am grateful to him for his remarks, as is everyone in Belfast, which is a marvellous city. It is one of the great cities of the world and it has achieved remarkable success, is doing so now and will continue to do so, with the determination and resilience that sees off the sort of evil people who committed that offence today.

Constitutional Talks

5.

To ask the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland what recent discussions he has had on the resumption of the talks process concerning the future of Northern Ireland.

I refer the hon. Lady to the answer that I gave my hon. Friend the Member for Colne Valley (Mr. Riddick) earlier today.

Will the Secretary of State confirm that he will publish the proposals that he intends to present to the inter-party talks, so that there can be discussions on them in the House and beyond?

No. I am sorry that I have to disappoint the hon. Lady. Last time round, we decided that the proceedings would be confidential and, on balance, that was a sensible decision, although it was not altogether one way. I am afraid that, at least at present, the answer is no.

Is my right hon. and learned Friend aware that many Conservative Members follow progress in Northern Ireland with great care? In those talks, would he welcome a positive contribution towards thinking and action to establish local authorities similar to those in the rest of the United Kingdom, with similar powers and responsibilities?

There is a very widespread desire for the restoration of democratically answerable responsibility within Northern Ireland, and I certainly share that view. I want to divest myself of a large proportion of my powers and to see them shouldered by people who will answer democratically for them to the people of Northern Ireland. The precise form that such government shall take is at the centre of our discussions, so my hon. Friend can take heart that the restoration of democratic answerability in Northern Ireland is widely desired; the format is a matter for discussion.

Does the Secretary of State agree that it would be a deplorable case of double standards if the British Government's constitutional proposals were to exclude any all-Ireland dimension but were to include proposals for some form of Parliament for a gerrymandered Province of six counties, especially when the same British Government are refusing a Parliament for the entire nation of Scotland?

I think that the hon. Gentleman can be absolutely confident that there will be no gerrymandering, whatever the outcome of these discussions.

Will my right hon. and learned Friend confirm that the good will that exists at the moment between Dublin, Belfast and London is as strong and as good as it has ever been for many, many years and that we ought to build on it? Is it not a fact that the Irish Guards are serving both south and north of the border? I should like to know when my right hon. and learned Friend last visited the Irish Guards.

I warmly endorse what my hon. Friend said about the co-operation between the two Governments. I pay tribute to the high degree of co-operation between, in particular, the Garda Siochana and the Royal Ulster Constabulary. As it so happens, I recently visited the Irish Guards. Whereas they are not exactly serving south of the border, the Irish Guards contain many officers and soldiers who live south of the border. As was made clear to me recently, they provide a very important component of that fine regiment.

Tourism

6.

To ask the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland what plans he has to increase the number of tourists visiting Northern Ireland.

The Northern Ireland tourist board is making full use of its extensive powers and increased resources provided by the Government in 1992 to promote, market and develop Northern Ireland's tourism potential and to build even further on the success of the last few years.

I am sure that the Minister, like all of us, will want to congratulate the tourist board on the work that it has done in very difficult circumstances. May I add my view on this morning's events, in particular the problems that the Europa hotel will face? I am sure, however, that, like everything else, business will be as usual there. Does not the Minister realise, however, that the situation of people who come to Northern Ireland as tourists is made more difficult because of the high fares, which we have discussed in this place before? Does he welcome American Trans Air's scheduled flight between New York and Belfast? Will he also try to do something to bring down airport charges, which are much higher in Europe than in America? As part of the tourism drive, will he do something to get fares down, so that more people can travel backwards and forwards between Northern Ireland and the United Kingdom and other parts of the world?

The hon. Lady makes a fair point. That is why I am delighted, as she invites me to do, to welcome the new flight to New York. It will offer something that did not previously exist, even from the Republic—a direct flight from city to city. In addition, a new flight is to begin shortly, which is already operational in part, between Belfast city airport and Gatwick. Another flight is proposed from Belfast city airport to London docklands. A lot of competition is being generated, which is an indication of the desire of people from other parts of the United Kingdom to visit Northern Ireland, and visa versa. That is confirmed by the amount of activity across the sea in terms of the ferries and the competition and price reductions that are being offered as a result. In those circumstances, anything that we can do to reduce fares and charges we should like to do. However, as the hon. Lady will understand, these are matters as much for the European Community and the Civil Aviation Authority as they are for me. Nevertheless, I will certainly ensure that her point of view, which is shared by many others, is put to those bodies.

Will the Minister bear in mind the extravagant charges at Belfast airport, as the hon. Member for Vauxhall (Ms Hoey) said? Can he not do something to get the charges there down? The airport now charges for the number of seats on the aircraft, even though they are not all taken up, which creates difficulty for air carriers because of the expense.

I am conscious of the point that the hon. Gentleman makes. Clearly it is in everyone's interest that flying to Northern Ireland or using any other methods of transport should be as competitive as possible. That is why the resurgence of the new flights and services that are being offered from Belfast City airport and Aldegrove are so important. The hon. Gentleman makes a fair point, which I shall consider.

Is the Minister aware that I spent a day as a sort of tourist in Northern Ireland last week and that I did not find the permanent vehicle checkpoint on the road south of Newry an especially welcoming experience? Would any credible terrorist be daft enough to get caught in that permanent checkpoint? Would not it be better for tourism and local people and a better counter-terrorist policy to rely on random checkpoints rather than that type of hideous edifice?

I am sorry that the hon. Gentleman makes the point in that way; such comments do not contribute to our efforts to attract tourists. However, I welcomed his presence at the events that I was responsible for launching. He will understand, as a long-serving Member, that checkpoints are set up on the advice of the Chief Constable and that if there were no terrorist activity, there would be no need for them.

Unemployment

7.

To ask the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland what assessment he has made of the main factors leading to the changes in unemployment levels in the Province between March and April.

9.

To ask the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland if he will make a statement on the current level of unemployment.

Figures released earlier today show that on 8 April 1993 there were 105,336 unemployed claimants in Northern Ireland, which represents a decrease of 680 claimants compared with the previous month and a reduction of more than 2,600 since January. I have not yet made a detailed assessment, but I believe that the work of the various industrial development agencies has contributed to the welcome reduction.

Does my hon. Friend agree that that is excellent news for a part of the United Kingdom which has always experienced high unemployment? Is not that strong evidence that Government economic policy is working to create jobs, which is reflected in other figures published today, and does it not give the lie to the claims of the Opposition, who always revel in doom and gloom on that issue?

I certainly agree with my hon. Friend's last comment. In no sense are we complacent about the reduction in unemployment for the third month in a row. There are still substantial problems in finding new jobs, encouraging companies to locate in Northern Ireland and in expanding existing operations. However much the figure is reduced, it is still unacceptable and we will continue to work as hard as we can to ensure that we provide as many jobs for as many people in Northern Ireland as possible.

Does not the attitude of Ministers show the incredible complacency and lack of care for the 3 million people who are in the misery dole queue created by their policies? When are the Government likely to reduce unemployment in Northern Ireland to its level of April 1979? The Government are fond of making comparisons with the previous Labour Government, but in 1979 there were 52,000 unemployed people in Northern Ireland, compared with 105,000 today. In 14 years, the Government have created more than twice as much unemployment in Northern Ireland. When are they going to get near the figures achieved by the last Labour Government?

I should like the hon. Gentleman to come to Northern Ireland to see for himself the work that has been done to offer jobs, to create employment and to attract new companies to deal with the problems. I am sure that the hon. Gentleman, who pays careful attention to what Ministers say, will have heard my comment that we are not in any sense complacent about the welcome reduction. We are working as hard as we possibly can to ensure that other people do the same.

Does my hon. Friend agree that there is a double challenge: to continue to reduce the proportion of people who are out of work—17 per cent. six years ago at the height of boom and about 14 per cent. now —and to ensure that the difference between unemployment among the non-Roman Catholic and the Catholic populations reduces, as there is 8 per cent. unemployment among Protestants and Presbyterians whereas unemployment among Roman Catholics is far higher than average?

I am conscious of my hon. Friend's concern about the balance of unemployment across the communities which, through the auspices of the "making Belfast work" initiative and other agencies, we are doing a great deal to address. There is no easy solution to the problem, but unless we try we shall never stand a chance, and my hon. Friend's support is gratefully received.

Does the Minister agree that unemployment in Northern Ireland would be much higher were it not for the willingness of political parties in Northern Ireland to co-operate, talk and work together, and with industry? Does he believe that that is a much better solution to the problems of unemployment than phoney circus talks?

I can confirm that the right hon. Gentleman's support and that of his colleagues and all representatives from Northern Ireland in this place is very much welcomed by a wide variety of those who wish to invest and the agencies which are encouraging other people to invest. His support is most important in this context and I hope that it will continue. I do not think that he would expect me to be drawn on his latter comment, which my right hon. and learned Friend the Secretary of State will have heard. My task is to ensure that the economy improves, and the support of all the parties and their representatives is vital in that.

Brook Advisory Centres

8.

To ask the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland what funding is given by his Department to the Brook advisory centres.

The Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for Northern Ireland
(Mr. Jeremy Hanley)

The Department of Health and Social Services does not directly fund advisory centres. However, the Brook advisory centre in Belfast is funded by the Eastern health and social services board which received a grant of £30,000 in 1991–92 and £31,350 in 1992–93. Funding is expected to continue at a similar level this year.

Why is my hon. Friend's Department supporting an organisation which promotes teenage promiscuity, thereby leading to more conceptions and abortions, when its presence in Northern Ireland is vociferously opposed by hon. Members from the Province, 12 local authorities, both the Free Presbyterian and Roman Catholic churches, the Social Democratic and Labour Party and the Democratic Unionist party? Will my hon. Friend ensure that the relevant hospital board ceases to channel funds to that unwelcome organisation, which is damaging the moral and physical welfare of youngsters by its activities?

Health and social service boards have a responsibility to secure provision for family planning services to meet the needs of their resident populations. The Eastern board has identified a clear need for sexually active young people to have access to contraceptive advice and services. Within the board's area at present there are about 600 births per year to teenage mothers, about 84 per cent. of whom are unmarried. The centre has identified a need and, while it acts within the law, the Government will not close it down.

Will the Minister emphasise that access to good family planning will stop unwanted teenage births? Those who talk all the time about trying to remove funding for clinics such as the Brook are contributing to the very problem which they pretend to decry.

That is indeed the intention of the Eastern health and social services board.

Has the Minister read the literature that the Brook clinic is giving out? Is it Government policy to advocate that young people should not take their parents into their confidence?

As I have said, as long as the Brook clinic acts within the law there is no reason for the Government to order the Eastern health and social services board to close it. In the six months since the clinic has been in operation, it has received 344 visits from people seeking advice and 600 telephone calls, in spite of the fact that a number of people have been trying to keep callers out of the building. I believe that the service is needed and, statutorily, it is being provided. However, if any breaches of the law occur, the Government will not hesitate to close it down.

Constitutional Talks

10.

To ask the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland if he will make a statement on the resumption of the inter-party talks on the future of Northern Ireland.

11.

To ask the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland if he will outline the proposals which he intends to present at the inter-party talks relating to Northern Ireland.

I refer the hon. Members to the answer I gave earlier today to my hon. Friend the Member for Colne Valley (Mr. Riddick).

It would be wrong to reveal in advance of further confidential talks the outline proposals which the Government may table as a basis for discussion. I shall seek to set a direction and focus to resumed talks by tabling proposals which seem most likely to build usefully on the progress made last year towards agreement. [Interruption.]

Order. I would be much obliged if the House would settle down and if conversations could be much quieter.

If the inter-party talks fail to produce a positive outcome in terms of an institutionalised all-Ireland dimension, will the Secretary of State confirm that it is not the Government's policy to seek to impose an internal solution in Northern Ireland?

I do not approach these matters on the basis that they will fail or on hypothetical circumstances. I and the enormous number of people whom I meet in Northern Ireland—especially the business community—wish the process to succeed. That is the positive way to advance.

Is the Secretary of State confident that the proposals that he will make cannot or will not be portrayed as pre-conditions or pre-determinants? Further, is he confident that all the relevant parties will take part in the talks without pre-conditions?

I am entirely confident that the proposals of which I have spoken will not be seen as conditions, a blueprint, a template or anything like that. They are exactly as I have described them—proposals which are designed to give a sense of direction and focus for talks which I trust will take place.

Does my right hon. and learned Friend agree that, in view of the further bomb outrage of the past 24 hours outside the Unionist headquarters in Belfast, it is vital that there is an early resumption of the inter-party talks to find a permanent political solution to the problems?

I very much agree with my hon. Friend. I draw the House's attention once again to the contrast between yesterday's events, when the people of Northern Ireland exercised their democratic rights in free and democratic universal suffrage, and today's events, when the terrorists sought to destroy the people of Northern Ireland, knowing that they cannot achieve their political ends by any means other than violence, or so they believe, but they are wrong about that.

Will my right hon. and learned Friend confirm that the Government will not be bombed and bullied into making proposals which would result in the majority of people of Northern Ireland having to accept a situation that they would find offensive?

Everyone concerned has agreed that there is no possibility of a successful outcome to our search for an overall political settlement unless it is an outcome that will secure the agreement of a wide range of the population. There has to be very widespread agreement if it is to be durable and workable. That is what we are looking for and what I hope we shall achieve.

The Secretary of State said that he will be giving direction and focus in his proposals, based on the areas of agreement which he believes were reached in the previous talks. What were those areas of agreement?

Substantial progress was made in a number of directions, and a number of things happened which, a few years ago, would never have been thought possible—some Unionists went to Dublin and Irish Ministers came to Stormont and participated in talks that lasted for many weeks. I should have hoped that the hon. Gentleman might find it in his heart to welcome those things and even to congratulate those who shared responsibility for them. I should have hoped that the hon. Gentleman might find it in his heart to express a little pleasure that so many new things happened, which were wholly constructive and advantageous in character. I hope that that progress will be resumed.

Sunday Trading

12.

To ask the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland what recent review he has undertaken of the practice of Sunday trading in Northern Ireland; and if he will make a statement.

There have been no recent reviews of Sunday trading in Northern Ireland.

Does my hon. Friend agree than as long as Northern Ireland remains a part of the United Kingdom—and it will continue to remain a part of the United Kingdom for as long as its people want—any future legislation made in the House concerning Sunday trading should also apply to the people of Northern Ireland?

My hon. Friend is right in saying that Northern Ireland remains a part of the United Kingdom. However, this matter has been dealt with in the countries on an individual basis. If there is a change in the law on Sunday trading in England and Wales it could give rise to a review of the law in Northern Ireland, but Northern Ireland deals with this matter in its own way, and local consultation will be supremely important.

Does the Minister agree that more people in Northern Ireland are concerned not about the increase in Sunday trading, but about the practice of providing three months' employment for four hours a week and the turnover of cheap labour that is destroying some of the economy?

The hon. Gentleman is right. Many issues cover the Sunday trading problem and there is no doubt that trading practices in general should be looked at continually, but, again, we should take local considerations into account.