What plans he has for improving cardiac services in the NHS.[82085]

A national service framework for coronary heart disease will be published later this year. Its implementation will make a significant contribution to improving the quality of care and treatment for patients with heart disease in Wales.

Following the transfer of functions, this issue will be a matter for the National Assembly.

I thank my hon. Friend for his answer, and, in particular, for the forthcoming publication of the national service framework. Will he convey to the Assembly—I am sure that someone quite close to him will be able to do that very well—the need to promote healthy life styles in Wales, and also the need to increase the resources available for cardiac care? Unfortunately, in Wales the problem is growing rather than diminishing.

My hon. Friend's point is well made. Cardiac services in Wales are indeed in great need, although heart disease is often preventable, and, given better life styles, we could do a great deal to reduce its incidence in Wales.

There is certainly some indication that demand is rising. I allocated an extra 1.4 million to the University Hospital of Wales last year so that cardiac surgery could continue there at its existing rate, but the Assembly will need to take advice from the newly formed specialised Health Service Commission on whether targets relating to cardiac surgery should be increased.

If he will make a statement on the prospects for manufacturing industries in Wales. [82086]

The future of manufacturing industry in Wales is bright, provided that we work together and keep skills and productivity at the top of the agenda. The going has been tough in manufacturing industry—world growth has halved—but in Wales orders are expected to rise slightly over the next four months, and strong manufacturing growth is expected in 2000. The National Assembly will give a lead, working with business and creating jobs and opportunity. That will certainly be a top priority for a Labour-led Assembly.

To assist manufacturing in my constituency, will my right hon. Friend fight to keep assisted area status for Deeside, and to deliver objective 2 status for it?

Does my right hon. Friend agree that the prospects for manufacturing in Wales—for example, in the aerospace industry—will not be helped by separatism and nationalism? Does he agree that the leadership of the nationalist party in Wales is over-confident, overstretched and overblown?

I congratulate my right hon. Friend on his campaign, and wish him success.

My hon. Friend is right. Nearly 50 per cent. of manufacturing investment comes from foreign-owned companies, and Plaid Cymru would put that at risk. We need the balance between inward investment and the promotion of our indigenous companies that only the Labour party has promised to provide.

I certainly agree with my hon. Friend about the importance of the aerospace industry. I have made visits to his constituency with him, and I have seen the way in which management and trade unions in Deeside are working together to keep jobs and win jobs for the future.

The House will note that, following pressure last night from Mike German, the Liberal Democrats' leader in Wales, the Secretary of State was unable to confirm the position regarding matched funding for objective 1 status. Will he confirm the statement made in a House of Commons Committee Room on 17 March by the Secretary of State for Trade and Industry that if there were to be any matched funding for objective 1 status in Wales, it would have to come from the Welsh block?

The hon. Gentleman's question is very entertaining. He clearly understands that an election is going on in Wales, and 1 commend his ingenuity in managing to mention the representative of his own party, who was last seen in a life jacket.

In fact, a Labour Government won objective 1 status for Wales. There were cynics, not least in the hon. Gentleman's party and in Plaid Cymru, who thought that that could not be achieved. Indeed, the leader of Plaid Cymru was so confident that it would not be achieved that he promised a crate of champagne to my predecessor. As far as I am aware, it has still not been delivered. But we have delivered objective 1 status, and, as the Prime Minister has made clear, a Labour Government will enable the Assembly to use it—and the finances that will be part of the overall £1.3 million—to transform the economy of Wales for the better.

My right hon. Friend will not need to be told that manufacturing is always under pressure because it has to compete in a global market for exports and against imports, whereas the much larger service sector in the United Kingdom is not, in the main, subjected to those pressures. Will he ensure that the Bank of England is given that message before it starts to put up interest rates again?

I shall ensure that the needs of manufacturing industry in Wales are put at the forefront and that messages are given to colleagues in the Cabinet with other responsibilities. Recently, I was pleased to visit a company in my right hon. Friend's constituency. The link between inward investment from Japan and that company's rise in his constituency demonstrates how success can be achieved in partnership. Indeed, we are working with that company to put money into research and development to ensure that the high-quality work and skills base is developed. I understand his point. We will need to look carefully at the impact on jobs and manufacturing in Wales.

Is the Secretary of State aware of the dismay that he caused the manufacturing industry last night when he let slip that Wales would have to await the next spending review before it had any chance of any additional money by way of matched funding of objective 1 money from Europe, and that today's statement from Downing street, a recycled fudge on the issue, shows that we will have to rely on existing cash in the Welsh block, which means cutting health or education spending, to take up the objective 1 money that is available? Is it not clear that, as the Secretary of State has failed to deliver the goods, the only option for the Welsh electorate is to keep the pressure on new Labour by denying it an overall majority in the Assembly elections tomorrow?

What is clear is that the only way in which the leader of Plaid Cymru can aspire to success is to purvey doom and gloom and to talk Wales down. He is the one who said that we would not achieve objective 1 status, but we did. Let no one take his words seriously in future.

The right hon. Gentleman should be aware of the dismay that was felt in the hearts of people throughout Wales when it was suggested that he would have a number of seats in the Assembly —Plaid Cymru might have some effect in undermining confidence in Wales throughout the world. He should look at the comments by industrialists and employers, who say that they want a Labour lead in the Assembly because such a lead will be good for business. It will be good for Wales, for jobs and for opportunity for people throughout Wales.

Does my right hon. Friend agree that the best way in which to improve the prospects of the Welsh manufacturing industry from tomorrow is for right hon. and hon. Members to work very closely with newly elected Members of the Welsh Assembly to ensure that we achieve the best possible deal for manufacturing industry in our country? The best way in which to achieve that is, of course, to ensure that, tomorrow, we get as many Labour candidates elected as possible, especially candidates of the calibre of Jane Hutt in the Vale of Glamorgan.

Order. If I did not know that there was an election, I know now. Let us get back to the question.

My hon. Friend is right to point to the need for the Assembly to work in partnership with the House of Commons. He has been an example in the way in which he has worked with the potential Assembly Member for his constituency. I am sure that they will succeed in delivering for that constituency, as Labour Members will throughout Wales.

The Labour party has now had stewardship of the Welsh economy for two years and manufacturing in Wales is in a state of decline. The most worrying thing is that, when it comes to manufacturing industry, business surveys show lower confidence in Wales than in any other part of the UK.

Can the Secretary of State tell us why that should be? Is the situation not perfectly summed up in a typical quote in the Western Mail on 19 April, which said:

"We depend upon manufacturing industry. It is important to us. We're not being well served by the Government."

I quote not from a captain of industry, but from a Labour Member, the hon. Member for Wrexham (Dr. Marek).

I am not surprised that the hon. Gentleman was unable to quote a captain of industry in support of the Conservative party; they are supporting Labour. I can say only that, for the hon. Gentleman, a Scot who was a member of a Government who gave us boom and bust and the destruction of the Welsh economy over 18 years, to speak about Wales, is barefaced cheek. GDP in Wales is expected to rise by 0.1 per cent. this year and manufacturing output is expected to decline by 2.9 per cent. this year but bounce back with 4.3 per cent. growth next year. That is the whole point. With the co-operation of the manufacturing industry, we are trying to develop a strong base, high productivity and high skills in a strong Welsh economy which makes use of the strong economy that has been achieved by my right hon. Friend the Chancellor.

If he will make a statement on the contribution of the aerospace industry to the Welsh economy. [82087]

The aerospace industry is enormously important to Wales and employs some 13,000 people. In recent times, I have visited British Aerospace, Raytheon in Deeside and General Electric at Nantgarw, where I launched the modern apprenticeship target for Wales, and we have also seen confirmation of the continuation and expansion of jobs at, for instance, RAF St. Athan and British Airways. The aerospace industry is high on our agenda of industries with which we need to work.

Over the years, I have had the opportunity to visit a number of airbus plants in the United Kingdom, including those in Bristol and Broughton, which employ many people from Wales as well as from Lancashire, many from my constituency.

Will my right hon. Friend join me in welcoming the success of the airbus project, which means that the airbus is now outselling Boeing in the international market and employing thousands of extra workers? Not only are new jobs being created in England and Wales but, during the next few years, jobs will be created in Scotland in producing the airbus. Is not that an example of the way in which partnership, not only across Europe but between the different parts of the United Kingdom, can bring success to the British and the European economy?

I agree with my hon. Friend. It is important that, between Wales and Scotland and the regions of England, we see joint working on projects that can bring prosperity to all parts of the United Kingdom. I am keen to see co-operation between the Welsh Development Agency and the North West regional development agency which the Government have put in place. I recently visited the plant to which my hon. Friend referred at Broughton with my hon. Friend the Member for Alyn and Deeside (Mr. Jones) where I saw the confidence and high quality of the work force and the management team.

Yes, we need to work together across boundaries, but I am sure that my hon. Friend will forgive me for saying that my priority will be to ensure that we have the strongest possible development within the aircraft industry in Wales.

The pound has risen relentlessly this year. Yesterday, it went over FF10, nudging DM3. What impact will that have on the future prospects for aerospace products made in Britain?

That gives a challenge to the British aerospace industry, as it does to other parts of manufacturing industry, a point made by my right hon. Friend the Member for Llanelli (Mr. Davies) a few moments ago. I hope that the hon. Gentleman will recognise the importance of the Government's policies in creating stability and bringing an end to boom and bust. This morning, Sir John Harvey-Jones said that a Labour-run Assembly in Wales will provide the blend of stability and innovation that Wales needs. That is what is good for industry.

I welcome the Secretary of State's positive statement on the contribution of the aerospace industry to the Welsh economy, but does he also recognise that we in Northern Ireland are dependent on the stable and high—quality jobs that are provided by Shorts? Will he assure us that—once he is confirmed as First Secretary of the new Assembly, and in recognising the value of collaboration throughout the industry and in all regions of the United Kingdom—he will continue to promote such collaboration?

Yes, I shall promote it, very much indeed. I am also grateful to the hon. Gentleman for his remarks. I believe that the advent of the National Assembly for Wales —and of the Northern Ireland Assembly and the Scottish Parliament—will strengthen the United Kingdom and our ability to work together for the benefit of everyone everywhere in these islands. One of my first actions after becoming Secretary of State for Wales was to visit Belfast and to talk to people from all parties about the action that we might take together, such as on tourism. As a group of small countries on Europe's periphery, we not only have much to learn from each other, but may together promote many common concerns—recognising the global nature of some concerns, such as the aerospace industry, which we want to be successful, thereby benefiting all parts of the United Kingdom.

What was the average percentage increase in the Welsh Office allocations to Welsh health authorities for 1999–2000. [82088]

This year, we are providing almost 9 per cent.—£168 million—extra for hospital and community health services in Wales, which is on top of the £18 million waiting list money, which represents an increase of 1.3 per cent. The average increase in general medical services is 10.5 per cent; and, in drugs prescribing, it is 8.8 per cent. In my hon. Friend's own area—which is covered by the Dyfed Powys health authority—discussions are being held on the specific amount of money to be provided this year for health authorities. However, I am able to tell her that, this financial year, the increase for Dyfed Powys is 9.7 per cent., which is £23 million.

I welcome the Secretary of State's statement, particularly the part of it applying to my own area of Dyfed Powys. May 1 add that, yet again, the facts have proved "Rottweiler Rod" wrong? Does my right hon. Friend agree that one of the NHS's remaining problems is the fragmentation caused by the previous Government's policies—which, unfortunately, are taking time to correct? Does he also agree that it is so important for health units—particularly those with local authority social services departments—to work together?

My hon. Friend is absolutely correct. In four of the five areas in Wales, we inherited an NHS with deficits. It has also become clear that the internal market, fundholding and the previous Administration's other health policies created funding and service problems that will take some time to resolve completely. I am absolutely committed to creating a single NHS in Wales—so that, in each area, acute services, mental health services and community health services are provided in an integrated manner, and so that the public and those working in the NHS may have complete confidence in our health service.

Does the Secretary of State realise that the instructions that he has given to the Dyfed Powys health authority, and the trusts therein, to make provision to repay debts previously incurred because of deficits is causing them to come up with bizarre options, such as the centralisation of specialisms away from Bronglais general hospital? Does he agree that any such centralisation is bound to lead to a serious decline in accessibility and in quality of provision? Does he also agree that the National Assembly will have to make an early commitment to the survival and flourishing of Bronglais as a district general hospital, and to provide the type of funds that will be necessary to give that guarantee?

The hon. Gentleman misquotes the instruction, which was to start repaying and certainly not to make immediate total repayment. I have just mentioned the history that led to our having an NHS in which four of the five units have serious deficits. Although that is a totally unreasonable and unacceptable way of running the health service, it is what we inherited. The hon. Gentleman knows well the commitment that I gave to Bronglais general hospital and on services in Ceredigion, and that I have given the same commitment on services in Llanelli, where there has been another set of rumours. There is no threat to the accident and emergency units in either of those places.

The sets of rumour and counter-rumour currently flowing around are bizarre. However, I should expect to have the hon. Gentleman's co-operation in reinforcing the reassurances that I have given personally in my visits—so that the rumours might be knocked on the head, and the stock-take that I have started may be used by the Assembly, in its early days, to ensure long-term stability for the NHS and the confidence in the NHS of patients, communities and NHS staff. They should all be able confidently to place their confidence in the NHS in Wales.

I also welcome my right hon. Friend's announcement of an increased allocation. He will be well aware of the considerable capital costs in our hospitals, particularly in North Glamorgan NHS trust, and the urgent requirement for capital expenditure. In his new role, will he carry on the urgent work so that we have a full and proper hospital service fit for the 21st century in north Glamorgan?

I am happy to promise to my hon. Friend that I shall concentrate on delivering the service that the people of Wales expect from the NHS and on working with colleagues in the National Assembly to put in place a plan as a result of the current stocktaking to ensure that everybody can be confident about the long-term future. There has been too much swinging from one project to another and one extreme to another. We need dependable long-term planning. I know that my hon. Friend needs it for his area; we need it for every part of Wales.

The figures on allocations, or fine words, will fool no one working in the NHS in Wales. Doctors and patients in Wales know that, to fiddle the figures, patients are not being put on waiting lists or on waiting lists for waiting lists in case their illnesses embarrass the Government. That may please the Government statisticians, but it will not help any patients, who know that they are waiting longer between seeing their GP and being treated by a consultant. Is not the simple truth that the Government put public relations before patients and put the spin before the sick?

The hon. Gentleman has obviously been working through the night on that little piece of spin. The simple fact is that the Conservative Government starved the NHS in Wales of the resources that it needs. We are increasing the resources available by 9 per cent. this year, as I have said. I gave facts about real money going to the NHS. I also pointed out the chaos that his party left behind. He and his Government have a great deal to answer for in Wales.

Given the high priority that Labour Governments always give to the NHS, when my right hon. Friend becomes the leader of the Welsh Assembly at the end of this week will he look in particular at the state of the mental health services in north Glamorgan? There are no high-dependency beds or day care facilities and there is a bad ratio of psychiatric community nurses to patients. I am sure that he will want to put that right as soon as possible.

My hon. Friend makes a good point. One reason why I want each of the trusts in Wales to provide acute mental health and community health services is to ensure that those services are integrated and balanced for every region of Wales. In the Cynon valley and Merthyr, the two community health councils will give my hon. Friend's constituency a voice in the provision of NHS services. That will put a laser-like focus on the provision of the services that she has asked about. I shall look to her, with her NHS experience, to help in ensuring that we provide the right services at the right time in every respect, including mental health services.

If he will make a statement about the effect of the minimum wage on the numbers employed in the clothing industry in Wales. [82089]

I am not aware of any impact on the numbers employed in the clothing industry. However, it is clear that 109,000 people in Wales will benefit from the national minimum wage. I am proud to be part of a Labour Government delivering on the pledge of a national minimum wage—something to which the Labour movement has aspired over the past 100 years.

When I asked a similar question two years ago, I was told that it was a disgrace that almost 60,000 workers in Wales earned just £2.50 an hour. We now know from a written reply from the Welsh Office yesterday that since Labour came to power, a net total of 1,300 people working in the clothing industry in Wales have lost their job. Is it a success or a failure of his Department's policy that so many people in Wales are going from a low wage to no wage?

There we have another bit of synthetic rhetoric from the Opposition. The hon. Gentleman refers to job losses before the introduction of the minimum wage, which he cannot blame on the minimum wage. The minimum wage will provide a quality of income that some of our poorest-paid workers have not had in the past. It will create a level playing field, and put money in the pockets of people who have been deprived of a decent income over the years. The hon. Gentleman should look at the policies of the previous Conservative Government and their impact in recent years.

Is not the reality that tens of thousands of people in Wales who have suffered insultingly low and unfair wages for many years have at last been given a reasonable level of wages through this great success of our Labour Government? Will my right hon. Friend go further and link the level of the minimum wage with another level to guarantee that it increases in line with inflation? Could I suggest that the level of the minimum wage is linked to the level of pay of Members of this House and of the Welsh Assembly?

As always, I congratulate my hon. Friend on his ingenuity. There have been some disgraceful situations as a result of the lack of a minimum wage, such as an advert for a position in the private security industry which paid £2.50 per hour, with own transport and own dog essential. Such disgraceful situations will end following the introduction of the minimum wage. Certainly the increased incomes of 109,000 people in Wales will help the economy of Wales as a whole.

If he will introduce performance-related pay for Ministers in the Welsh Assembly. [82091]

No, but future arrangements will be a matter for the National Assembly.

I am confused, and perhaps the Minister can help clarify an apparent contradiction. If he and the Government support the principle of performance-related pay for teachers, why do they not support it for Members and Ministers of the Welsh Assembly?

I am not surprised that the hon. Gentleman is confused by a typically silly Liberal election gimmick. Before he advocates that gimmick for the Welsh Assembly, he should consider its effect if it were applied here. If we were to assess the performance of Liberal Democrat Members of Parliament, we might find that, since they have achieved nothing since Lloyd George, the Exchequer would save a great deal of money.

Should not the performance of Labour Ministers in this House since 1997 be looked at carefully by the people of Wales? So many have been let down decisively by the Government in the past two years, whether they be school children, pensioners or students. If we are talking about performance-related pay and if Labour forms the Government in the Welsh Assembly, Labour Members' pay should be cut—certainly nobody else's. What percentage turnout in the election for the Assembly tomorrow will the Minister deem to be successful? If that turnout is below the 50 per cent. turnout for the referendum, will not the £2 million that the Government have spent on advertising the Assembly elections have been wasted, when it could have been spent on services for the people of Wales?

I am content for the electorate in Wales to judge the performance of Labour Ministers, and to compare that performance with that of Opposition spokesmen. I am sure that the opinion polls will be reflected tomorrow, when we will see what the people of Wales think about the performance of Labour Members in comparison with the pathetic performance of the ranting few on the Opposition Benches.

What estimate he has made of the impact of the national minimum wage on the average income in Wales. [82092]

What estimate he has made of the impact of the national minimum wage on the average income in Wales. [82093]

No estimate is available of the impact of the national minimum wage on the average income in Wales, but we know that 109,000 people in Wales will benefit from the national minimum wage, and that is good news for the economy of Wales as a whole.

Does my right hon. Friend agree that the national minimum wage will be one of the Government's lasting achievements and that, combined with the working families tax credit, the increases in child benefit and the lop starting rate of tax, all of which were opposed by the Conservative party, it will make a significant difference to the incomes of people in Wales?

Yes, indeed. Combating poverty is a major priority. It is good to see that people such as small business representatives now see the value of a national minimum wage.

Does my right hon. Friend agree that the measures that we have introduced to raise the income of 109,000 people in Wales are a refreshing change from the previous Government's policies, which were an attempt to promote Wales as a low-skill, low-wage area?

Yes, indeed. If we can end dependency, get people into work and improve their skills and the quality of jobs available to them, that will be a test by which I will be glad to be judged when we can see the success that the first four years of the National Assembly for Wales will have brought about.

If he will list his official engagements for Wednesday 5 May.

This morning, I had meetings with ministerial colleagues and others. In addition to my duties in the House, I will have further such meetings later today.

In this Red Cross week, will my right hon. Friend join me in recognising the important humanitarian work of the Red Cross Society, both here and abroad? The Red Cross and the Red Crescent are well known for their work providing care and comfort in crises. Is not their work to support international humanitarian law, and especially the Geneva conventions, also very important? By his flagrant breach of that law, Milosevic has put himself outside the pale of civilised society. Will my right hon. Friend do everything that he can to promote the Geneva conventions, both in seeking a solution to the Kosovo crisis and in the future?

I am happy to pay tribute to the work of the Red Cross. It is doing magnificent work in the Balkans and the volunteers are using every bit of energy that they can to help people there. We have given about £2.5 million to the Red Cross, and a total of £40 million in humanitarian assistance. I know that my hon. Friend would want me to mention also the humanitarian work of the British armed forces to help the refugees, which I saw at first hand. Our effort stands comparison with that of any country in the world.

The Health Secretary denied it yesterday, but will the Prime Minister now admit that the Government did indeed propose to the European Union raising the maximum working hours of junior hospital doctors from 56 to 65 a week?

On the contrary, under this Government, the number of junior doctors who work unacceptably long hours has fallen. When we came to office, 6,500 junior doctors worked more than 56 hours a week; we have cut that number to 4,800. Under our proposals, no doctor will be asked to work more hours than at present.

The facts are plain. The Government are proposing a higher hours limit. The Health Secretary denied it yesterday, and today the Prime Minister says, "On the contrary," but what is this minute of the Council meeting in Brussels, dated 15 April 1999, saying:

"The UK delegation is proposing the following text… 'an average of [65] hours a week during the first eight years …and an average of [60] hours a week for the remaining seven years'."?

Only this Prime Minister would claim that an increase from 56 to 65 is a reduction. Can he confirm that what the Government are proposing would also last for 15 years?

No, not merely do I not confirm it, I deny it. We are reducing the number of hours that doctors work. There is a transitional period; the right hon. Gentleman has mentioned 15 years. That is necessary, since we must recruit more doctors, and training for some of the specialties takes 15 years. However, as a result of what we are doing, junior doctors' hours will be reduced. They are being reduced now.

Furthermore, we are going to increase the numbers recruited by 7,000 over the next three years, and we are increasing the numbers in training by 20 per cent. So, as a result of this Government, by the end of our first term in office, junior doctors will be working fewer hours and we will have recruited more doctors.

If it is so good for junior doctors, why does the British Medical Association say that it is a "slap in the face" for doctors and

"a betrayal of the patients"?

The Prime Minister's position in answering those questions is to deny the truth, except the point that it will happen for the next 15 years—which he has now admitted.

The truth is that, the greater the claims that the Government make about the health service, the less they deliver. They said that they would reduce waiting lists, and they went up. Now, there are twice as many people waiting to go on the waiting lists. They claim that they are trying to reduce junior doctors' hours, and those hours are increased by the document. Is not the BMA right to say that that is a betrayal of doctors? Is it not a betrayal of all the promises that the Government made on health?

No. Let me repeat what I said to the right hon. Gentleman, and let us see whether this time he can understand. Junior doctors' hours are being reduced. As for the working time directive, his party is opposed to it. He must now be saying that he is in favour of it, but he has been against it all the way through. As for the numbers of people going into the health service, we are increasing those, too—more doctors, more nurses. And we are putting an extra £21 billion into the health service. Are the Conservatives in favour of that extra £21 billion? We do not know.

More hours.

Let the right hon. Gentleman take it one more time. Under this Government, junior doctors are working fewer hours. That is what we have delivered—better than at any point when the Conservatives were in office. All that questions on the health service from the Conservatives reveal is that, on that as on so much else, they have not the faintest idea what they are talking about.

Does the Prime Minister agree that one of the most precious things in this country is the right to free speech? Is not the only thing more precious the right to life? Given that, and in the light of the recent atrocities in my constituency and elsewhere in London, will he look at tightening the laws governing incitement to racial hatred so that individuals—or groups—who are guilty of it face penalties, and, in this country, the only thing that we nail is intolerance?

It is precisely for that reason that we are considering how we extend the law, in order to ensure that incitement to racial hatred is a crime. We shall do everything that we can to make it clear that, although we live in a tolerant democracy, we shall be intolerant of racial prejudice and racial bigotry. Wherever these people rear their ugly heads, the forces of democracy will be there, ready to deal with them.

The Prime Minister has told us this week that he wants a society that is tolerant at home and compassionate abroad. How does he believe that he is contributing to that by pushing through this House a piece of Tory legislation, the chief characteristic of which is to seek to deter asylum seekers by treating them with a mixture of delay, penury and injustice?

I do not accept that at all. The aim of the legislation is to reduce the time spent dealing with asylum claims so that, by April 2001, the initial claims for asylum should be dealt with inside two months, on average, and any subsequent appeal may be handled within four months. Anyone who has studied the present asylum system knows that it is not working properly. There is a huge backlog of cases, and proper, genuine asylum seekers often do not get the treatment that they need. We are changing the law precisely to ensure that genuine asylum seekers are treated properly.

If the aim of the legislation, and of the Government, is to reduce the queue, they are failing comprehensively, as the queue has got longer and longer under this Government.

Let me put the following to the Prime Minister: the denial of social security benefits to asylum seekers is "inhumane". That statement is not mine—it was made by the present Home Secretary at the last election. If it was true then, why is not true now? To put it another way: does the Prime Minister believe that he is fulfilling the great tradition of this country—that of showing generosity and compassion to those who seek refuge on our shores—by providing an asylum seeker with an allowance for her child of 50p a day?

First of all, the right hon. Gentleman is simply wrong about the facts. We opposed the Conservatives' withdrawal of all benefits to asylum seekers. That is not the process that we are putting in place now. What we have done is to say that, if we want to make a fundamental change, we have to make the system quicker and more effective.

There has been a rise of 42 per cent. in the number of cases, even while the backlog remains. The right hon. Gentleman says that the backlog is getting worse: it is, but that is precisely why we need the new legislation to change the system. When the new system is in place, we will be able to deal with asylum claims better, more effectively and more quickly. Genuine asylum seekers will be made welcome, but we do not want claims to be stacked up for years and years—as they are at present—and then not dealt with properly. It is no use the right hon. Gentleman giving that display of outrage if he is not prepared to confront the facts and understand that, without reform, the system does not help genuine asylum seekers—indeed, it harms them.

Given that the new deal is intended to provide lasting and worthwhile employment, does my right hon. Friend agree that it will be of no help to the Conservative party in finding a new chairman, now that Mr. Portillo has refused the job?

Order. That is not the business of the Prime Minister and is rather a wasted question.

Will the Prime Minister please explain how the democratic rights of my constituents in Beaconsfield have been enhanced by Scottish devolution? Under the Radioactive Substances Act 1993, the disposal in Colnbrook in my constituency of radioactive waste coming from Scotland is subject to authorisation by a United Kingdom Minister. However, after 1 July, it will be subject to authorisation by the First Minister of the Scottish Parliament. I will not be able to ask a parliamentary question of that person, and the House will not be able to hold him to account in relation to his duties in this country under the 1993 Act.

The hon. Gentleman is wrong. If radioactive material comes through England, it is subject to the English authority. In addition, I believe that devolution will benefit all the people of the United Kingdom. Before devolution, people faced a choice between the status quo —which was not accepted in places such as Scotland and Wales—or separatism. Now, people have the proper choice of devolution, and I believe that that will be supported in England, as well as in Scotland and Wales.

Further to the last question, let me say that we are on the eve of the completion of John Smith's unfinished business—the re-establishment of a Scottish Parliament after nearly three centuries. That is the settled will of the Scottish people as demonstrated at the referendum. Amid the short-term problems of politics, will not the first-ever democratic election of a Scottish Parliament be a truly historic event?

The Scottish Parliament was called unfinished business by John Smith. There is no better expression of his values and love of democracy than the Scottish Parliament. It offers us the chance of an enhanced and strengthened United Kingdom, in which those things that are distinctively Scottish can be handled in Scotland. Where it is right to co-operate and work in partnership, we shall do so within the United Kingdom.

The whole House will have been appalled by last week's bomb outrage in Soho. I regret that two of the three people who died—Andrea Dykes and John Light—were constituents of mine. On behalf of the House, may I invite the Prime Minister to send condolences to their families and best wishes to all those who were injured, including Julian Dykes, who does not yet know that his wife, who was four months pregnant, was killed?

We cannot comment specifically on the case, because someone has been charged with the murders. May I suggest, however, that security cameras have an important part to play in detecting and preventing crime?

On the last point, that is part of the reason why we have committed an extra £150 million for closed circuit television cameras, which do a tremendous job as we try both to cut crime and to identify the people who commit crime.

In his first point, the hon. Gentleman spoke for the whole House. I certainly send my heartfelt sympathy to the families of those people who died as a result of a callous and brutal act. They and their families will have the support, thoughts and prayers of the whole House.

Will my right hon. Friend liaise with my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for Education and Employment on the new deal? It seems that there is great difficulty in filling some jobs being advertised in some parts of the country. Those jobs are not attracting applications, even though they require no special qualification. My attention was drawn to The Daily Telegraph yesterday, which noted that the Conservative party is advertising for candidates, but finding great difficulty in receiving any applications. Can the Prime Minister offer any advice?

Order. The question relates to the new deal.

All I can say is that the new deal applies only to permanent jobs and would not therefore be suitable.

After the fiasco over junior doctors' hours, does the Prime Minister recall that his Government made a pledge to the nurses in February that this year's pay settlement would be met in full from 1 April? Is he aware that many nurses received no additional pay in their April pay packets and that many NHS trusts are having great difficulty in financing the unfunded element of the nurses' pay settlement? What is he going to do about that?

On junior doctors' hours, we are decreasing hours, not increasing them. That is the fact. Secondly, on nurses, we are the Government who have increased nurses' pay by more than at any other point in the past 20 years. Thirdly, we are funding the pay increase out of the additional £21 billion described just a few months ago by the hon. Gentleman's Front-Bench colleagues as reckless and irresponsible. A lot of water has passed under the bridge since then, but, as a result of what the Government are investing in the health service, there are more doctors and more nurses, and, for the first time ever, starting nurses are receiving a decent pay rise.

Is my right hon. Friend aware of the transfer of 500 jobs from the Xerox plant in Mitcheldean in my constituency to Dundalk in southern Ireland, which may lead to the loss of 100 further jobs in local subsidiary companies? What support can the Government offer to help those 600 workers to find future employment, and what assistance can they give to local economies, such as that of the Forest of Dean, to sustain, improve and develop the vital manufacturing sector?

I know that there is a task force in the area, which is helping those people who are going to lose their jobs. Although 500 jobs are to be transferred from Gloucestershire, 1,750 remain and I understand that a further 250 are being created. Obviously, I share my hon. Friend's concern about any changes that are made, but those are commercial decisions for the company. I should point out that, fortunately, the UK remains a very attractive location for overseas companies: a record 600 projects were attracted here last year, creating some 46,000 jobs. Of course, during rationalisation and change, some jobs will go and some stay, but the difference under the Labour Government is that we are trying to put in place measures that will help people to find new jobs when, unfortunately, their jobs are lost.

Whose fault is it that the Prime Minister's own district council, Sedgefield, has one of the highest council taxes in the country? Is it the fault of the Labour council, or of the Labour Government?

I am delighted to say that, as evidenced by the huge vote that we always get for Sedgefield's Labour district councillors, we enjoy the full support of all the local people.

We are talking about the Prime Minister's constituency, where something is wrong and it is nobody's fault. Is it not true that Sedgefield has the 13th highest council tax in band D, at £967? The right hon. Gentleman is in good company on the Government Benches, with Redcar at £1,033 and Hartlepool at £978—no wonder the right hon. Member for Hartlepool (Mr. Mandelson) always keeps a posh house in London. Why do people who live under Labour councils have to pay high council taxes for poor services, incompetent administration and Labour councillors, a string of whom have fiddled the books?

The right hon. Gentleman has again got his facts wrong: the average council tax increase is lower in Labour councils than in Conservative councils; Conservative councils have higher than average increases in council tax; and the average council tax per dwelling is lower in Labour areas.

And is it not true that the highest council taxes are all in Labour authorities, except for those in Liberal-controlled Liverpool, which has the highest of all? Is it not true that, in Blaenau Gwent, the former Labour mayor has been convicted of fraudulent expense claims; that, in Lewisham, the Labour chairman of housing was sentenced to 60 days in Brixton prison; and that, in Doncaster, four Labour councillors have gone to jail and the man whom the Prime Minister sent in to clean it up has now himself been arrested? Is it not the case that they are now the only people left in the Labour party who have genuine convictions? Is it not the case that if people want low council taxes, honest local government and good services, they have to vote Conservative tomorrow?

No. I have to point out, not only that Labour councils have lower than average increases in council tax, but that all that the Conservatives do is take band D properties, when only 30 per cent. of properties are band D. If we take all properties, we see that people pay lower council taxes in Labour areas than in Conservative ones; moreover, they get better services—better education services and better local government services.

As for the respective merits of candidates, I can do no better than to quote the sole Conservative candidate for Rutland council, Mr. John Duckham, who, when asked why there were not many Conservative candidates in Rutland, replied:

"nobody came forward. It was not as though there were just no suitable candidates; we have long put behind us scruples about endorsing people purely on the grounds of their suitability."

I think that we stand rather a good comparison.

Today, we commemorate the 50th anniversary of the Council of Europe. Does my right hon. Friend agree that the values for which the Council of Europe stands—democracy and human rights—are as relevant to Europeans today as they were 50 years ago? Does he also agree that vigilance is needed if those values are to be safeguarded and future generations of Europeans are to benefit from democracy and human rights?

It is right that the Council of Europe stands for those values, and we are fighting for them in Kosovo. It is worth pointing out that, since the second world war and the formation of the European Union, there have been tremendous strides forward within the EU in peace, prosperity and security. [Interruption.] I believe that to be the case. I think that Europe and the European Union have stood the test of time pretty well over the past 50 years. I think that the values of justice and democracy are the very values that we should be advancing now for south-east Europe and the Balkans.

The Prime Minister will recall, that two weeks ago—not for the first time this year—I asked him whether he could give the House a date on which beef exports would be resumed. Yet again, he did not answer the question. Later that day, the Minister of Agriculture, Fisheries and Food, in answer to a question in a debate, said that the Government were working to a timetable. Will the Prime Minister tell us where in that timetable is the date for the resumption of beef exports?

As I said to the hon. Gentleman last time, there had to be an inspection process first. I told him that an invitation was extended to the Commission. The Commission came between 12 and 16 April. Its representatives have gone back and they will prepare a report for the Commission. Once that report has satisfied the Commission that all the various obstacles have been overcome, a date will be submitted by the European Commission and agreed by us. That is the procedure that has to be gone through.

I repeat to the hon. Gentleman—I think that I said this to him last time—that I do not accept the idea that we should take lessons from the Conservative party about BSE. We have had to sort out the vast multi-billion pound mess that we inherited from the previous Conservative Government.

What proposals he has for the reform of the World bank and the International Monetary Fund.

The United Kingdom has put forward proposals for a far-reaching reform of the international financial architecture to promote greater transparency. Those proposals are designed to develop improved mechanisms for crisis prevention and resolution and to minimise the human cost of financial crises. Together with the initiatives that we are taking forward at the International Monetary Fund and the World bank, for debt relief and poverty reduction, they amount to a substantial package of measures. I hope to make progress on all those matters at the June Cologne summit.

I thank the Prime Minister for that reply and congratulate the Government on the international lead that they have given on this reform process. Does my right hon. Friend agree that, in the past, too often the International Monetary Fund particularly has been the problem and not the solution in times of financial crisis? Does he agree also that an external evaluation system is needed for the IMF to improve its scrutiny and accountability, such as currently applies in the World bank?

The UK has been a proponent of greater transparency in the IMF. I believe that the IMF, particularly under Michel Camdessus, has done excellent work in many parts of the world. However, the most important single problem that we face is constructing the financial architecture, both in greater accountability and transparency of national financial systems, that allows us to be able to deal with financial crises in a much better way.

That is for the long term. For the short term, we have to ensure that there are sufficient funds available to help any country through a short-term liquidity crisis. We support reforms in the IMF, but I think that further reforms are necessary to make the system work.

Will the Prime Minister confirm, so that the people in this country really understand, that, once the Scots are to be deciding their own affairs in their own Parliament, the same number of Scottish Members will continue to come to Westminster to poke their nose into English affairs? Incidentally, most of those individuals are in the right hon. Gentleman's Government. Will he turn his mind to being fair to the rest of the population and tell us why it has not crossed his mind that we should also have a Parliament for England?

I do not know whether the hon. Lady is outlining Conservative policy. One can never be sure. It is the case that devolution provides the chance for the United Kingdom to be strengthened for the 21st century. I believe that both the separatists, who want to wrench Scotland and Wales out of the United Kingdom, and those who advocate the status quo are the true enemies of the Union and of the United Kingdom. The best way forward is to have devolution and to make sure that, in future, those things that are distinctively Scottish can be decided in Scotland.

I congratulate my right hon. Friend on his recent visit to the Balkans. I, too, recently visited the camps there under the auspices of UNICEF. Does my right hon. Friend agree that, once we have provided immediate aid in the camps, one of the most important things that we need to do is to support those people in finding their brothers, sisters, mothers, fathers and other relatives? So many of the refugees have been split from those whom they love. As well as supplying immediate aid, we must reunite them with their relatives and friends.

Again, we are playing a leading part in trying to make sure that families are reunited. We are providing as much assistance as we can to people on the ground. As I said earlier, the British troops are playing a marvellous role in that. We have made it known that we are prepared to do more to help refugees in this country. However, the refugees to whom I spoke were determined that we should carry on with our action until we succeeded.

I know that my hon. Friend will support that. The only thing that will ultimately secure the future of those people is for them to be allowed to return to Kosovo in peace. That is why we must intensify our action, we must make sure that the NATO demands are met, and not for one instant must we let up until those demands are met.