The Secretary of State was asked—
Trade with Rest of UK
The Government have committed to ensuring unfettered access for Northern Ireland businesses to the rest of the United Kingdom market. We have therefore not implemented export declarations on goods moving from Northern Ireland to Great Britain, which has been subject to infraction proceedings by the European Union.
Under the protocol, by the end of the year we will, unfortunately, have spent £340 million helping traders to process 2.3 million customs declarations through the trader support service. That really highlights the need to get on with a sustainable negotiated solution.
I thank my hon. Friend for his answer. He will be aware that seed potato imports to Northern Ireland from Scotland are deeply impacted by the protocol. The European Union is being hugely intransigent on the issue, despite high demand from the EU and Northern Ireland for the fantastic seed potato product that Scotland has to provide. What are the Northern Ireland Office and other UK Government Departments doing to address the issue?
I am most grateful to my hon. Friend. It is, of course, unacceptable that essential goods such as seed potatoes, used successfully in Northern Ireland for generations, can no longer reach people in Northern Ireland. That is why I recently met representatives of Wilson’s Country in Craigavon to discuss the issue. [Interruption.] I cannot quite make out what Scottish National party Members are saying, Mr Speaker, but I do think it is in the interests of Scotland, Ireland and the wider European Union, as well as Northern Ireland, that this issue should be resolved.
The idea that it should be difficult to get seed potatoes into Ireland is quite absurd. Of course, the quality of potatoes will diminish across the European Union if we do not resolve the issue, which we would like to do by negotiation.
Of course we all agree that there needs to be a deal with the European Union to resolve some of the outstanding issues. Would the Minister care to comment on the data released just this morning that states that trade from GB to Northern Ireland is up by 7% since the protocol was implemented?
I am sorry to say that I have not seen that data this morning. I am grateful to the hon. Gentleman for highlighting it; I shall be certain to look it up and reflect on it. I am delighted by any increase in trade. As he knows, I am an old liberal free trader, so I think any increase in trade in any direction will suit all of us very well.
The reality is that, notwithstanding any data, many businesses in Northern Ireland are experiencing serious problems as a result of the protocol. The cost of the trader support scheme, as the Minister has acknowledged, is now well over £300 million—the equivalent of almost half a million pounds every single day. That money could be spent on public services in Northern Ireland. What are the Minister and the Government doing to address the issue?
I am grateful to the right hon. Gentleman for the clear stance he has taken on the protocol—no one, including across the European Union, can mistake it. It has become clear that unless there is a resolution on the protocol that he and his colleagues in the Democratic Unionist party can accept, there will not be an Executive in Northern Ireland. We continue to make that clear to our partners. We continue talks with the European Union, and I very much hope that we will reach a solution that is acceptable to us and to him, and will remove the burdens on his constituents and on businesses, individuals and families across Northern Ireland.
I appreciate the comments that the Minister has made. We share the same objective, which is to fully restore Northern Ireland’s place within the UK internal market. That means that in the future the default regulatory position for trade within the UK internal market should be British law; that British trading regulations and standards should apply across all the United Kingdom; and that EU law and regulations should apply only when goods are moving into the European Union—in any event, businesses are required to meet EU standards if they want to trade within the EU single market. Does the Minister agree that the restoration of our place within the UK internal market is our absolute priority?
The Secretary of State and I agree that that is what we are trying to negotiate. If we are not able to negotiate it, it will be what we seek to deliver through our Bill, which continues to be before Parliament.
Northern Ireland Executive
The Government remain committed to the Belfast/Good Friday agreement and will continue to work with the Northern Ireland political parties to restore power sharing. One of the things we have done recently is pass the Northern Ireland (Executive Formation etc) Act 2019. That provides a window, until 19 January 2023, for the parties to form an Executive. I encourage the parties to use that time productively to restore the devolved institutions and get back to tackling the issues affecting the people who elected them.
Devolution was created to give the people of Northern Ireland, of both traditions, a voice on regional matters that affect them. However, local politicians are failing people in their Province by refusing to return to Stormont. Now, more than ever, in difficult times, local leadership is needed in Northern Ireland. What steps is my right hon. Friend taking to ensure that politicians in Northern Ireland are incentivised to retore power sharing? Will he update the House on the progress of talks to that end?
It is essential that the devolved institutions are restored as soon as possible, and that is what the people of Northern Ireland need and deserve. As my hon. Friend the Minister of State mentioned, the process also requires an extra dimension of trying to get a negotiated settlement on the Northern Ireland protocol. I remain in close contact with all the leaders in the political parties in Northern Ireland, and indeed I am meeting them all this week as part of the efforts to try to make sure we can have a constructive dialogue that means that the institutions can reform.
The Stormont Assembly has been recalled five times since the last election but has failed to elect a new Speaker. It is clear that the Democratic Unionist party will not re-enter power sharing until the Northern Ireland protocol is significantly changed. So does my right hon. Friend agree that the Government must find a balanced solution to the protocol, one that recognises the aspirations of all communities in Northern Ireland, including those of the Unionists? That approach is set out and enshrined in the Good Friday agreement.
I know my hon. Friend’s interest in this is well founded. I am well aware of his strong interest in these matters because I recall that his father was one of the longest serving Secretaries of State for Northern Ireland, having served for a whole Parliament between 1992 and 1997, with his tenure having included the Downing Street declaration. We are nearly at its anniversary, as it took place on 15 December 1993 and paved the way for the Belfast/Good Friday agreement, which we have talked about. Clearly, the protocol has created issues, which we are working urgently to resolve as soon as possible. That is why we created the legislative window until 19 January for talks between the UK and the European Union to develop and for the Northern Ireland parties to work together to restore the devolved institutions. However, we remain of the view that there is no excuse for the Northern Ireland parties not to be in government as soon as possible.
As some Members know, not least the Northern Ireland Members behind me, my wife hails from Northern Ireland. [Hon. Members: “Hear, hear.”] I thank them. Having had recent experience of accident and emergency in Northern Ireland, it was evident to me that, notwithstanding the finest efforts of doctors and nurses, the NHS there needs ministerial guidance. For that reason, we must all strive to see the Executive restored.
I thank the hon. Gentleman for his question and his point, which is absolutely correct. May I also thank those working in the health service in Northern Ireland for the services they are providing at this time, because they are working extremely hard in trying conditions? He is absolutely right; there are issues within the NHS in Northern Ireland, and they are best solved by ministerial guidance from directly elected, locally elected decision makers who are working for the people there—from the Executive.
Let’s have a shy Member, Jim Shannon.
Thank you, Mr Speaker. I thank the Secretary of State for that response. On behalf of my constituents, some of whom are sitting in cold houses today and not receiving the energy help that the rest of the UK is receiving from Government, I encourage him and the Government on the establishment of the Northern Ireland Executive. Vulnerable people need the energy help and the aid now, and I urge him to bring that forward. May I also ask him to bring forward and enact the Northern Ireland Protocol Bill, which the people of Northern Ireland want to see, with no more delays?
Based on the questions before us, I am sure we will talk a great deal about the protocol in this questions session. On the hon. Gentleman’s point about people sitting in cold homes in Northern Ireland at this point in time without the energy support they deserve, energy policy is a devolved matter, with responsibility normally resting with the Northern Ireland Executive and Assembly. These matters would have been best sorted and more quickly sorted had that been in operation now. However, yesterday I met the energy companies. There are significant difficulties in how they could possibly deliver this support, and the Government are now examining other options as well to try to get this money out the door as quickly as we possibly can.
I call the SNP spokesperson.
Nurses across Northern Ireland, England and Wales are planning to take strike action tomorrow. That situation has been averted in Scotland because of the active involvement of the Scottish Government in negotiating an acceptable pay deal. What role is the Secretary of State and his Ministers playing in trying to bring a resolution to this situation in Northern Ireland, and what assurances can he give that he and his ministerial team are adopting a more constructive approach to these pay negotiations than appears to be the case elsewhere on these islands?
As the hon. Gentleman will know, we recently set a budget for Northern Ireland, because it had not been set at the beginning of the year, to make sure that the money could be spent. No budget had been set by the Executive, and the projected black hole, as estimated by the Minister of Finance when he was sitting, was £660 million. The negotiations are being facilitated by British Government Ministers of the type the hon. Gentleman mentions, but at the end of the day it is the employers in Northern Ireland who will be making those final negotiations.
I call the Chair of the Northern Ireland Committee.
At the time of a cost of living crisis, clearly, too many people are feeling the adverse effect of the absence of Stormont. If my right hon. Friend has not seen it, could he look at the BBC’s “Spotlight” programme on Northern Ireland produced by Mandy McAuley? It shows the pernicious activities of loan sharks and the paramilitaries and the effect on the most vulnerable people in Northern Irish society, as they await their money to help with their fuel. I echo the comments of the hon. Member for Strangford (Jim Shannon) and urge my right hon. Friend to give peace of mind to those who are most in need and sort out this pressing issue by Christmas, so that people have that peace of mind and can try to enjoy the festive period.
I thank my hon. Friend, the Chair of the Select Committee, for his question. I am fully aware of the activities of paramilitary lenders. I know of the programme that he mentioned. I did not see it last night, but I was in a meeting last week, or the week before, with the head of Women’s Aid in Northern Ireland who mentioned this very fact to me. There have been dozens of meetings, if not more, between various Secretaries of State, including the Secretary of State for Business, Energy and Industrial Strategy and myself, Ministers of State, energy companies and a whole of host of others to try to get this matter solved. I guarantee that the energy of the whole British Government is concentrating on this one issue. We want to crack this nut in the timeframe that my hon. Friend suggests, but it is way more difficult than it should be.
Northern Ireland Protocol
I have regular discussions with Northern Ireland political leaders on Northern Ireland matters, including the protocol. The Government are engaging in constructive dialogue with the European Union to find solutions to the problems that the protocol is causing. We are also proceeding with legislation that aims to fix these problems in the event that we cannot reach a negotiated solution.
The Northern Ireland Protocol Bill takes a wrecking ball to the deal that the Conservatives negotiated, signed and campaigned on. It breaks international law and risks new trade barriers in the middle of a cost of living crisis. Political parties in Northern Ireland have been left in limbo—they have been left out in the cold—by this Government. Given that it was a previous Conservative Prime Minister who negotiated the protocol, why has the current Prime Minister not even visited Northern Ireland yet to see how it is working, and how he will sort out this self-created Government mess?
As I have said, I meet regularly with the Northern Ireland parties. One issue that always comes up is the Northern Ireland protocol. I believe that it was negotiated in very good faith between the two parties. However, its practical application is demonstrating on a daily basis to the people in Northern Ireland that it is not working. It is not fully implemented by a long way yet, which is why the Government are in talks with the European Union and have their protocol Bill running at the same time.
Can the Secretary of State update us on those talks with the European Union? Are they still at the stage of discussing technical details, or are they actually discussing more substantial issues?
The one thing that I am quite confident that I will not do is give a running commentary on the state of the negotiations or talks between the European Union and the UK Government. My right hon. Friend the Foreign Secretary did update the House a bit yesterday, but I think that he maintains that position as well.
I call the shadow Secretary of State.
It is good news that the Prime Minister has paused the Northern Ireland Protocol Bill. Can the Secretary of State confirm that negotiations are on track to deliver an agreement that all communities can support by 19 January?
As the hon. Gentleman knows, I am a “glass half full” man, and I truly believe that a landing zone has been identified by all parties to aim for. Can I confirm a date? No. Can I give a running commentary? I am afraid that I cannot do so.
The intended purpose of the Retained EU Law (Revocation and Reform) Bill is divergence from the single market. To avoid repeating the political fallout over the Northern Ireland Protocol Bill, the Government should be engaging with all communities in Northern Ireland right now, based on a detailed impact assessment. Is that happening?
Electronic Travel Authorisation: Impact on Travel
We speak regularly with a spectrum of businesses and organisations in Northern Ireland, and I would like to repeat the assurances that we have given about electronic travel authorisation. The scheme will not apply to citizens of Ireland or the United Kingdom, and I can confirm that we fully intend to work with all relevant stakeholders to ensure that ETA requirements are communicated effectively to everyone.
Last week I asked the Prime Minister about the impact of electronic travel authorisation on Northern Irish tourism, and his answer indicated that he did not understand the topic at all. This rang true with people who believe that this Government do not engage with the impact of their decisions on our region and our economy. Will the Secretary of State please bring the Prime Minister up to speed and push to scrap this unworkable proposal, which tourism chiefs from hotels and attractions across Northern Ireland have indicated would massively undermine our potential?
We have been engaging with Tourism Northern Ireland. Home Office colleagues have begun that engagement, and of course we will engage widely with everybody who is interested in that issue. There is evidence from schemes in other countries that tourism will not be adversely affected. What we need to do is ensure that we communicate widely what the requirements will be to enter the UK. I hope the hon. Lady will not mind me saying that, having listened carefully to stakeholders in Northern Ireland, we will be working constructively with the Irish Government to ensure that we are supporting people who have a legitimate reason to live in Ireland to get across the border as conveniently as possible.
The Minister will be aware that for decades we have co-operated and worked with the Republic of Ireland—particularly, for example, with the Republic not joining Schengen—to facilitate movement across the island of Ireland. Does he agree that it is perfectly possible to get the benefits of the ETA system in terms of security, ease of travel and e-visas, while working with the Republic of Ireland’s Government to make sure there are appropriate provisions for people who are residents of the island of Ireland?
I agree with my hon. Friend, and I pay tribute to him as an outstanding former Immigration Minister. Of course, we will be respecting the common travel area. There will be no immigration controls on the border on the island of Ireland, and we will seek to ensure that this scheme works well.
I call the shadow Minister.
The Minister just said that there will be no detrimental impact on the Northern Ireland tourism sector, despite 70% of overseas visitors to Northern Ireland arriving via Dublin and the chief executive of the Northern Ireland Tourism Alliance saying this morning that she fears that the new system puts around 25% of tourism business at risk. What discussions has the Minister been having in Government to champion tourism in Northern Ireland and address the devastating impact of this additional bureaucracy?
We will continue discussions with Tourism Northern Ireland, but as I said, clear communication is what is needed to make sure that people meet the requirements to enter the UK. We will continue to work with tourism operators and the Government of Ireland to make sure that that communication takes place. The evidence from elsewhere is that legitimate tourism is not likely to be heavily impacted by this scheme. Of course, all of us want to promote tourism in Northern Ireland and, indeed, more widely.
Northern Ireland Troubles (Legacy and Reconciliation) Bill
On the Bill’s Second Reading in the other place, the Government announced their intention to introduce amendments in a number of key areas. These proposed changes reflect what we have heard from the significant engagement that has taken place with victims and survivors and their representatives, as well as community leaders and other stakeholders. As the Bill continues its passage, the Government will continue to engage constructively with all interested parties on their concerns, and how they might be addressed.
Can the Secretary of State please confirm that the legacy Bill will be tightened up before it returns to this place, notably in respect of making sure that protagonists engage fully with the truth and reconciliation process, not assuming moral equivalence and the language of glorification?
I can give my hon. Friend assurances of that type. That is why we proposed the changes set out by my ministerial colleague on Second Reading in the other place, which include sanctions for those who refuse to co-operate with or wilfully mislead the information recovery process. We will continue to engage on those and other potential changes, and I assure him that we will do that before the Bill returns to the House.
My constituent Edward Vaughan-Jones’s brother Robert, 2 Para, died at Warrenpoint in 1979. Some 43 years later, the family’s wounds have not healed due to repeated investigations and a lack of conclusion. Can my right hon. Friend outline when Mr Vaughan-Jones will receive a conclusive report on what happened to his brother so that he can finally have closure?
What my hon. Friend has identified in this very sad case is that the current mechanisms for addressing the past in Northern Ireland are providing positive outcomes for very few people, with many, including the Vaughan-Jones family, waiting decades for answers about what happened to their loved ones and not getting anything. The Bill’s information recovery process will be supported by comprehensive investigative powers and full state disclosure, providing families with a fast route to as full an account as possible about what happened to their loved ones and, as she mentioned, closure, as far as that is possible, because that is what they deserve.
It was good to see the Secretary of State visit the Omagh bombing memorial garden recently. Despite his intention to want to work closely with victims, he will know that there are still concerns being expressed by a range of victims’ representative groups and the victims’ and survivors’ commissioners, as well as by Jon Boutcher. Accepting the difficulties and complexities of this, can the Secretary of State say what he will do now to ensure he brings victims with him on this Bill?
First, I thank the hon. Gentleman for his continued interest. This is my third question time as the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, and each time he has asked sensible and realistic questions on legacy. I will deal with the question, but any time he wants to have a briefing in the Department to get clarity on some of these things between question times, he would be more than welcome, because I know he cares a great deal about this particular subject. I can confirm that we are continuing to talk to all sorts of groups and individuals. Government amendments will be tabled in the other place that will confirm that the independent commission will be established by legislation to conduct criminal investigations, where it judges those appropriate, to ensure that individuals who knowingly or recklessly provide false information to the commission can be prosecuted and have their immunity revoked. That is among other such areas where we are trying to improve the Bill.
Northern Ireland Protocol: Assembly Elections
Since being appointed in October, I have met a lot of representatives from European states, and the Minister of State, my hon. Friend the Member for Wycombe (Mr Baker) holds several good relationships with similar.
There will clearly be a range of views on the protocol going forward, and in any election to the Northern Ireland Assembly, those views will need to be outlined clearly. We know that the Government do not respect mandates they see coming forward from devolved Assemblies, so can the Secretary of State give an assurance that he will respect the mandates coming forward from any Northern Ireland Assembly election?
I think there is one group of people who should not lecture about not respecting democratic votes. However, this Government and, I believe, all parties in this place want to see the Executive and the Assembly restored, and should there be another election, that result will be respected as the last result should be respected.
The Prime Minister has put the Northern Ireland Protocol Bill on ice to allow time for a UK-EU deal to be struck. Can the Minister commit to the House that a deal will be struck before April next year and that this pro-Brexit dispute will not hamper the Good Friday agreement celebrations and the UK’s international relations with America and the EU?
I think—[Interruption.] I genuinely did not think the hon. Gentleman’s question was that good. He should maybe imbibe a bit of the Christmas festivities, because I think we should be more glass-half-full about the opportunities of a negotiated settlement to the protocol issue, which will benefit everybody and all parties in Northern Ireland.
The Vice-President of the European Commission has said that
“if there is political will”,
issues around the Northern Ireland protocol could be resolved
“within a couple of weeks.”
Will the Minister find the will to reach a solution and commit to a timeline for a deal, perhaps before the end of the six-week extension to form an Executive in January?
I can genuinely say to the hon. Lady that the atmosphere in the relationships between the European Union and the United Kingdom Government has changed dramatically in recent weeks and months, and that is the basis for all good things.
Before we come to Prime Minister’s questions, I would like to point out that the British Sign Language interpretation of proceedings is available to watch on parliamentlive.tv.