3.40 p.m.
My Lords, with the leave of the House I will now repeat a Statement which is being made in another place by my right honourable friend the Home Secretary. The Statement is as follows:
"In September the Fire Brigades Union submitted a claim to the National Joint Council for local authorities' fire brigades. The claim is that the qualified fireman should be paid an annual salary equivalent to a total of the average weekly earnings of adult male workers, plus 10 per cent. to take account of the skills and dangers inherent in their duties. This would mean an increase of about 30 per cent. Similar increases would be sought for other members of the Service up to and including sub-officer. "On 3rd November the employers' side of the National Joint Council made a three part offer. This was:3.46 p.m.
My Lords, I am sure that the House is grateful to the noble Lord, Lord Harris of Greenwich, for repeating this very serious Statement, which none of us can have listened to without considerable feelings of anxiety. The matters raised are threefold. One is the merits of the dispute; the second is the action proposed to be taken as a result of the dispute; and the third is the proposals of the Government to deal with the situation set up by that action.
It is no part of my philosophy, nor that of the Party to which I belong, to comment upon the merits of disputes which are under negotiation between the Government and the two sides, and I do not propose to do so. However, I think one comment can be made without offence. The notice given was, as I understand it from the Statement, seven days; that is to say, seven days from the rejection by the conference of the recommendation of their executive to the date at which strike action should begin. My comment, which I invite the noble Lord to deal with, if he thinks it proper, is that that amount of notice is far too short for action of this kind. If it is contemplated to have a national strike in one of the vital services, seven days' notice is not enough. Time is of enormous value in the settling of industrial differences, and seven days is not much time for that purpose. That is the only comment I want to make upon the merits of the dispute. Secondly, I should like to assure the noble Lord and, indeed, Her Majesty's Government, that the Party to which I belong will give entire support to any measures which Her Majesty's Government may think it necessary to take for the protection of life and property, which must be both their first anxiety and their prime responsibility. Therefore we can assure the Government of our support. Thirdly, and here I speak entirely for myself, one cannot help recognising that the Government have very candidly admitted that there is a danger to life and property. In this situation, I think the Government ought to be considering the question of compensation. In the days of the war, when air raids fell upon us, we regarded the loss as one which ought to be borne nationally. I know that there are financial implications and it may be that I am speaking out of turn. However, it seems to me that if people lose life, limb or property as a result of a situation of this kind, the Government ought at least to consider the question of compensation. The last point I want to raise on the Statement is that one has read in the Press—and one would have thought of it even without being alerted to it by the Press—that it is possible that subversive organisations, or the IRA in particular, might seek to take advantage of the situation set up by this unhappy business, if it should come to pass. I hope that the Government are taking very careful steps to ensure that the purely policing side of the situation is being taken care of. That is a matter particularly for the Home Secretary. I am not suggesting any kind of attempt to put the blame on any particular set of people but it is a danger against which special precautions must be taken. I hope that the Government will not stop short on anything which may be necessary to provide extra bodies to the police: there are the special constables, and there might even be the auxiliary services for that purpose. I hope the noble Lord will bear that suggestion in mind.3.51 p.m.
My Lords, we also are grateful to the noble Lord, Lord Harris of Greenwich, for repeating the Statement. I should like to make three observations. First, we on these Benches express very firmly the view that the Government ought not to consider exceeding the existing pay guidelines in any negotiations with the firemen. It is easy to say that this is a special case, just as practically every other case is a special one, and before long the whole counter-inflation policy will be in ruins.
Secondly, may I indicate to the Government what I am sure they are aware of, namely that on issues of this nature public opinion is now very much on their side. I think it was Chesterton who wrote:My Lords, the people are beginning to speak and I believe that they are beginning to say that, however justified grievances may be—and most members of the community have grievances these days—they do not warrant industrial action of this nature. My third observation is simply that those of us on these Benches who believe very firmly in the right of individuals who withhold their labour are bound to find it much more difficult to go on supporting that right if those in the public services whose action can imperil life and property proceed to act in this way. I should like to ask the noble Lord one question: is it correct that there are a substantial number of private fire fighting organisations, particularly in industry? Has he any information as to the extent of those organisations and will it be possible to incorporate them and their personnel in any emergency schemes in the immediate future?"we are the people of England, that never have spoken yet".
3.53 p.m.
My Lords, I am grateful for what the noble and learned Lord, Lord Hailsham, has said and for what the noble Lord, Lord Wigoder, has said. The noble and learned Lord said that I had made a serious Statement and indeed that is so. There is a significant risk to both life and property and it is right at this time to recognise that fact and the gravity of the situation. I agree with the noble and learned Lord that a period of seven days is a very limited period indeed in which to make the necessary preparations. However, it is only right to say that the union executive recommended that negotiations should continue and that that advice was rejected by the conference, which then passed this particular resolution.
I am grateful for what the noble and learned Lord, Lord Hailsham, said about the position of his colleagues and himself in supporting all the appropriate measures which the Government might have to take and I shall gladly look into the point which he raised on compensation. Also I will take note of the point about the role of subversive organisations in situations of this sort. It is a point of which we are well aware and we shall certainly take appropriate action. I very much agreed with the noble Lord, Lord Wigoder, in what he said about special cases. Certainly, we are most anxious to reach a settlement with the firemen and we have done the best we can within the guidelines on pay policy. But, of course, the noble Lord is absolutely right. The special case argument could totally destroy any chance of maintaining a proper degree of control over pay in this country and we would not contemplate an outcome of that sort. At a time like this, as the noble Lord said in his second point, it is crucially important that the public should support the Government in their policy with regard to the guidelines. Only by doing that shall we bring inflation in this country under control. Lastly, the noble Lord, Lord Wigoder, raised the question of private fire fighting organisations. They do indeed have a role, but in fact it will be for the Armed Services to take over some of the responsibilities of the regular Fire Service. What one could describe as the industrial fire fighting organisations would of course have their normal job of looking after the situation in factories and plants.My Lords, I should like to ask my noble friend whether the Government are endeavouring to put this dispute in the wider context of the problem of public services' pay in the present situation. Is he aware that the difficulty about the public services today is that they feel they are in the grip of the economic policy of the Government, who are not approaching the question of pay from the point of view of an employer? This is exactly the situation which the Priestley Commission tried to break years ago, and we are back where we began. I ask my noble friend whether the Government are concerned not only about this dispute but about others which are now brewing and which may break out in other parts of the public sector. It is simply a problem of the relationship between State employees and the Government as their employer and the Government in charge of the economic policy of the country. How are they going to separate those two?
My Lords, as my noble friend is aware this has been a long-standing anxiety and I am well aware that many unions and many employees in the public sector have felt in the past, as doubtless some of them do at the moment, that they have been singled out for specially severe treatment. All I can say is to repeat a point that I made in answer to a question posed by the noble Lord, Lord Wigoder. In this country we have got to take a firm position on pay settlements in both the public and the private sectors. If we do not do so there is no chance whatever of bringing down the rate of inflation, and it is essential for us to remember that in this country we still have an inflation rate higher than that in many other parts of the industrialised world. The only way out of the situation that I have described is to take a firm position in public and private sector pay settlements. The Government are determined to take an equally vigorous position in both the public and the private sectors.
My Lords, the noble Lord will be aware that the civil airports possess substantial and efficient fire fighting equipment. Is it the intention, as sometimes they have done even before the present situation, that they should come to the aid of local fire brigades and is it intended to make full use of them?
My Lords, I will certainly take that point into account. Obviously I want to choose my words rather carefully, but I will have that particular matter looked into.
My Lords, I should like to press the noble Lord on the question of the use of private fire brigades. In his answer to the noble Lord, Lord Wigoder, he seemed to imply that their job in industry was to look after their own premises and nothing else, but they might well have some reserve capacity. Would there he any need for special powers, emergency powers for example, to enable them to assist the fire fighting authorities and to protect them from any responsibilities which might arise out of their actions? I trust that the Government will look into that. Finally, I wish to say how strongly I agreed with the noble Lord when he referred to the need to support the policy in both the public and private sectors. I hope the noble Lord, Lord Harris, will not mind if a say to him that it was just as necessary in 1973 and 1974.
My Lords, so far as industrial fire fighting organisations are concerned I will gladly have that point looked at. As I understand it, the constitutional situation is that the Armed Services will respond to a request from the individual fire authorities next week. I will look into the question of these organisations. They could conceivably have a role, but I should like to have the point examined with some care. I will certainly go into the wider implications of the noble Lord's question.
My Lords, we on these Benches usually keep out of anything of a purely industrial or even economic nature, but this is in part a moral issue and I should like to venture to say, with great diffidence, that if the firemen should find some grounds on which even now they could divert themselves from the course that they have espoused they would be performing an act for the benefit of this country at least comparable to any of the brave and self-sacrificing acts that they count in their noble history.
Yes, my Lords; as I indicated, or at least as my right honourable friend indicated in the Statement he made in another place and which I repeated this afternoon, it is a matter of particular regret to us that we have come to a situation where there is to be this dispute with the firemen. Over a number of years, they have done an admirable job on behalf of the general public. It is particularly unfortunte that we have arrived at this very unhappy situation. Certainly I join with the right reverend Prelate in the point that he made. I very much hope that even at this stage they will draw back from this strike, which could have most grievous consequences to many people in this country.
My Lords, is my noble friend aware of the fact that there are about 20,000 retained firemen in this country who are fully trained and who receive a yearly retaining fee and a daily call-out fee when they go out to work with their brigades? Can he tell us what is the attitude of these retained men? Are they intending to remain loyal to their local authority fire brigades or are they going to side with the full-time firemen?
My Lords, I very much hope that they will be available for work in the normal way. My noble friend is quite right; the retained men are a very important element of the entire Fire Service in this country, and certainly their role in the next few weeks could be of decisive importance.