To ask Her Majesty’s Government what representations they have made to the Government of Israel about holding up construction materials for United Nations-sponsored projects for social housing and for public sanitation.

My Lords, the United Kingdom continues to be extremely concerned by the current restrictions imposed on the Gaza border by the Israeli authorities, and regularly urges the Israeli Government to ease access, including for construction materials. Our top priorities in Gaza are to ensure that humanitarian aid reaches those who need it, and that homes, schools, hospitals and other essential buildings are rebuilt. We shall continue to raise these issues with the Israeli Government at the highest level.

I thank the Minister for his Answer. Are the Government aware that more than 6,000 houses have been destroyed or very badly damaged since Operation Cast Lead, which led to the invasion of Gaza by Israel? Is he aware that those houses have been left unfinished for more than two years, meaning that thousands of Gazan families have nowhere to live? Is he also aware that raw sewage is now being poured into the Mediterranean for lack of the necessary components to repair the sewerage system, and that there is consequently an epidemic of diarrhoeal infection and anaemia among children in Gaza, who number half the population? In conclusion, do the Government believe that such a devastating blockade can go on for much longer, and what steps do they propose to take to reinforce the advice that they are trying to give, which seems singularly ineffective?

My Lords, I confirm the very serious situation that the noble Baroness refers to. My figures tell me that 3,540 homes need reconstruction, 20,000 people have been displaced, 90 to 95 per cent of water is unfit for human consumption and 50 to 80 million litres of sewage flow into the Mediterranean each day. We are doing all we can to assist the population of Gaza. We gave £26.8 million in humanitarian aid and £21 million has been distributed to charities operating in Gaza. It is a long list, and as I am restricted to short answers I will not go through it all. Suffice to say that a major problem remains. We have a substantial sum of money that we are unable to spend because we need to get construction materials into Gaza. We continue to urge the Israeli Government—pleased as we are that there has been a slight improvement and that there has been some give—that we need a lot more give and we need it now.

My Lords, why do we not just break the blockade?

This is a diplomatic question—using diplomacy in its widest sense—put in a fairly undiplomatic way. The answer is that there is only one long-term solution: the two-state solution based on the 1967 boundaries. This means bringing people to the negotiating table. The truth is that the wheels of diplomacy grind slowly, but we need the traction and momentum to get to the negotiating table. Without that, there can be no solution. Difficult though it is, we know from our own experience that perseverance and continuing principled stands do in the end achieve results.

Is the noble Lord aware that the sewage is threatening not only the sea but also the land, by polluting groundwater? Will the Government take much more effective steps than they have until now to ensure that reinforcing steel and cement get through to Gaza, and safely into the hands of the UN agency there?

I entirely agree with the noble Lord’s sentiments and with the points that he makes. They are uppermost in the minds of the Government, and of government agencies operating in the area, as well as of the international bodies. We continue to do all we can to persuade the Israeli Government that it is in their interests, as well as the interests of the people of Gaza and those of the greater country of Israel, to ensure that the earliest and most practical steps are taken. We will continue those endeavours.

Perhaps I may return to the noble Baroness's question, and her list of the appalling damage that has been caused in Gaza. Is it not the position that 240 out of the 640 schools in the Gaza Strip have been damaged, and 18 have been flattened? Would it not be worth pointing out to the Israeli authorities that, if they are concerned with Israel's security, as they properly should be, and if they are nevertheless worried that some materials may go towards building rocket stations rather than restoring civilian facilities, it is directly in the interests of the people of Israel, and of their future citizens’ security, that the schools should be replaced and that young children in the Gaza Strip should go back into them as soon as possible?

The noble Lord makes an important point, which I am sure has been reiterated to the Government of Israel. On 28 December, the UK pledged an additional £5 million to pay the salaries of 500 UNRWA teachers in Gaza, so that refugee children can continue to receive a high-quality education. This morning, for my benefit, I asked for the chronology of meetings, teleconferences and so on between our Government at ministerial level and both the Palestine Authority and the Government of Israel. In a period of five months, there have been 25 contacts at ministerial level—five of them at prime ministerial level. Whatever else we can be accused of, we cannot be accused of not committing all our endeavours to persuade all parties in that area of conflict to the negotiating table.

As Gaza has a southern border as well as northern and eastern borders, what representations have we been making to the Egyptian authorities who are complicit in this blockade?

That is slightly unfair. I understand that the Egyptians have been facilitating and hoping for greater access to Gaza. I am not aware of the immediate representations that we have made in that quarter, but I shall seek out that information and let the noble Lord know.

My Lords, the Egyptians are building a very deep wall between themselves and Gaza, but it is right for Her Majesty’s Government to make representations to the Government of Israel. Does my noble friend at least understand the concerns of Israel that the materials supplied are not diverted for military use? How do we ensure that guarantees are given that such material is properly screened so that is not used against Israel itself?

My Lords, we understand Israeli fears in that direction but it is not beyond the wit of man—certainly not beyond the wit of the United Nations—with good will on all sides to come up with systems to provide that reassurance for the Israeli authorities, while starting to put an end to the misery of people in Gaza.

My Lords, my noble friend said that this was a diplomatic question. Surely it is a question of humanitarian relief. Does my noble friend think that our friends in the United States are bringing sufficient pressure to bear on our friends in Israel to try to address this difficult question with the urgency that it deserves?

I am sure that President Obama’s Administration are doing all they can to persuade the Israeli Government of the wisdom of the suggestions and solutions put forward by the international community. Senator Mitchell made a statement in that regard as recently as last week. However much we in this Chamber wish and desire to see a solution, and however much we harangue and plead, the answer lies within the borders and the people of that country. The United Kingdom is doing everything possible in terms of humanitarian aid but that is not the problem so much as the political will.