Considered in Grand Committee
That the Committee do report to the House that it has considered the Housing Benefit (Amendment) Regulations 2012.
Relevant documents: 6th Report from the Joint Committee on Statutory Instruments, 7th Report from the Secondary Legislation Scrutiny Committee.
My Lords, these regulations introduce the underoccupancy reductions for working-age social sector tenants. They also support the implementation of the annual CPI uprating of local housing allowance. The regulations are regarded as being compatible with rights under the European Convention on Human Rights. This policy was debated at length during the passage of the Welfare Reform Act. On top of that, many noble Lords came to the briefing session that I ran for MPs and Peers before the summer Recess. I am grateful for their input. I do not intend to go over old ground. There is nothing new in the regulations that we did not debate during the passage of the Act. The purpose of today is to look in detail at the working of the regulations.
As I have said, there are two main purposes to the regulations. First, they make two changes to support implementation of the measure to uprate the local housing allowance by CPI from April 2013. The current provision to review existing LHA cases on the anniversary date of the claim will be abolished from January 2013. Instead, all claims will be reviewed annually on 1 April when the new LHA rates are set. This brings LHA in line with annual changes to other benefits. There will also be provision to review a case if the rent changes throughout the year, so that tenants will not have to wait until the annual review date.
Secondly, the regulations introduce restrictions to housing benefit for working-age claimants who are living in the social rented sector and occupying accommodation larger than their household size requires. The same size criteria that are applied to claimants living in the private rented sector will be used to determine whether accommodation is being underoccupied. These changes will result in a 14% reduction to housing benefit for those underoccupying by one bedroom and a 25% reduction for those underoccupying by two bedrooms or more. The average reduction in housing benefit will be £14 per week for those affected.
The reasons for reform are clear. As noble Lords are aware, this is part of a package to contain housing benefit expenditure. Importantly, there are more than 250,000 households living in overcrowded accommodation in the social rented sector in England—they need more space. We cannot justify paying housing benefit to cover the cost of extra bedrooms while others struggle in cramped accommodation. People who rent from a registered social landlord or local authority have in large part had their rent paid in full through housing benefit. This is not the case for those who receive housing benefit for a privately rented property. They have to make hard decisions about what is affordable to them and where to live, as do people who pay their own rent in full. It is time for those in the social rented sector to make similar choices. Some tenants may look to meet any shortfall in housing benefit by increasing their hours of work or taking in a lodger.
Crucially, this change will provide an impetus for landlords to manage their stock more effectively and help us address the real shortage of homes. There are approaching 1 million extra bedrooms in the social sector that are being paid for by housing benefit for working-age customers. This is indefensible. It is a waste of valuable housing stock. Interestingly, there is already evidence within the industry of a change in management of stock since the policy was announced. Seven local authorities and 11 housing associations in the West Midlands have come together as the West Midlands Making Best Use of Stock partnership and agreed to pool at least 150,000 homes to allow tenants easy access to properties across the region. The partnership hopes that this will enable people to find a house with the exact number of bedrooms that they need in order to avoid underoccupation.
Landlords across Merseyside have also developed a region-wide home swap scheme in response to the size criteria. Twenty housing associations and five councils are taking part; they own a total of 107,000 homes between them. Of these homes, 2,000 have been identified as underoccupied and they believe that another 5,200 could be underoccupied.
We expect to see positive behavioural changes among housing benefit tenants in the private rented sector, following our earlier reforms. Some claimants have said that they will look for a job to make up any difference between their rent and housing benefit and others will look for more affordable tenancies. This supports our view that the changes are both proportionate and measured.
During the debates on the Welfare Reform Act, I made a number of commitments to noble Lords and I will take a moment to update you on these issues. I know that some are concerned because the regulations do not define what constitutes a bedroom, including the room size. However, in practice, others take a different view. After discussions with the National Housing Federation, the Riverside Housing Association and others, we have concluded that most welcome the flexibility that comes with not including in the regulations a definition of what constitutes a bedroom. Some landlords made it clear that defining this in legislation would introduce a system that might involve them having to measure every room. So we are leaving it to landlords to specify the size of property, as they are best placed to do that. We expect the information that they provide to be reflected in the level of rent charged and to match what is agreed in the tenancy agreement.
In previous debates I said that we would think about costs to landlords as part of our engagement with other departments. We are working through the financial impacts on local authorities with the Department for Communities and Local Government as part of the new burdens protocol. That department has also funded the Chartered Institute of Housing to produce guidance for landlords. Making it Fit was published in May and included information on how to model and assess any risk to rental income. My department has met local authorities and advice organisations during the development of this policy. We have also produced comprehensive guidance to help them prepare for the changes in April next year. This includes a toolkit with model letters, leaflets and posters designed to heighten awareness among claimants.
On the next issue, we are adding £30 million to the discretionary housing payments fund from 2013-14. This is aimed at helping claimants living in significantly adapted accommodation and foster carers. I said that I would keep a watchful eye on this. We are currently talking to local authorities and are considering carefully how best to allocate this money. A decision will be made later in the year. I will also keep the discretionary housing payments funding under review.
There has been much debate over whether there should be specific exemptions from the underoccupation reductions for different groups. A presiding principle in the development of this policy has been simplification. For a policy to be administered easily and simply there must be few exceptions.
I have heard concerns that we are relying too heavily on the DHP fund and that there is not enough in the fund to help all those who will be affected. But we do not expect DHPs to be available to everyone who sees a reduction in their housing benefit due to underoccupation. The additional £30 million is targeted at those in adapted accommodation and foster carers. We have added a realistic sum based on what we can afford.
Finally, I should like to confirm that as far as the research timescales are concerned, the monitoring and evaluation will be for two years from April 2013 to March 2015. Initial findings will be available in 2014 and the final report in late 2015. We hope to start the formal commissioning process in the next month or so. We currently envisage that the evaluation will include small-scale primary research with a range of social landlords in local authorities across England, Scotland and Wales. Different types of authority, including a range of urban, rural, county and district local authorities, will be included. These will be selected to cover a range of different housing market demands so that we can explore the effects of the size criteria effectively.
My Lords, I thank the Minister for his introduction to these regulations, which as he has explained cover two main areas: the introduction of size criteria into the social rented sector and the process for uprating the local housing allowance by CPI. I should say at the start that we oppose the regulations, particularly those related to underoccupation. The introduction of the size criteria— I think that we should adopt the Lord Best terminology and call them the bedroom tax—via the Welfare Reform Bill was hotly contested and rightly the subject of government defeats in your Lordships’ House. As noble Lords will recall, the hammer of financial privilege was ultimately deployed by the Government to get their way on the bedroom tax, and a £13 million top-up to the discretionary housing budget paid for by increased pain on the bedroom tax does not adequately address the strong reservations that are being expressed. Nor does it compensate for the misery that these regulations will bring to potentially hundreds of thousands of households. As the Minister has explained, the impact assessments make it clear that the regulations could affect 660,000 housing benefit claimants living in the social rented sector. They could mean an average loss of housing benefit of £14 per week, which is £700 a year.
Of course underoccupation in the social rented sector should be tackled, and many councils have a variety of schemes to do this. We would certainly support the arrangements and partnerships referred to by the noble Lord in presenting the regulations, but seeking to tackle it by curtailing housing benefit, as these regulations provide, is simply not acceptable. Indeed, it does not address the situation where under-occupation as defined is most prevalent—among older tenants. One of our objections to this policy is the lack of practical alternatives that tenants face. The uprated impact assessments make it clear that there is generally a surplus of three-bedroom properties and a lack of one-bedroom accommodation, so in many areas there are simply insufficient smaller properties for tenants to move into. I would also ask the Minister how far the Government think it reasonable for someone to move and thus uproot their family from existing networks of support—100 miles, 200 miles or perhaps 300 miles. If someone has to leave a job to move to a smaller property, will that be treated as good reason for the purposes of a claim for JSA, and does the Minister have any data on the average cost of moving home?
How practical does the Minister consider some of the various options that are laid out for tenants to consider, such as making up a shortfall from income? What other income does the Minister have in mind which is not taken into account in a housing benefit calculation in the first place, and which would of course gradually have a 65% taper in any event? Does the Minister specifically include disability benefits in this consideration? If it is savings, perhaps the Minister can tell us what the average working-age household savings are and how many weeks’ shortfall in housing benefit at £14 a week they would cover? It is suggested that moving into work or increasing working hours would be a solution. So far as moving into work is concerned, what happens if there is no work, and why does the Minister consider that the incentives to come in with universal credit are insufficient of themselves to encourage people into work? For how many households does the application of the WCA determine that somebody is not fit for work?
As far as work and additional hours are concerned, is the Minister saying that it is quite okay to go beyond what is set down in, say, a jobseeker’s agreement or what its alternative will be in the new world of universal credit? If somebody was underoccupying, would that be the Government’s expectation? Letting a spare room to a lodger may simply not be a practical option. The configuration of the property, as well as the family circumstances, may not make it a serious option. Can the Minister confirm a point that I think he raised in one of his presentations that the income of a lodger would be disregarded in these calculations?
Of course—the Minister touched on this—the regulations do not reflect the size of the bedroom in assessing underoccupation. I understand the point about flexibility, so that the landlord determines whether it is a two or three-bedroom property for the purposes of letting, but once it is determined that a room is a bedroom then—however small it is—it will be deemed sufficient potentially for up to two 15 year-olds. That makes no distinction between larger and smaller bedrooms. As we discussed extensively during the passage of the Welfare Reform Act, the rules make no allowance for the space that young people need, for example for their homework.
In this regard, can the Minister explain how the system will work? If there is no underoccupancy and a young person then leaves home to go to university and returns during holidays, who has the reporting obligation about the changed circumstances? Does it matter that the initial leaving of the home was always recognised as being short-term? Will each departure and return require a revised housing benefit assessment? What about somebody who is admitted to hospital for an extended period? What adjustments will ensue in respect of that? So far as fostering arrangements are concerned, can the Minister again confirm that income from fostering is not to be taken into account in determining the level of housing benefit?
I am sure that the noble Lord, Lord Freud, will be aware of the briefing circulated in advance of this Session concerning the dramatic consequences that these regulations will have for disabled people, especially given the disproportionate effect that they are recognised to have on disabled people in the DWP’s own equality impact assessment. It is accepted that 420,000 of the 660,000 households affected by the size criteria contain a family member with a disability. On what basis do the Government consider the addition of a £30 million a year discretionary housing payments pot to be sufficient to address the needs of a disabled tenant? Indeed, there are more extensive challenges contained in the submission. Is the Minister in a position to deal with each of them?
When considering these issues, what assessment have the Government made of the overall changes that households face at the current time? In particular, we will be discussing just tomorrow the restrictions on council tax benefit which councils will be forced to introduce because of government cutbacks. There are of course others as well. To what extent is that looked at overall in assessing whether people can afford the consequences of these regulations?
At the end of the day, what is the Government’s advice when someone on, say, JSA is, by the Government’s criteria, underoccupying because of their historical position, cannot access employment, has no other income and has exhausted their savings, there are no smaller properties readily available to them and they could not afford to move if there were, and they are nervous about the prospect of taking in a lodger? How can they afford £14 a week out of their meagre benefit? What advice will the Government give to people who find themselves in that situation, as many thousands will? It does not seem that RSLs reducing their rents will eliminate the problem. It reduces the gross but does not affect the percentage reduction that will be made.
Of course, part of the problem that we face is the lack of housing. Social housebuilding has collapsed under this Government. There has been a disastrous 97% fall in new social housing starts and a 68% reduction in affordable housing in the past financial year. This was inevitably triggered by a £4 billion cut in the affordable housing budget. Clearly, the Government seek to place greater emphasis on the private rented sector as though it were in all respects the equivalent of the social housing sector. Can the Minister tell us the differences in security of tenure that generally exist between the two, even after the Localism Act? The Government of course know full well that they have set their face against further regulation of the private rented sector.
We accept provisions relating to the local housing allowance to be largely consequential on the earlier order that made the change to uprate by CPI. We then expressed our concerns about that and continue to do so. These regulations are focused on the narrower issue of the annual uprating, but inevitably are at the start of a process in which there is a divergence between levels of support and actual rents payable. The reality is that implementation of these regulations will create tremendous hardships for thousands of our fellow citizens, and the Government know it. It is a callous piece of public policy.
My Lords, perhaps I may make a brief intervention at this stage. It is right not to dredge back over the painful territory of the policy intent, because we discussed it at great length in another context earlier in the year. We should use our time this afternoon to look at some of the detailed implementation questions that arise from the policy. Actually, we should be thinking about getting a housing policy for the United Kingdom that is worthy of the name when trying to sort some of this out.
People have been asking me some of the practical questions about this and I just do not know the answers. I am nervous that we are getting towards a single implementation date, 1 April 2013, when there will remain a great deal of uncertainty on the back of the substantial change. If people get substantial change and are not prepared for it, they are even more badly affected by it. We must avoid that at all stages, if we can.
Has the department any confidence in working with local authorities and local housing associations? I was interested to hear the Minister talk about the work done in Liverpool and the Midlands on the home swap direct scheme. That is entirely healthy and welcome. However, if we had taken this at a slower pace and worked with local authorities and local housing associations across the length and breadth of the United Kingdom, a lot of that would have been in place before 1 April. I have no confidence, even if everyone works hard—and I am sure that they are working hard—that we will get proper home swap direct-type arrangements in place across the United Kingdom.
Are there sufficient co-ordination mechanisms in place between the DWP and the other constituent nations of the United Kingdom—Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland? Presumably, they are making their own arrangements in their own ways. Is the department confident that there is a proper exchange of information and swap of best practice, and that the circumstances north of the border, and in Wales and Northern Ireland, will be as fit for purpose as they can be, come 1 April next year? That is a very important question.
Discretionary housing payment distribution is an important element of that. I understand the Minister to have just said that decisions will be taken later about how it is to be rolled out. However, I say to him that only last week someone in a local authority tenancy came to me. He is in a two-bedroom property, had some adaptations made to the premises and signed a letter of undertaking to the local authority to say that he would stay in that property for a one-year or two-year period. Therefore, he is locked into that tenancy and cannot move. He was prepared in principle to consider moving but he is now caught both ways.
That is just one example of, I am sure, many detailed questions that are arising which would have been better addressed if we had had a more measured transitional phase in the policy’s implementation. Following our important debates on the Bill earlier in the year—it is now an Act—does the department have any further research on the availability of single and two-bedroom properties? Is the map any clearer as regards where the accessibility lies so that people can make a decision about whether there are appropriate smaller properties into which to downsize? It would be reassuring to know that some work had been done and that people were being helped to understand where to start looking for some of these properties.
I concur with what the noble Lord, Lord McKenzie, said about the disability issue. When looking at the impact assessment and the briefing that we received last week, I missed the significance of that. I am not a disability expert; a lot of people know a lot more than I do about this technical and politically very important problem. I was taken aback by the extent to which the client group will be affected by this policy change. I did not know that. I wish that I had known it during the passage of the Bill.
Yes, it is two-thirds. I would not have guessed that. That is new and it is deeply concerning. I hope that the Minister will help us to understand what is being done about that.
During the passage of the Bill, the noble Baroness, Lady Hollis, kept referring to rurality. Another point that was driven home to me over the summer, coming from south-east Scotland, is that people are panicking about where they should begin to look for appropriately sized accommodation if they are to avoid the penalties that these policy changes introduce. There are no real alternatives in many cases, which is a problem.
A lot of us are relying heavily on the review. I was reassured that the Minister committed himself to conduct a proper review working with the noble Lord, Lord Best. I think that he made that commitment on his own initiative. Therefore, we are entitled to be confident about the review. However, if the review shows that the policy intent has not been delivered in some of these important areas, which I am sure are causing concern to other Members of the Committee as well as to the noble Lord, Lord McKenzie, and me, I would like him to reassure me that action will follow as a result of the review, so that this is not an academic piece of work that says, “On the one hand or on the other hand”, but will say, “Actually, we did not think that would happen. The culture has not changed in the way that we expected it would and therefore we are going to do something different and perhaps even change the policy”.
Of course, housing benefit needs to be constrained; it is a very big number and it is getting bigger. However, I think that we are grabbing at this policy. Irrespective of whether you think that the policy is right or wrong, the process is being carried out far too fast. Doing it all on one day—1 April next year—is a very unsafe thing to do in my view. I hope that we get this right and that the review will lead to some amelioration of some of the problems that are bound to come out of the woodwork when these policy changes are implemented.
My Lords, I support my noble friend’s analysis of these regulations. As the Minister said, we have already debated this issue in detail when we discussed the Welfare Reform Bill and many of us voiced our objections at that time. Nevertheless, I still oppose what is proposed in the regulations because it seems to me that, when they are implemented, very vulnerable people may be placed at an enormous disadvantage.
There are particular problems in certain areas. I am particularly concerned about the area of London in which I live. At one time there was a fair amount of reasonably priced property available in that area. However, that is no longer the case. As soon as a large house becomes available, developers move in and turn it into flats. Houses that once housed two or three families are now filled with masses of people living in the same block. It is all enormously charged for. A number of people are making an enormous amount of money. I am told that a small two-bedroom flat in the area in which I now live would cost £500 a week. When you remember that the median rate for employment in London is £26,000 a year, how do people on those rates afford that kind of rent?
I know that the regulations will not take account of the local rents only. On the other hand, the fact that these kinds of development are going on in large parts of London and people are making quite a lot of money out of them means that the amount of housing available at reasonable rents has decreased because the developers move in and make a lot of money. As a result, there is a shortage of the kind of housing that would normally be available for people on much lower incomes.
The problem is that people now in receipt of benefit may find that they are underoccupying—that they do not need two bedrooms and so on—and they may have to move. If people have to move, that is a great disadvantage for them. In particular, it is a disadvantage for disabled people, who usually have some support mechanisms in the area in which they live—they may belong to groups that look after their needs and so on. To have to move is a great disadvantage to them. It is a great disadvantage to them if they want to work, and some of them do want to work. The Government are already closing the Remploy factories in which some of them could work. If they have to move, there is nowhere for them to obtain suitable employment. That is a great disadvantage.
For all these reasons, I believe that the regulations before us this afternoon are to the disadvantage of numbers of people whom we ought to protect. My noble friend has already indicated that in some detail and I do not want to repeat it, but I emphasise that I am not at all happy about these regulations. I am not the only one—so are many people and so are the organisations particularly concerned with disabled people, which have already made representations to us on these grounds.
My Lords, the Minister is well aware of my disquiet, and I am unlikely to be satisfied in relation, in particular, to underoccupancy—the bedroom tax. I know that he has made some important efforts and I think that he is going to be able to be reassuring on one or two points that noble Lords have raised. I am sure that we will hear that full-time students will not have to lose their bedroom and regain it by a convoluted process while they are away at university. Also, I think that we now have a date when it will be the case that taking in a lodger will not mean that benefit will be cut by the amount received in rent, which will be helpful to some people. These measures are not going to change the world, but they are good things to do and I am grateful to the Minister for putting them in place. There may be more.
I want to talk about discretionary housing payments, which are the way out when you can see that a situation is quite untenable and any reasonable person would say, “Of course, in that particular case, this whole business is a complete nonsense and we must allow those people to stay where they are”. I am now getting the kind of letters that hundreds of MPs are going to get when this really big change gradually dawns on the world outside. I shall read to the Committee from a letter and will give the kind of reply that I would like to be able to give and explain the difficulties I have in giving it.
There is a woman in a relatively rural area of Norfolk who lives with her husband. They are not of pension age. He is a bit disabled. She looks after him, and she also looks after her elderly mother in the village. She sees her mother in the morning, at lunchtime and in the evening. She does a great job with her 81 year-old mother. She is in a three-bedroom council house. They have been there for 23 years and have brought up their children, who have gone. She uses two bedrooms because she and her husband do not sleep in the same bedroom. She will be paying another £25 a week because she is deemed to have two empty bedrooms.
The council has said that it has some one-bedroom flats in the nearest town, which is 16 miles away, that it may be able to move her into, but not now because the one-bedroom flats in the town are rather precious. Later, it might be able to move her in, but in the mean time, she will have to stay where she is. She says, “I can’t afford the extra £25 a week bedroom tax. What am I to do?”. In my letter back to her, I should like to say that there are things called discretionary housing payments. I am hinting at it but what hope can one give to people in such circumstances? It would clearly be completely foolish to move her out, although she cannot afford to stay; she cannot afford the extra £25 a week. However, moving her 16 miles away would mean that her mother had to be looked after by social services at considerable cost and her husband will not be properly housed—it is a nonsense. I should like to be able to say that the local authority should have the opportunity, where anyone can see that it would be sensible, to fill that gap and pay the bedroom tax, enabling her to stay where she is.
We know about discretionary housing payments that take care of some of the local housing allowance and the private rented sector. We know about the sums that relate to the total benefit that people can get from the universal credit—the £500 limit. We know about these other aspects of using discretionary housing payments. However, I cannot find anywhere any money for discretionary housing payments to pay the bedroom tax, except in respect of two special categories. These are thoroughly commendable, although I was startled to hear that the money was taken from the rest of the bedroom tax payers.
There are two kinds of special case. One covers adapted properties that have been physically changed for the people who live there. It would be a nonsense to move them out because there is a spare bedroom. It would cost everyone an arm and a leg. The other exception is a case where there are foster children. They do not count as part of the family but, obviously, they must have a bedroom. There is £30 million a year, which will continue indefinitely, for those two exceptions. That is great but they are very restricted categories. My middle-aged couple in Norfolk would not fall into either group.
I am afraid that noble Lords and, in particular, Members of the other place will all get such e-mails and letters, so they should be prepared. I had another letter from someone with two daughters, one aged 11 and one aged 13. One daughter is severely disabled. She needs a very large bed and, therefore, her own bedroom. However, the two girls are expected to share because they are aged under 15 and are therefore underoccupying by having two bedrooms. That will cost the family £14 a week from their disability allowance. They do not have £14 a week; they have great difficulty in getting by on what they do have. Everyone says that they must stay where they are. This is where a discretionary housing payment could come in. However, as I read the numbers I can see nothing. What does the Member of Parliament say in replying to his constituent?
I hope that the Minister has up his sleeve the opportunity to put in place more discretionary housing payments to get us through what I suspect will be rather a large number of cases in which anyone would agree that it would be best to let people stay put. I do not think it requires more legislation. We will not get the results of the very important, thoroughgoing research—I have congratulated the Minister on it—until some way down the line. Then we will see how things are working out. If it is not already the case, I advise the Minister to talk to his Treasury colleagues and provide a bit more discretion for local authorities to pick up cases that otherwise will just be hopeless. I have no idea how we and the people concerned will be able to cope.
My Lords, I declare an interest as chair of Broadland Housing Association, which spans Norfolk as a major traditional housing association. I also congratulate the Minister. We appreciate the reviews that he is seeing through and respect his respect for the evidence. It is welcome to be working with a Minister who is evidence-based. We appreciate that and it should be recorded.
Despite what the Minister said, these regulations are not about overcrowding. The people who are overcrowded and the people who are underoccupying are two different populations and in two different sets of places—they do not match. If the Minister were really serious about the issue of overcrowding, he would actually be looking, as some of us have tried to do, at the underoccupation among pensioners who, of course, are the biggest source of underoccupation. Although I am not suggesting that we should do that, if the Minister were serious about this, he would not confine his efforts to families, many of whom have children.
Secondly, the regulations are not about treating social housing in the same way as private rented housing. This is the second line that the Minister has offered us. What we have learnt over the last six months is that, far from the local housing allowance pressing down private sector rents, which was the mythology offered to us throughout the past year, the reverse is happening. Private rents have soared because, as my noble friend said, no new housing is being built. Private renting is not becoming a transitional tenure but a longer-term tenure. Demand is going up as a result, as are rents, as will the housing benefit bill. So, far from this exercise pressing down housing benefit, I am confident that we will see housing benefit in the private sector rise, because there are not three housing markets in this country, there is one. As new building has stopped in the owner-occupation sector and the social rented sector, the pressure on the private rented sector will increase, rents will go up and, as a result, the housing benefit bill will rise.
So neither of these two things are at issue. This is not about matching underoccupation and overcrowding— it does not fit. The Minister knows the statistics— they do not fit. It is not about following the example of the private rented sector, where rents are soaring and HB bills are likely to go up.
Like others, I do not want to repeat the arguments aired at great length in Committee. I have not been persuaded by anything since that the Minister was correct in his analysis. As a chair of a housing association whose tenants will lose the best part of £1 million in forfeited benefit, I have some questions for the Minister. What advice will he give me, given that his colleagues in DCLG have ensured that, instead of having £42,000 on average for a grant for a new house, it is now down to £16,000? As we cannot build without a grant of a minimum of £26,000, we cannot build. For the first time in 40 years my housing association is not building any new property. Given that, we have no possibility at all of “balancing our stock” to build the new single-bedroom properties that are pivotal to this scheme. As a result, our tenants know that they are faced with only our existing stock and occasional re-lets.
Occasional re-lets, when they come up, if they are attractive and in the right places, are for the most part pursued by pensioners. However, in future, pensioners who would like to leave a three-bedroom house and move into a one-bedroom flat or bungalow, will not be able to access any re-lets in our villages. This is because people currently in two-bedroom properties who are in the client group affected by the benefit cuts will now have to move to any available one-bedroom property against their will. I have yet to discover how that in any way adds to the sum of human happiness.
Many of our tenants have functional illiteracy and may therefore be re-classed as vulnerable, with the result that we will enjoy their housing benefit direct. However others, such as couples with children, will find it hard to manage; they will have debts, the banks will lean on them, and although I am trying to get them into credit unions, that may not be possible as they do not operate throughout Norfolk. They may well run into arrears. What would he have us do? If we let the arrears run, that will affect the estate, other people will stop paying their rent, we will go into the red, our books will not balance and we will go into special measures. The alternative is to evict, but the local authority will hope that we do not, because those families will go into bed and breakfast accommodation. This may be 10 miles away, the children will have to leave their schools, the younger ones may be bed-wetting, they will all be crammed into one room, and the cost to the public purse will actually increase because the cost of a bed and breakfast will be something like £300 per week, as opposed to the rent for their current accommodation at about £70 or £80 per week. So we have made that family deeply unhappy, broken up the pattern of managing their lives and very fragile incomes, and put them into accommodation at greater cost to the public. However, as they are a family they are entitled to be rehoused, so the local authority will ask us whether we can help. We will reply that the only property we have available is the same three-bedroom accommodation from which they were evicted because they could not afford to pay for it.
What would the Minister have us do? He will say, “Discretionary housing payments”. That is brilliant. I calculate that my local authority might get £200,000 in discretionary housing payments. It has something like 20,000 families in the area in social rented accommodation, half of whom may be pensioners and half of whom may be other tenants, and two-thirds of whom will be on HB, so we are talking about 6,000 tenants, of whom perhaps half—3,000—will be regarded as underoccupying. That money will stretch to one year’s worth of help for 250 people at £750 for the year— £15 on average—out of 3,000 or 4,000 people who are unable to manage their cuts because they cannot go anywhere else as there is no smaller stock for them to go to. What would the Minister have us do with that? What will he say to housing associations that do not handle the DHPs—they are handled by the local authorities—as regards the advice they should give to their local authorities? How will they prioritise who should be the lucky people who manage to remain in their accommodation because they are being subsidised by the local authority’s DHPs, and which families will have to lose their homes because the DHPs have run out by November, December or January? What would the Minister have us do? How would he handle this problem on the ground because I am bloody well going to have to and I do not like it one little bit?
My third question to the Minister is the following. We are being encouraged by the Government to build only so-called affordable homes. Indeed, they are the only ones that will get subsidy in future. My housing association’s homes are at 62% of market rent; that is the target rent set down by the Minister’s DCLG colleagues. Affordable rents would be 80%, which means that if we are to apply to pension funds to be able to build we will have to let at affordable rents. Do we then let at affordable rents to families who will knowingly be underoccupying but are currently in work and therefore able to pay the rent, knowing that if they lose their job they face eviction because, above all, they will not be able to face the gap between their HB and their affordable rent? What advice can the Minister give us on that situation? How paternalistic should we be, knowing the fragile state of their economies in many cases? I want the Minister to tell me what we do in these situations when we are dealing with families who may have to go into bed and breakfast accommodation, weeping children who have to leave their schools and mothers who do not know how to cope. What will we do about the pensioners who want to move but cannot and other families who are being forced to move when they do not want to do so because they can no longer manage on the sums of money? What will we do when the DHPs run out and, as a result, we send families round a circle of house, B and B and house, and still the problem remains because their HB does not cover the house into which they have been rehoused because there is no smaller accommodation for them to go to?
If the Minister were chairing my housing association, what advice would he give me? I can tell him that I have spent hours on this issue. I have set up a working party and had nine streams of sub-committees, including all the staff across Norfolk, trying to address the different issues associated with the provision of information to tenants, the financial inclusion of tenants, budget management for tenants, IT for tenants and all the rest of it to help them address these problems and, frankly, we are screwed. How would the Minister help us manage the problems of my tenants, some of whom are the most fragile and poorest in the community of Norfolk, and help them to cope with the changes that he will land on them as of next April?
I do not think that either the noble Lord, Lord Shipley, or I want to follow the very powerful case made by my noble friend Lady Hollis. We have rightly focused on the bedroom tax but first I want to refer to the CPI uprating, following a point that was raised with us by Crisis. During the passage of the Welfare Reform Bill the noble Lord, Lord Freud, said that,
“if local housing allowance rates are clearly out of step with rents, they can be reconsidered”.—[Official Report, 14/12/2011; col. 1323.]
That was a welcome statement. I understand that there have been discussions between the department and Crisis, and perhaps other groups, in which it has been suggested that in 2014-15 the Government intend to review the method of uprating used. It would be helpful if the Minister could tell us how this review will take place. Will it be a formal review? Will it be part of the more general review of what is happening to housing benefit? What sort of discrepancy between local housing allowance rates and local rent would be deemed out of step? It would be helpful if the Minister could give us that information.
I turn to the bedroom tax, about which much has already been said by noble Lords. Like the noble Lord, Lord Kirkwood, I had not quite taken on board the extent to which disabled people are disproportionately hit by this measure. In our general discussion, we perhaps lost sight of that at the time. My noble friend Lord McKenzie asked the question, which I hope the Minister can answer: are disabled people expected to use their disability benefits to meet any rent that will not be covered? The briefing we were sent talked about a judgment, Burnip, which I admit I had not heard of before. One of the judges made clear that we should not expect tenants to use disability benefits to meet part of their rent.
The Minister started by saying that the regulations are compatible with convention rights but, as a member of the Joint Committee on Human Rights—I am now but was not then—I refer back to its report on the Welfare Reform Bill in which the committee raised concerns about whether there was a problem here for disabled people. The report said that if such tenants were forced to move into properties unsuited to their needs, this might risk breaching their Article 8 rights—respect for privacy or family life—and potentially be discriminatory. Since then, we have had the announcement, welcome as far as it went, of the discretionary housing payment. However, the noble Lord, Lord Best, has already raised major questions about that payment. During consideration of the Bill, I dubbed it the “loaves and fishes of income maintenance”. It feels as though these loaves and fishes are being stretched ever further, even if there is an extra £30 million there.
As the Secondary Legislation Scrutiny Committee points out, the money is not ring-fenced, and once again we cannot be absolutely sure that it is to be used for the purposes intended. The noble Lord, Lord Best, talked about how the money will be stretched and will help only those whose houses have been adapted, but there may be other disabled people for whom there may be good reasons for why they should not have to move, use other income, take a lodger or go into paid work. The situation is not terribly satisfactory.
The noble Lord, Lord Best, said that this money would last indefinitely. I had not realised that that was the case. It would be helpful if the Minister could confirm that this is an indefinite payment. Can he give a government commitment that that money will definitely be there for the current spending review period and that it will be at the very least inflation-proof, or go up in line with rents? Can he give that kind of assurance? I will be delighted if he can but there is a big question mark over the long-term viability of a policy based on a discretionary payment. Will the individual be able to receive it forever, or will they have to keep re-proving their deservingness in order to continue to receive it? All these questions remain unclear.
I do not think that the Minister will be able to put our minds at rest because of our strong case. We are all very unhappy about the regulations themselves but perhaps he can at least give some assurances that the discretionary housing payment will genuinely go some way to meeting the real problems raised by other noble Lords.
My Lords, I refer to the Secondary Legislation Scrutiny Committee’s comments at paragraph 13, in which it is pointed out, rightly, that the reduction will apply to,
“the total eligible rent for the dwelling, including any eligible service charges”.
Can the Minister confirm which service charge items will be eligible for universal credit? In consultation, these were different from those covered by the current housing benefit regulations, which provide a list of items that are not eligible. Will the revised regulations prescribe the range of eligible service charges and, in practice, reduce the numbers that may previously have existed? In particular, will the Minister clarify which service charges will be included in the definition of,
“services necessary to maintain the fabric of the accommodation”?
Specifically, will the maintenance of fire safety equipment, lifts, door entry schemes and other communal services be deemed necessary to maintain the fabric of the building and therefore be eligible?
Further, will the service charge currently associated with a furnished tenancy be eligible for housing benefit, as it is now? Finally, on concierge services, which include portering, security, caretaking, CCTV coverage and the cleaning of communal areas, will the service charges for these continue to be eligible? I hope they will because, if they become optional, many tenants will not be able to afford to pay and there will be reduced standards, impacting negatively on communal facilities and health and safety.
My Lords, like other noble Lords, I am concerned about the potentially disproportionate effect these regulations could have on disabled people. It is my understanding that all disabled tenants other than those who need constant overnight care will lose a percentage of their rent if they have more bedrooms than they need. The DWP equality impact assessment, which was updated last June, clearly shows the disproportionate effect that the size criterion measure will have on disabled tenants. Based on the Equality Act 2010 definitions of disability, some 420,000 of the total 660,000 households affected contain a family member with a disability, which makes the housing benefit regulations very much a disability issue, and one that is of great concern to a huge number of people. There is the discretionary housing payments fund for 35,000 tenants with homes adapted for wheelchair access, but that is a small mitigation in terms of the 420,000 tenants who are potentially affected. I feel strongly that long-established definitions of disability do not depend merely on the presence of adaptations or on the outward appearance of a functional disability. I am very concerned that disabled people will struggle with these measures.
My Lords, an enormous number of issues have been raised and I will do my best to deal with them. I know that this is an area of great concern to noble Lords. That was made clear during the process of what is now the Welfare Reform Act 2012, and I remind noble Lords that there were some government defeats on underoccupancy, which were reversed in the Commons. That is where we stand as the second Chamber when considering these regulations. However, as I say, I will do my best to answer the questions put to me as rapidly as I possibly can—in a fairly random order, if noble Lords will allow me.
I shall pick up some of the issues raised by the noble Lord, Lord McKenzie. Under the Localism Act 2011 there will be fewer tenancies for life, so both private sector and social sector tenants are less likely to have absolute security. On the assessment of the impact of the overall changes, noble Lords will be aware that we have produced impact assessments for each of them. It has been extraordinarily difficult to combine them because one is not sure on which basis assessments should be made, given all the other changes that are going on. However, people affected by more than one change have the DHP fund available to them. I should point out that when the fund is taken in its entirety, we are now looking at a very substantial amount of money. Next year, for instance, the full DHP pot will be running at £165 million, plus the localised social welfare fund will move over, which I think will be another £178 million. So a lot of money that is not ring-fenced for particular things is going to local authorities, so that they can look at the problems in their area to try to provide the appropriate support.
On the point relating to children leaving home, the change must be notified. People who are in hospital will be treated as still occupying the building if the stay is expected to be less than 52 weeks. Income from fostering is ignored, as currently. We ignore disability benefits for housing benefit, and that will continue to happen. The noble Lord, Lord Kirkwood, queried the two-thirds figure. That has not changed in the impact assessment. I have one or two more points to make on that. As noble Lords will remember, the £30 million is divided so that £25 million is to cover people with significant adaptations. We estimate that there are around 35,000 claimants, particularly wheelchair users, who have accommodation adapted to their needs. That is what that £25 million is there to cover. The other £5 million is for foster carers.
The core question raised by the noble Lord, Lord McKenzie, and the noble Baroness, Lady Hollis, was whether there is suitable accommodation. I know it is a concern. Clearly, it varies across the country. This is not about making people move into it. Many will prefer to stay. What will happen in practice is that there will be a very varied effect on individuals. One can tier up the problems and end up with someone in a very difficult position. We had some examples today. That is exactly where we would expect the DHP to come into effect. A lot of people will decide that they will have enough money or that they will be able to take in a lodger or take extra work. Those are the kind of decisions that we expect to happen in the marketplace. There will, of course, be a residue of bigger problems.
The noble Lord, Lord McKenzie, has a few times made the point that we have paid for the £30 million by increasing the rates. I want to put it on the record—I hope we will not return to this too often—that we had a range. We always announced a range, and we had not fixed an amount within that range. When we came to decide how best to structure this, it was very important to help people with adaptations, so we settled within the range that we had announced. It was not a change. We had not formed a single figure in order to move it. I know I sound like a politician now, but there we are.
My noble friend Lord Kirkwood asked about Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland. The DCLG funded the Chartered Institute of Housing to develop the guidance for housing providers. It was promoted to all the devolved Administrations as it was in England.
On another question from my noble friend, phasing would significantly reduce the savings here, and they would then have to be found from elsewhere. Trying to phase it for some people and not others raises an important issue of equity. In practice, we gave housing associations and local authorities a year to prepare. Indeed, as I have tried to indicate, there are strong signs of some substantial preparations going on.
On my noble friend’s concern about rural areas, that again comes down to the kind of choices that people will need to make. Clearly, in rural areas people will have to look at their lifestyles and what they can afford, as they do elsewhere.
I could go on for longer about this. Rural areas will need to look hard at the options of adaptations to property, lodging, moving or paying for the extra room. One issue raised by the noble Baroness, Lady Hollis, is that this is not directed at pensioners who want to move down. The reason for that is the concern that it is pretty stressful for very old people to have these kinds of pressures on them. If we are to have this decision that we cannot afford to support people with extra bedrooms—they can of course have them, if they can find a way of paying for them—and have that mechanism happen to people who are still of working age and capable of making the adjustment, rather than to pensioners, then as time moves on you will move the cohort up into the pensioner group. That is what is happening with that particular issue. It is a timing issue.
On the sums and my noble friend’s question about what will be available, I will try to give a few figures for context. We expect probably around 400,000 underoccupiers to need the one-bedroom properties according to these size criteria. If we look at surveys that have been done—I am thinking particularly of the Housing Futures Network survey—around 25% of those people are likely to look for an actual move. In the previous financial year, there were about 100,000 new lettings of one-bedroom properties in the social rented sector in England and around 25,000 new dwellings completed.
There is an implication in that: who takes priority for those new houses and then who do you take off the waiting list for the larger properties? There is then a kind of order of position that becomes somewhat more manageable. Do not forget some of the examples given, such as that there would be children in these rooms. The reality is that for the bulk of people affected by this, their children have left home. That is why they have too many bedrooms. I think the figure is—I am plucking a number from my memory—70% of the people affected by this. I will be hit hard by someone if I have the wrong figure and I will get the right one in a second but, from memory, 70% of these people do not have their children at home. That is obvious because of the underoccupancy effect.
I responded to the question on DHP use from the noble Lord, Lord Best. We are not talking about a ring-fence system with the DHPs. When you have very hard cases, of the kind discussed this afternoon, local authorities can move in and help.
As to the total figure, I have already given that as £165 million for next year. That is made up of the baseline funding of £20 million, £40 million from the LHA reforms, £30 million from the social sector—under the size criteria that we are talking about—and £75 million from the benefit cap. These are the kind of figures for people who have multiple effects.
I must correct my earlier figure of 70%. My memory was just slightly faulty; the figure is actually 66%, not 70%. I apologise.
This is a good time to answer the question of the noble Lord, Lord Best, about making an assurance. Actually, it was not Lord Best. Who wanted that assurance?
It was the noble Baroness, Lady Lister, who wanted that assurance on the indefinite lasting of DHPs. I clearly cannot make any assurances through into the next spending review. To commit into the next spending review is, I suspect, the shortest way to get yourself fired that I know of, in any political party. However, when it comes to adaptations and foster children, the structure of this is not an eroding factor. It might erode, but only very slowly. Clearly, any Government would have to look very closely at how they maintained that type of support when they looked at the next spending review. So if that is some small reassurance, I leave it with the noble Baroness. I do not think I have got myself fired by saying that.
We are doing a serious review, as the noble Lords, Lord Best and Lord McKenzie, and others have pointed out. We take reviews very seriously. They are public and they provide information to look at as we consider how we go forward. I certainly can say that the department and I take the information from these reviews very seriously. That is as far as I can go at the moment. The noble Baroness perhaps understands better now than when we were going through the Bill when I am making a move and when I am not.
Perhaps I may pick up on a point made by the noble Baroness, Lady Hollis, about overcrowding. Clearly the primary reason for these regulations, and we have made it absolutely clear, is that this is a huge Bill and we have to look at where we want to spend the money and how we make the half a billion pounds in savings. In other words, if we do not make savings here, where else do we make them?
I understand the noble Lord’s dilemma about housing benefit, but the problem is caused because there is no capacity of demand to buy property and to fuel new building. As a result, the pressure is going on private rents, which as a result means the housing benefits bill will continue to go up, without even considering what is happening in the social housing sector. He will not succeed—he cannot succeed—in part because of the policies of his neighbouring government department.
I do not want to get into a huge debate about housing policy because it is a huge and complicated area. Clearly, we are dealing with counterfactuals. There are some signs of bearing down on rents. During the middle part of this year, rents were below the CPI increase. As the noble Baroness argues, we are probably fighting supply and demand pressure going the other way. Within that, there are some signs that we are bearing down. Clearly, the Government’s strategies on getting more housing, particularly build-to-let, in the private sector as well as social housing are important initiatives. We have 146 providers delivering 80,000 new homes for affordable rent with government funding of just under £1.8 billion. Over the 12 months to August, private rents went up by 2.9% on the LSL rental measure for England and Wales, which is not hugely out of line with the CPI.
Arrears are clearly a primary concern for housing associations. I am aware of that. It is about managing the different proportions. When you look at the pie chart of the number of tenants who are affected, housing associations will have to watch closely how a proportion of tenants are supported. From going around talking to housing associations, I know they are ramping up their support for those groups. One of the interesting things about the housing demonstration projects is how housing associations are saying, “We thought we knew our tenants and we are finding with these demonstration projects that we did not, but we are now establishing completely different relationships with them”. I am sure that the noble Baroness’s housing association knew its tenants much better than the average, but that is what I am hearing from the demonstration projects.
On the point made by the noble Baroness, Lady Lister, the scheme already recognises the need for an extra room where there is a need for an overnight carer in the private rented sector, and we have carried that over into this scheme.
On the point made by the noble Lord, Lord Shipley, the legislation sets out the types of eligible charges, and guidance will provide more detail. We expect the costs to be met broadly as now.
The noble Baroness, Lady Lister, made a point about human rights. We have DHPs to assist people to move, and local authorities must consider human rights and obligations when making decisions about these kinds of cases.
The noble Lord, Lord McKenzie, asked about households not fit for work, and I think I have dealt with that. The two-thirds figure has not changed, and 56% report a disability that leads to a significant difficulty with one or more areas of daily life. That does not necessarily mean that the daily lives of the two-thirds are affected by their disabilities. I have touched on the question put by the noble Lords about what people can do; there are four or five things that can be done.
One or two noble Lords asked about income from lodgers. The first £20 of weekly income is disregarded entirely, which will usually cover the amount of money in the reduction, and half of the remainder is taken into account. I have made sure that under universal credit, the entire amount is disregarded. That is to be introduced from next year. I was asked by the noble Lord, Lord McKenzie, about the average cost of moving home. DCLG estimates that it is about £500 per move. On questions about the CPI, again that is to keep the pressure on. We froze it a year ago so that we can make the standardised changes with regard to CPI in April 2013. I was asked how long that pressure is likely to last. We have made it absolutely clear that we need to keep it under review. People have made projections up to 2030, but we are in unusual times since earnings normally rise faster than inflation and thus drag up other factoring events. Usually one would expect to have to review the figures as those factors come through. I am not sure yet how we will do the review, so I cannot spell it out. However, as we get closer to the right period, we will look at exactly how it will be done. I repeat, we will take it seriously.
I apologise for interrupting the Minister’s progress. Is there a communications strategy that will roll out with the policy? Obviously, this will have to be delivered by housing associations and local authorities. Is the noble Lord confident that proper notice will be given to those who are affected so that a letter will not arrive in the letter box a fortnight before the policy crystallises?
We are holding a big exercise with local authorities and housing associations and, indeed, the institute is doing a lot of work on this. All the materials are currently going to the relevant bodies and it is up to them to deliver it. They have DWP-branded material in the form of leaflets and so on, so the information is available and ready to go out. Clearly, a lot of effort is going into working out who will be affected and making sure that they get support. There are model letters and leaflets that make up a full toolkit.
I hope I have dealt with the issues. Again, I know full well that noble Lords do not like this policy. That view has been expressed in the Chamber twice and I remember that absolutely, as I suppose noble Lords do, too. There is history here. Our votes were overturned by the Commons, this came back and noble Lords tried again. In the end, after one iteration of it was stopped, I said that I would take following that up in terms of research very seriously, and I set that in train. I hope noble Lords will accept that, unpalatable as these measures are, we have found the best balanced way of reducing the housing bill, which is simply enormous now. No one has said to me, “There is another, easy half a billion to find in the housing bill this way”. This is the fairest way of doing it. It requires a response from local authorities, housing associations and tenants but one that, in the majority of cases, those groups will be able to make. There will be hard cases. Let us hope that we have put enough resource into looking after various hard cases. With that, I hope that on balance noble Lords can support these regulations—with reluctance. I commend them to the Committee.