Education—New Revised Code Question MR. C. DALRYMPLE asked the Vice President of the Council, Whether it is to be understood, in the case of schools where the next inspection takes place after April 30th, e.g. during the month of May, and where the teachers and managers may have taught and worked during two-thirds of a year under the regulations of the present Revised Code, that they are now to be subject to the new restrictions and regulations of the Re-revised Code; and, whether it would not be more reasonable that each school should come under the new Code after, and not previous to, its next inspection? MR. W. E. FORSTER replied, that the hon. Gentleman would find in the Minute preceding the Code an answer to the first Question. After the 30th of April the inspection would be under the new Code. For the reason he had given, in reply to the Question of the hon. Member for East Somerset (Mr. E. Bright), it would be much against the interests of the managers if that course were not adopted. Army—Appointments To First Commissions—Question LORD EUSTACE CECIL asked the Secretary of State for War, Whether there is any truth in the report that appointments to first commissions and retirements by sale have in several instances been delayed by Government authority pending the passing of the Army Regulation Bill now before the House; and, if so, whether such premature forestalment of legislation is not in his opinion calculated to interfere with the efficiency of the Army by producing a strong sense of injustice amongst officers who are thus compelled to remain in the service against their will? MR. CARDWELL Retirements by sale have not been delayed where officers are desirous of selling according to the established regulations. With regard to first appointments, those who had lodged their money have been allowed to proceed if they desire it. No fresh lodgments will be accepted for the present, as it is intended that future commissions shall be given without purchase. Army—Volunteers—Question MR. HAMBRO asked the Secretary of State for War, Whether, in case of the Volunteers going into the proposed camps of instruction, their expenses will be paid, such as for travelling and rations; at what time of the year those camps will be held, and where; and, if all administrative battalions will have an opportunity of attending? MR. CARDWELL In the present year, 1,100 officers and men of the Artillery Volunteers have received 10s. a head for the expenses of their attendance at Shoeburyness, the very satisfactory results of which have been laid on the Table in Colonel Chermside's Reports. A sum of £10,000 is included in the present Estimates for a like purpose as regards both Artillery and Rifle Volunteers going to camps of instruction. Rations are issued when practicable at cost price. £8,500 are also taken for the allowance of 1s. a day to men attending brigade drills when ordered by the officers in command of districts. Supply Order for Committee read. Motion made, and Question proposed, "That Mr. Speaker do now leave the Chair." South Africa—Resolution MR. R. N. FOWLER , in rising to call attention to the affairs of South Africa, particularly to the country in which diamonds have recently been discovered, and to move— "That, in the opinion of this House, it is desirable that Her Majesty's Government should take steps to ascertain to what extent the Confederation of the British Possessions in South Africa, and of the adjacent territories, is practicable," said, the countries to which he alluded were the Cape Colony, with an area of 200,000 square miles, and a population, including that of British Caffraria, which was annexed in 1866, of 600,000, 400,000 being Natives; Natal, which was about the size of Scotland, and had an European population of 17,000, with 250,000 Natives; the Orange Free State, covering an area of 50,000 square miles, and having a population of 37,000; and the Transvaal Republic, of 100,000 square miles, and a population of only 30,000. The Cape Colony was under the rule of a Governor, generally a man distinguished in the colonial service of the Crown, his position being unlike that of the other chief colonial Governors, as there was not a free Constitution in the sense of that which existed in Canada or in the Australian Colonies. In addition to his position as representative of the Queen, he was High Commissioner, and held control over all the Native races in the wide district he had described. The people of Natal, with a Lieutenant Governor and a Legislature entirely distinct from that of Cape Colony, complained against the control of the Native tribes inhabiting the tract of country close to their own frontier being placed in the hands of the High Commissioner, on the ground that he lived 700 miles from the northern frontier of the eastern Province, where alone independent Native tribes were to be met with, and who, of course, could not have the same means of information as those possessed by the Lieutenant Governor. A pamphlet had recently been published from the pen of Mr. F. W. Chesson, a very able gentleman, who had paid very great attention to this subject, and thoroughly investigated it in all its bearings, and from this pamphlet he would quote the Resolutions of the Natal Legislative Council, passed in August, 1868, and to be found, in the Papers presented to this House— "That, in the opinion of this House, the office of High Commissioner, as exercised at present in relation to this Colony, is inimical to the maintenance of the prestige and influence of Her Majesty's Government amongst the Native tribes of South East Africa, and the House is guided to this conclusion by the following considerations:—The High Commissioner, as Governor of the Cape Colony, resides at Cape Town, which is about 700 miles from the northern frontier of the eastern Province, where alone independent Native tribes are to be met with. That Natal is surrounded on three sides by territories chiefly occupied by large and powerful independent tribes, with whom the local authorities cannot deal, irrespective of the consent of the High Commissioner at Cape Town. That, in times of disturbance amongst the surrounding communities, the Government of Natal is deprived of that power of timely and effectual action which it might otherwise exercise with great benefit to the interests of peace and civilization. That ever since the annexation of the Orange River Sovereignty (since abandoned) in 1848, the emigrant farmers who settled over the Vaal River, and formed a government of their own, under the style of the South African Republic, have carried on a system of slavery, under the guise of child-apprenticeship, such children being the result of raids carried on against Native tribes, whose men are slaughtered, but whose children and property are seized, the one being enslaved and sold as 'apprentices,' the other being appropriated." It was impossible for the High Commissioner, living so far from the scene of those atrocities, to judge properly of the outrages; and it would be better if more authority were vested in the Governor of Natal. A change was wanted in the government of our African Colonies. He would venture to read some Resolutions of the Natal Legislative Council, recommending the annexation of the Transvaal and the Orange Free States, passed in 1868. They said— "That the interests of the two South African British Colonies—namely, the Cape Colony and Natal, are in many respects so closely united with the Republics situated on their several borders, that a union of these under British rule can scarcely fail to conduce to the material welfare of the whole, both as a means of promoting an interchange of friendly relations amongst them, as well as of providing, by judicious combination, for their adequate security and confidence in time of danger, and establishing and regulating commercial intercourse on a permanent and satisfactory basis to all parties. That the comparative dependence of these Republics on the Cape Colony and Natal, together with the similarity of the religion, laws, and customs of the white inhabitants to those of the same classes inhabiting the two latter Colonies, favours the belief that sooner or later they will be desirous of coming under the dominion of the British Government. That the Council is therefore of opinion that with a view to furthering the objects set forth, it would be highly desirable for Her Majesty's Government favourably to consider any proposal which the authorities of these Republics, being empowered thereto by the inhabitants, may put forward, affecting their annexation to either the Cape Colony or Natal, or embracing suggestions with respect to any other form of allied or separate administration deemed suitable by the majority of the white inhabitants of such States. That a respectful address be presented to the Lieutenant Governor, transmitting to his Excellency a copy of the above Resolutions, and requesting his Excellency to forward the same to the right hon. the Secretary of State for the Colonies, for the favourable consideration of Her Majesty's Government." The House was aware that these two Republics were situated to the north of Her Majesty's dominions at the Cape. They had no communication with the outer world excepting through British dominions, or through the Native territories which lay to the north and the west of it. Resolutions in a similar sense to those he had read were passed in the chief towns of South Africa, recommending a Confederation. The independence of the Orange Free State dated from 1854. The British Government of that day, wearied with frontier wars, resolved to get rid of the territory, though the renunciation of it was opposed by many of the leading inhabitants and by colonial statesmen; and in this House was objected to by a distinguished colonial statesman, whom he was glad to see in his place taking an interest in this question—his right hon. Friend the Member for North Staffordshire (Sir Charles Adderley). The result had been almost constantly recurring difficulties ever since. The Government sent out Sir George Clerk, as Commissioner, to enforce their policy, and the result had been wars that desolated the country. It might be said, perhaps, that however excellent a Confederation might be, the people of the Free State would be unwilling to join it, and, of course, no attempt at coercing them could be made. But the truth was that a considerable and respectable party in the Free State were anxious for annexation, and any step taken towards that object would be cordially welcomed by them. In proof of this he would read an extract from The Friend of the Free State, a paper circulating in the Sovereignty, dated July 31, 1868— "We cannot but believe that it would prove an unspeakable blessing to the whole community were the Free State, as far as the Modder River, united to Natal, and the other half to the Cape Colony. The pretended freedom of the Free State has already proved, and is proving, a very serious obstacle to progress, and to the advance of civilization in South Africa. Does anyone doubt this, we would remind them of the following painful facts:—The proposed electric telegraph has been turned aside, and the idea of its passing through the State abandoned; the bridge over the Orange River thwarted; foreign banks expelled; the influx of capital checked; railways not to be thought of; Christian missionaries driven out of Basutoland; educated and enlightened men and capitalists prevented by our wars and obnoxious laws from settling here." The other territory to which he desired to refer was the Transvaal Republic. It was erected in 1852, but on the distinct condition that slavery was not to exist in it; but how had that condition been observed? Everyone knew that it had been flagrantly violated; but England had, unfortunately, at the time of recognizing the Republic, bound herself to supply ammunition to the Boers, and not to the Natives, who were, consequently, obliged to obtain it in very small quantities, and by a very circuitous route. The Natives, therefore, had been left entirely at the mercy of the Boers, parties of whom went out on predatory expeditions, and attacked villages, burnt them, murdered the parents, and took possession of their children, whom they sold into slavery. Two years ago, he called attention to the slavery that existed in the Transvaal Republic, and the Postmaster General (Mr. Monsell), who then represented the Colonial Department, said he was unfortunately obliged to admit all he (Mr. Fowler) said. Official Papers had since been published on this subject, and without hesitation he might say they confirmed every statement it was his duty two years ago to lay before the House. The Consul of the Republic had written to Lord Clarendon, after the debate two years ago, complaining of some of the assertions that had been advanced against the Republic; but the hon. Gentleman the Member for Chatham (Mr. Otway) was directed by his Lordship, who, during his long and honourable public life, took a deep interest in the suppression of slavery, to ask, in reply, how it happened that there was so many orphan children in the Republic? to which, inquiry the Consul had given no answer. Among the great quantity of evidence that might be produced on the subject, he would select the evidence of a Dutch clergyman, Mr. Huet, residing in the Republic, who stated, in reference to the treatment of the captives by the Boers— "One will ask whether there are no laws to prevent ill-treatment and to guarantee liberty to the poor captives, at least after some time of servitude? Certainly, with a truly hypocritical philanthropy, certain laws are made; for instance, that in case of transgression the master has to bring his servant to the field-cornet to have him punished; but the master cares little for the law, and the field-cornet just as little, and the servant does not even know the existence of the law. The same is true of the apprenticeship. Till their twenty-second, or in some places till their twenty-fifth year they are apprenticed. All this time they have to serve without payment. The Boers say—'This is right, because we want compensation for the expense and trouble spent in their education.' Expense, and trouble, and education! As soon as the poor creatures are able to walk, they have to look after the cattle, or carry the youngest child of the mistress, who is often as big and twice as heavy as themselves. Till the twenty-second or twenty-fifth year! And all this time without any reward, but perhaps a thoroughly worn-out piece of clothing, invectives, curses, whippings! And when the time of servitude is over, are they then free? Who will give them freedom? Who will make them acquainted with the law? Nobody. It is slavery in the fullest sense of the word—with this exception, that slave States have their laws and overseers, who at least keep the ill-treatment within certain limits; whilst here nobody, I say nobody, cares for their lot, and they are thoroughly given over to the caprice of their cruel masters and often yet more cruel mistresses. When the servant maid becomes marriageable, the master's permission must be obtained for her taking a husband, which permission, it is unnecessary to say, is in most cases refused, and, if granted, the applicant must pay for the girl either with money or with work. After all this let nobody say that slavery or the slave trade is abolished in any part of the Transvaal Republic, as has been stated by some newspapers." Could we say that Great Britain was entirely guiltless in this matter? This country had played a noble part with regard to slavery; but in the Republic of South Africa the course of the slave trade and slavery was worse than anything we read of as existing when Wilberforce began his great work of slave emancipation. He asked what was to be done in this case, because we did not want a military expedition to put down these things. Was there any hope of the Transvaal Republic voluntarily joining such a Confederation as he proposed? He believed there was. There was evi- dence that the leading inhabitants were thoroughly opposed to the practices he had described, and would take any step to put an end to them. The hon. Gentleman referred, in support of this assertion, to speeches delivered by some of the most respectable inhabitants, and also to the Report of a Commission on the subject. He then observed that recent events had given an importance to the question which it did not possess a few years ago. In these countries gold, and more recently diamonds, had been discovered. The diamond fields were claimed by both the Transvaal Republic and the Orange Free State; but the result of an investigation which General Hay, the acting Governor of the Cape, had been at great pains to make, showed that they belonged to neither, but to a Native chief called Waterboer. He held in his hand Parliamentary Papers published at the Cape, with which he would not trouble the House, showing General Hay's views. In last December there were 15,000 persons in the diamond fields, who were almost entirely British subjects. The British Government had a duty to discharge towards these men, to protect them, and provide a suitable government for them in the country to which they had gone. That Her Majesty's Government was anxious to do so appeared from the fact that they had sent a magistrate to the district. Sir George Grey, in a very remarkable and able despatch addressed to the present Lord Lytton, had urged the course he ventured to bring under the consideration of the House; and the present Governor, Sir Henry Barkly, in a speech he delivered at the British Association, at Newport, had expressed similar views. He hoped that it might be the good fortune of the distinguished man who now governed Her Majesty's dominions in South Africa to lay the foundations of a Confederation which in future days might tend to promote the glory of the British Crown and the happiness of the people of South Africa. The hon. Gentleman concluded by moving his Resolution. MR. W. M. TORRENS seconded the Motion. Amendment proposed, To leave out from the word "That" to the end of the Question, in order to add the words "in the opinion of this House, it is desirable that Her Majesty's Government should take steps to ascertain to what extent the Confederation of the British Possessions in South Africa and of the adjacent territories is practicable,"—(Mr. Robert Fowler,) —instead thereof. Question proposed, "That the words proposed to be left out stand part of the Question." MR. GILPIN said, it was the duty of this country, and of those who represented it in the Colonial Office, to take care that treaties affecting the lives and liberties of thousands of persons should be literally carried out. If territories were occupied, as those in question were, upon condition that slavery and the slave trade should not exist in them, it was required of us as honourable men, and of the Government as an honourable Government, that this condition should not remain a fiction, but should be made a fact. He had received a large amount of evidence as to the existence of the slave trade in those districts. He had no doubt his hon. Friend in the Colonial Office (Mr. Knatchbull-Hugessen) would be as earnest as the right hon. Gentleman his predecessor (Mr. Monsell), than whom he had never known a man more disposed to carry out the real object of his appointment, or more willing to listen to the representations of the various Colonies. In the Colony of Natal there was a Governor at serious issue with his constitutional Assembly. Within 18 months this gentleman twice dissolved the Assembly in order to procure one that was subservient to his will; but in spite of his efforts an Assembly had been returned which would no doubt carry on the reforms upon which the community were bent. This was the more necessary because the Colony was now living beyond its means; and the Governor should be informed that his administration in the Colony was not approved by the Home Government. Even that day a Bill had been sent down from the Lords relating to the West African Settlements to be read a second time. Its object was that any crime, or alleged crime, committed 20 miles from the border of that Colony should be subject to the tribunals of that Colony. In other words, the jurisdiction of the colonial government was to be extended 20 miles beyond the colonial territory—upon a territory we had never claimed, and over a people who had never acknowledged our authority. Why, if such a thing were proposed in civilized life it would be considered utterly monstrous. What Bismarck was the author of such a Bill as that? If we were to have Colonies at all we should show them that we recognized the duty of seeing that all the legislation affecting them was just and wise. MR. KINNAIRD said, it was horrible to think that that remarkably intelligent and acute race, the Basutos, should be treated in so disgraceful a way, and carried into slavery, under the sanction of the British Government, or from the want of proper interference by us. Better give up our Colonies than govern them so. MR. BUXTON said, he had made a very thorough study of this question, and had come to the same conclusion regarding it as his hon. Friend. There could be no doubt that there had been an abominable system of slavery which had received encouragement from the Government. He hoped the suggestion contained in the Motion might be carried out, as he was confident it would result in great good. There were a great many, both at home and abroad, who were in favour of federation, and the feeling was growing, especially among the most respectable classes in the Colonies. MR. MACFIE considered it of great advantage that business connected with the administration of our Colonies should occasionally come under the notice of the House, because it showed our fellow-subjects at a distance that we regarded them as associated with us in all that concerned the interests of the Empire. He was of opinion that the examples which they had before them of the successful results of federation in British North America and in the United States ought to induce Her Majesty's Government to bestow their best attention on the Motion of the hon. Member for Penrhyn (Mr. R. N. Fowler). The Colonies of South Africa were important in consequence of their magnitude, and productiveness exhibited in the increased growth of wool, sugar, and other commodities, and also on account of their central position with regard to other parts of the Empire. There could be no doubt as to the advantage of maintaining our Colonies. The strength of the British nation must depend on the number of its population and of the fighting men it could send forth. Surely our colonists would do their duty as British subjects when the occasion arose. On the other hand, we must do our duty to them, and show that we acted with vigour, like Englishmen worthy of being associated with such communities. VISCOUNT BURY said, he had listened with astonishment to the hon. Member for Penrhyn (Mr. R. N. Fowler), when he proposed federation not only with regard to the Colonies of South Africa, but also to the Transvaal Republics, with which this country had nothing to do. The Orange River Territory and the Transvaal Republic were originally under our control; but the inhabitants revolted, and their territory was now beyond our authority. How, then, could those States be federated with Natal, British Caffraria, and the Cape? [Mr. R. N. FOWLER: Only with their own consent.] Many hon. Members must be aware that those Transvaal Republics, instead of wishing to join us, desired to split up into a series of still smaller republics, in order to carry on their own modes of government, and to make predatory inroads into neighbouring States with less inconvenience. The subject was one, he might add, on which it was impossible for any hon. Gentleman to say that he represented the feelings of the colonists, because no sooner was a particular Colony declared to entertain certain views with respect to it than the declaration was disavowed. His hon. Friend opposite was anxious for incorporation, in order that we might get rid of slavery; but he felt satisfied that in the case of a body of men such as those to whom he was referring it would be impossible to do away with slavery unless we were prepared to enter again into a series of South African wars. There was, he might add, no proof that the Colonies in question wished to be joined together. MR. KNATCHBULL-HUGESSEN said, he was much obliged to those of his hon. Friends who had afforded him the opportunity, if he desired it, of excusing himself for a very brief statement, on the ground that he had been but a short period in his present Office. While quite conscious of his own shortcomings, he thought no man could have sat in that House so long as he had done without acquiring some knowledge of colonial affairs. There was a considerable vagueness about the Motion, which might have been more explicit. He (Mr. Knatchbull-Hugessen) protested against it being supposed that the withdrawal of troops was to be taken as indicating an unfriendly feeling towards the South African or any other Colonies on the part of Her Majesty's Government. It was capable of contention that the consolidation of power at home was in the best interests of the Colonies themselves; that the presence of British troops often encouraged the colonists to act towards the Natives in a manner not conciliatory; that the supremacy at sea of the mother country was of more value to the Colony than the presence of an isolated regiment; and that in the case of communities as well as of individuals, the more self-reliance was encouraged the more stable was their prosperity likely to be. With respect to Natal, he declined to enter into the question as to the differences between the Lieutenant Governor and his Council. It was unfortunately true that differences had existed, and probably, as in most cases of the kind, there might be faults on both sides; but he trusted that all was now in a fair way of being settled. No effort of the Government should be spared to bring about an arrangement that would be generally satisfactory. With respect to the Dutch Republics in South Africa, he agreed with much the hon. Member had said about slavery, civilization, and Christianity going hand in hand in that country. He was afraid it was too true that civilization was sometimes accompanied by fire and sword, and that Christianity was sometimes heralded by rapine and slavery. Such civilization was no matter of boast to Europeans, and such Christianity was sadly at variance with the precepts of its Divine founder. In the Transvaal Republics slavery was no doubt carried on under another name. It was impossible to read the accounts which had been received without arriving at that conclusion. The history of the Republics was brief. The Boers, after the emancipation of the slaves in 1834, left the Cape Colony and went to Natal, and, driven out there, they proceeded to the Orange Territory, and, after many conflicts with the Natives, established themselves as independent republics, until the assumption of British sovereignty by Sir Harry Smith, in 1848. This assumption was at least premature. No country had the right to annex territory unless it was prepared to maintain therein law and order, and to secure life and property. For this we were not prepared, and moreover, as to the wishes of the Boers, Pretorius at once opposed our authority and was only driven across the Vaal after a severe engagement. Then when the Basuto Chief Moshesh attacked us, the Boers refused to join us in defending the country against him. It was in consequence of the people not supporting our authority that in 1851 Lord Grey wrote a despatch, in which he said that British authority had been established for the good of the inhabitants, and that if they refused to support us it was doubtful whether this country would incur the expense of supporting the Sovereignty. In 1854 came the abandonment of the Orange Territory, arranged by Sir George Clerk, as Special Commissioner, and it was said that we abandoned it against the wishes of the inhabitants. Now, it was difficult for any one in this country to express the opinions of the colonists. No doubt there was a protest against the abandonment; but it was equally clear that there would have been a protest the other way. All we could do was to rely upon the able men whom we had instructed to carry out our policy. The hon. Gentleman had said that the Government of the day wished to get rid of the territory; but that was because the people of the State believed they were carrying out a course of policy best adapted to their own interests. The hon. Gentleman (Mr. Gilpin) was mistaken as to the character of the Bill to which he had referred, which indeed referred not to South Africa but to the West African Settlements, where it had been rendered necessary by the occurrences which had taken place. One of the Natives had plundered a village and murdered several persons. It was true he was arrested; but in the case of one murder he got clear on the technical point that it was committed just outside the British boundary, and had he not committed a second murder just within the boundary he would have escaped scot free. Thereupon this Bill was brought in by the Law Officers of the Crown, and it provided that if a murder was committed within 20 miles of British territory by a person not being a subject of any civilized State, and not being amenable to any established jurisdiction, he might still be tried and convicted. The hon. Member said that we owed protection to British subjects. No doubt that was the case; but he could not assent to the proposition that when, as in the case of the diamond diggers, British subjects of their own free will established themselves in a country in which we had no authority, we were bound or entitled to annex that country in order to afford them due protection. [Mr. R. N. FOWLER: With the consent of the chief and people.] That might or might not be; but even then it was doubtful whether we were to go on annexing and annexing. With respect to the claim of Waterboer, it was true there was a dispute between him and the President of the Free State Republic, and it was also true that the President of the Republic, after having been asked to submit the claim to arbitration, and finding that Waterboer would not give up his right, took the usual mode of issuing a proclamation, in which he said that all this property in the diamond fields belonged to the Republic. In consequence of the disagreement between Waterboer and the President of the Republic the arbitration was not entered into, and Waterboer appealed to the Government of this country. It was not true that we had declared that this territory belonged to Waterboer, and it was quite possible that his claim to the whole of it could not be established. What had been done was this — as soon as the proclamation was issued, General Hay, who was administering the government at the Cape until the arrival of Sir Henry Barkly, gave notice to all the British, subjects not to join in anything which would show that Waterboer's claim was not recognized, and announced that this country could not by any means recognize the proclamation annexing this large tract of land. The Resolution of the hon. Member declared— "That, in the opinion of this House, it is desirable that Her Majesty's Government should take steps to ascertain to what extent the Confederation of the British Possessions in South Africa and of the adjacent territories is practicable." He wished to call the attention of the House to the wording of this Resolution. The confederation of British territory was something which he could well understand. Schemes of confederation had been going on in British North America, and were under discussion in Australia, which, tending as they did to economy of administration and consolidation of power, were arrangements which the Government would always regard with favour. But when they talked of the confederation of British, territory with adjacent territory, they must take care that that was not annexation under another name. There could not be a confederation of adjacent territory without its coming under the sovereignty of England. Were we prepared for that? The abandonment of the Free State settlement was part of a deliberate policy which had been pursued by previous Governments. So far as home interests were concerned, we did not wish to extend the boundaries of our South African territories, and did not intend to expend the money of England and to risk the lives of Englishmen in projects upon which neither the honour nor the interest of England required us to embark. The policy of the Government was not to expend Imperial money and risk the lives of Englishmen in the cause of wild annexation. But having laid down that principle, he did not think it was the policy of any Government to prevent the extension and the development of Colonies by their own aid and for their own interests, under their own management. No doubt it might be a good thing to draw a line across the map of South Africa and say the territory should be settled under British protection; but that could not be done without a clashing of interests, the loss of money, and other things more valuable than money. There might be, and he hoped there would be, a future of power and prosperity for the Cape Colonies; and if he might be allowed to refer to the extension of those Colonies, he would respectfully say that he ventured to doubt whether a Colony which had not yet found itself able to assume the duties and privileges of responsible government was in a fit state to annex other territory to it. He thought that when a European population numbering 200,000 felt itself equal to self-government, it might probably be the case that its resources might be developed by its own exertions and management without Imperial aid. If the Colonies showed a desire to develop their own resources without requiring Imperial aid, it would not be the busi- ness of the Government to throw any obstacles in the way, but rather to afford facilities. He did not think the Motion of the hon. Gentleman would advance the objects he had in view, especially as any "steps" to be taken must be taken by the colonists themselves, and not by the Home Government. Let it not be supposed that the Government was unfriendly to the Colonies. They were rather desirous to encourage their self-reliance. He had no doubt, after the discussion which had taken place, that the hon. Member would withdraw his Motion, and he might rest assured that the affairs of South Africa would continue to receive the careful attention of the Government. The hon. Member should bear in mind that Sir Henry Barkly, who had only recently arrived in the Colony, had all these subjects under his consideration, and there could be no doubt that he would endeavour by arbitration to bring these matters to a satisfactory issue. SIR CHARLES ADDERLEY observed that the question raised was, supposing these adjacent territories, to which reference had been made, wished to return under the allegiance of Her Majesty, whether the House would be willing to encourage and facilitate such proposal. He considered the proposition well worthy of discussion, and, even although the Motion could not end in any definite proposal, the discussion which had taken place would show to the colonists at the Cape the interest taken in them by Parliament, and that a desire existed to do everything possible to strengthen and consolidate their interests. On the other hand, it would show to the adjacent territories that, if they were anxious to come under allegiance to Her Majesty, the House was willing to promote their wishes. He had always advocated the consolidation of colonial territory and government, and thought it was in the interest of the integrity of the Empire that such consolidation should take place. He had been misrepresented as holding lightly the value of colonial connection with the British Empire. His hon. Friend (Mr. R. N. Fowler) had done him the justice to remind the House that on the question of the abandonment of the Orange Sovereignty he stood alone, in the debate which took place, in protesting against that aban- donment. He considered that any abandonment of territory was a symptom of the decadence of national spirit. He thought, also, that there had been no precedent for abandonment; there was precedent for exchange and cession, but not for abandonment. The result of the subsequent 16 years' experience had convinced him of the correctness of the views which he then entertained; and Sir Philip Wodehouse, who had ably governed in South Africa for 18 years, said in one of his last despatches that the result of that abandonment had been mischievous alike to the interest of this country and of the Cape Colony. But it was a difficult thing to retrace our steps. He had mentioned this for the purpose of defending himself against much misrepresentation as to his readiness to separate any Colony from this country. There was not a Member of the House who did not value our colonial connection, and think it esential to the strength and greatness of this Empire. The only dispute was as to the way in which the connection would be best cemented. He had always maintained that the proper way to cement that connection was by making the Colonies stronger and more self-reliant; and he had always taken colonial soldiers, defending their own territory, to be an addition to the strength of the British Army, while the defence of Colonies by home troops was only keeping up a show of connection which paralyzed the Colonies—a connection of dependence, and not of extended empire. If it were true, as he had heard it rumoured, that America expected a cession, of territory from us, either in the West Indies or in Canada, in settling the disputed claims between the two countries, he was sure it would be found, from the way in which any such proposition would be met by England, that they had been grossly mistaken in their supposition, and that nothing would incense this House more than such a proposal being made to it. The policy of the past Government, and of the present Government, had been identical on these points. The late Government took the first step for gradually withdrawing British troops from South Africa, in order to draw out the self-reliance and the strength of the Colony, and that course had been carried on effectually by the present Government. But now came the question, how far the confederation suggested by the Motion before the House would advance that policy? The late Government took one step towards the extension of British territory in South Africa by admitting within the Queen's allegiance the tribe of the Basutos, which was a mutual advantage, as it removed the isolation of Natal, and gave a distinct intimation that if other places wished to own allegiance to the Queen, the same arrangement might be practicable, but on two conditions—namely, that the proposition tion must come from the territory itself, and that the arrangement should be maintained by the resources of the Colony, and not by the British taxpayer. There were several reasons for bringing the Orange and Transvaal Territories under one Government with the Cape Colony. There was much British capital invested in these South African districts; and if these large territories were brought within the colonial Government they would form a new and extensive field for British enterprize for many years to come. At the same time the result would be a gain to humanity, for the abominable and atrocious system of slavery which prevailed in those districts would at any rate be greatly cheeked; and so also would the constant wars and conflicts which were at present bred by border disputes. For the interests of peace, of humanity, and of commerce, it would be better if this consolidation of government could take place, and the whole South African territory, governed by English rulers, and on the principles of colonial government—now being happily again recognized, would be more useful to us than Algeria had been to France. It would be impossible to govern it from Downing Street; but if, under whatever local distribution of sub-government, it were all brought under the Queen's supreme executive at Cape Town, such an arrangement would be for the best interests of all concerned. He feared, however, that the people of the Transvaal Republic were too much wedded to the Commando system; were too much enamoured of slavery; and had become too much brutalized by it to desire now to join us. He doubted whether the Orange Free State would willingly return. Many unforeseen opportunities, however, might occur. No one could tell what would be the result of the discovery of gold and diamonds in the very heart and centre of this territory, for the influx of capital and speculation from Great Britain and from the rest of the world might bring about most important events. The States in question also had strong motives for uniting themselves with us—for access to the sea, and for a termination of mutual disputes and better government. He thought the hon. Member for Penrhyn had done good service in drawing this unanimous expression of opinion from the House on the subject; and if the opportunity should occur he hoped it would be found for the good of this country, and for the general interest of South Africa, that the suggested consolidation should take place. MR. W. M. TORRENS concurred thoroughly in the reprobation expressed in reference to the abandonment by this country of the Orange River Territory. It was a fatal precedent if it was to be repeated; but he fancied he heard whisperings in the air that told him it would not be. The hon. Gentleman (Mr. Knatchbull-Hugessen) had made many unexceptionable protests against a proposal which nobody had ever made. Annexation? It had always been denounced and reprobated by that party in the House who contended for the maintenance and consolidation of our colonial Empire on free and federated principles. What they advocated was facilities for free agreement, and the announcement of a resolve on the part of the parent State to accept territory in the name of the Sovereign only where such agreement should be made. If those neighbouring States thought they did well in coalescing with us, they should be welcomed. But the hon. Gentleman, besides denouncing annexation, had distinctly approved the policy of the Duke of Newcastle, which he, for one, could never look back upon without regret. This was the very antithesis of the policy of annexation as commonly understood. Those who thought that discussions of colonial matters in the House of Commons were ineffectual might usefully contrast the tone of the Under Secretary that evening with the tone of his predecessor 12 months ago, and he made that observation not by way of taunt, but of encouragement. Those who were active in this matter last year received exceedingly little favour from Her Majesty's Government; but, if it was then desirable on general grounds that distant and outlying Colonies should be recognized and knit closer together as part and parcel of the Empire, how immeasurably had the importance of such a policy increased, through the events which had since occurred in Europe! To maintain, he would not say the pre-eminence, but the equality of this country, it was necessary to improve on our past colonial policy, and avoiding, as far as might be, conflicts upon land, to assume, as we were able to do, the place of the great ocean power of the world. This was not, and never ought to be, degraded into a question of party; it was a question of nationhood, of race, of language, of the spirit of a people, and must not be toned down by official answers or perfunctory criticisms upon the terms of a Motion, as to the best possible, or the next best possible, form of wording. Very possibly the wording of this Motion might be improved; but the hon. Member who brought it forward had done well, and wherever the English language was spoken, and the telegraphic wire could reach, feelings of gladness would be awakened when it was discovered that the English Parliament had not confined its attention merely to matters of local concern, but had extended its care to the best and most practical modes of cementing the power and amalgamating the forces of distant and outlying British possessions. His hon. Friend the Under Secretary had said that before other States were consolidated with British territory, it should be shown that they were able to rule themselves. The argument, he presumed, referred to Cape Town, and a portion to Natal. The contention was that States should become adults before they had any business to think of confederation. In reply, he would point to that marvellous aggregation of commonwealths at the other side of the Atlantic—bone of our bone, worshipping in our language, and whose Courts every day quoted the decisions of our Judges. What was their condition at the time they broke from the yoke of a lunatic king? ["Oh, oh!"] Yes; that was the best excuse that could be given for the murderous war by which it was sought to retain the Colonies—a war which brought into play the scalp- ing knife of the Red Indian—a war which every statesman looked back upon with regret, and which the people of this country, above everything else in their history, desired to be able to forget. In 1775, of the 13 States that defied the power of this country and asserted their independence, there were eight which had a collective area of 341,000 square miles, while the joint population of eight of those States numbered 816,000. The four States, which it was now proposed to combine in South Africa, had an area of 520,000 square miles, with a population of 911,000. In the physical element of importance, therefore, the South African communities were not deficient. Socially, they were every year improving in agriculture and trade; husbandry and handicraft were peaceably pursued both by colonists and Natives throughout the greater portion of the South African regions; and, although compulsory labour continued to exist in the border country, there were many signs that the Dutch were getting heartily sick of the system of "commands and apprenticeship," and were willing to cast both aside if they had the advantages of British connection. And now the discovery of gold and diamonds has imparted a new impulse to emigration, and offered a new stimulus to enterprize. Yet some hon. Members had talked of these Colonies in this debate as places semi-barbarous, and that we had better be rid of them. The noble Lord the Member for Berwick (Viscount Bury) had talked of the Transvaal Republics. There happened to be no such places. There was, indeed, a Transvaal Republic, the worst and weakest of the whole group; but it was immaterial whether it came into the present scheme or not. He was amused by the coquetterie of ignorance practised by his hon. Friend the Under Secretary of State, who had shown that he was not only well-informed, but ready to be further informed, on all these matters. The States of Natal, of the Orange Free State, and Cape Colony could, he believed, be eon-federated without a loud word or a deed of violence. In 1858 they had the offer of the Volksraad of the Orange Free State, who communicated officially to Sir George Grey, the then Governor, their desire to be included in a confederacy. It had been said that dominion over the Orange Free State, having once been wrongfully assumed, its people had resented our control, and that now we were well rid of them. But it did not follow, because the proceedings of 1848 have been untenable, that the policy of 1854 was therefore wise. Nor did the recollection of either render it impossible that three neighbouring communities might not come to see they had a common interest in forming one federalty. The memorable despatch of Sir George Grey, which had been made the pretext of his recall, remained unanswered, and incapable of answer, as a statement of our true policy in Southern Africa. If ever the real history of the transaction were challenged, his friends would not be slow to join issue as to the facts, and to vindicate the character and consistency of that remarkable man. He (Mr. W. M. Torrens) could not but regret, on public grounds, that Sir George Grey was no longer in the service of the State, whose interests he had served so well. Since that time, however, nothing more had been done in the matter. England had a laudable ambition that these territories should be permanently occupied by our race, as we had founded the greatest Colonies of the modern world. He did not, however, wish the old country to interfere in the internal affairs of the Colonies, except to insist that the institution of slavery should not be tolerated. The Colonies, he believed, would be greatly gratified by this Resolution being passed, and he was unable to perceive what possible harm it could do. He would now refer to a letter he had recently received from a gentleman long resident in Natal, who described the feeling there of vexation at the coldness and indifference shown by the Colonial Office in past times, and expressed his pleasure at seeing the commencement of a new career for the Colonies. The writer added— "South Africa at present offers a noble field for the aggressive ambition of a Christian and colonizing nation—by aggressive I mean as regards the inroads of a beneficent civilization, rather than the encroachments of territorial greed, or political aggrandizement. With scarcely an exception, all the independent tribes between British frontiers and the Zambesi are seeking British protection, and are craving the good offices of our Secretary for Native Affairs, Mr. Thepstone, as a means of enabling them to live at peace with their neighbours." If the House of Commons were selfish, isolated, and cold, the people of this country certainly were not so. They were not indifferent to the great question whether we should cement the Empire and maintain its place among the nations by a fusion of race, language, commerce, and arts, and thus keep for the Queen a heritage better worth bequeathing to her children, or whether we should leave the Empire worse than when we found it. MR. EASTWICK said, he had been astonished to hear the noble Lord (Viscount Bury) say that there was no authority for representing that the inhabitants of the countries under consideration had a desire to join the Cape Colonies. The noble Lord seemed to be unaware that a former Secretary of State, Sir Edward Lytton, wrote a despatch in 1858 to the Governor of the Cape, Sir George Grey, asking his opinion as to whether a federation of these States was desirable or not. Sir George Grey not only replied by recommending federation, but stated that the large majority of the inhabitants of the Transvaal Republic, had not been consulted on the subject of the Convention by which we got rid of the management of the territory of that Republic. The same thing was true as regards the Orange State, the abandonment of which was carried out in opposition to the wishes of all the wealthy and influential inhabitants of that country. The statement of the Under Secretary of State for the Colonies was unsatisfactory, because he had omitted one very important point which ought to be made to the House—namely, that so long as these Republics remained separate and independent the horrible and inhuman traffic in slavery would never be put down. That was a fact to which the House should direct its attention. In 1834 the Act of Emancipation was passed in the Cape Colony. Well, in 1835, these Boers left, because they were determined not to give up their slaves, passing into the Orange River Territory, and next into the Transvaal, and ever since had been engaged in war with the Natives. We might be sure that unless we in some manner attracted the Boers to the British Government, we should never put an end to the slave traffic. We ought, therefore, to encourage federation, in the hope that we should win back our former fellow-subjects. MR. R. N. FOWLER said, after the debate which had taken place, he was willing to withdraw his Resolution. Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.