then rose, in pursuance of a notice he had formerly given, to submit to the house a motion relative to the slave trade. The importance of the subject, the hon. gent. stated, no man could possibly deny. But if at any former period the subject had been considered of importance it must now be much more so, from the present state of the West Indies, and from the general situation of Europe. Its importance also was still farther augmented by considerations derived from the long habits and the established interest of the West India merchants. No man was more disposed than he was to respect this class of men, and to give them every reasonable indulgence; but he had been always against the principle of the slave trade, and was now more than ever convinced of its pernicious tendency. An opportunity, the hon. gent. thought, was now offered, of bringing this abominable traffic to a termination by parliamentary regulations, without any material injury to individuals. The subject had formerly occupied the attention of the house to a very considerable degree, and many details had been presented to them, calculated to rouse their feelings; but so short-lived are the feelings of humanity, that much of the information which gent. had possessed, he was afraid, must have vanished from their minds. He did not think it necessary, however, to recur to his former arguments in all their extent, nor to direct their attention minutely to the evidence that had been formerly laid before the house. After a very long and serious investigation, and with a mass of evidence before them, the house in the session of 1792, were so much convinced of the injustice, as well as the bad effects of this traffic, that though they did not immediately abolish it, as they certainly ought to have done, in consistency with the general feelings of the house, they resolved on the 1st of May to abolish it gradually, and followed up this resolution by a determination that it should cease at the end of four years, and that mean should be taken to prevent more slave being imported to the West India settlements. Those resolutions, however, had not been followed up, and the trade, with a few alterations that were then made, was still continued as formerly. To those who had no immediate interest in the subject, and who had never accustomed them selves to reflect on its consequences, this might be a consideration of very little consequence; but he begged gent. to recollect that thousands of our fellow-creatures were suffering every day from a continuation of the pernicious system. He begged that gent. would attend to the incalculable evils that the slave trade produced on the coast of Africa. Such is the infatuation of those ignorant and unfortunate princes, that in order to procure slaves for sale, they engage in wars with each other, either on frivolous pretences, or, should these not occur, without any pretence but the arm of power. To augment this evil, and to render the passion still stronger, we tempt them with spirituous liquors, their attachment to which becomes so strong, that they will not hesitate to perpetrate any injustice to gratify the passion. In pursuance of this abominable trade, however, we go still farther, and, when other means fail, we set fire to their villages, that we may catch the wretched fugitives in their attempts to escape from that dangerous element; and this, by a strange perversion of language, we call a trade, and these inhuman and unwarrantable means the most successful mode of pursuing it. We thus violate the most sacred rights of mankind, and introduce violence and injustice, by our incitements and example, into those unfortunate countries, which, from their ignorance, become a prey to our avarice. From this pernicious traffic which we encourage, all their transactions with each other, and even the administration of justice itself, is made subservient to the procuring of slaves. The miserable victims are seized by their superiors, and accused of unheard-of crimes, of which little proof is necessary when their condemnation is previously determined on. The persons who are their judges, have an interest in their condemnation, while we, to the disgrace of a civilized nation, stand by to give the judges a share of the booty. It was worthy of remark, indeed, that so pernicious has been our connection with the unfortunate Africans, that the general progress of civilization has been reversed, and, contrary to former experience, the interior of the country has become the most refined, while those on the coast, who have had the greatest correspondence with us, have become the most profligate, the most ignorant, and the most corrupt. Not only, indeed, is this the case; but even where any sparks of civilization have appeared, our traders have taken care to extinguish them. In the interior of Africa, agriculture and several of the arts are known. They are so far civilized as to assemble in large towns, which is always a concomitant of refinement. They can work in iron, and have several other manufactures, according to the accounts of the best informed travellers. But if we direct our attention to the coast, we shall find neither arts nor commerce, nor any vestige of civilization; but, on the contrary, wretchedness, ignorance, and superstition of the lowest and most degrading kind. Even their superstition, in order to be consistent in our wickedness, we attempt to encourage, and notwithstanding our professions of Christianity, endeavour to confirm and even increase their absurd ideas of witchcraft, and their other prejudices, which we find subservient to the purposes of our avarice. If there are any corruptions of Christianity, we scruple not to communicate them to them; but, whatever can enlighten or improve them, we carefully withhold. These evils are not extended over a small tract of country, or they might perhaps be less to be regretted; but they are extended over a coast of not less than between three and four thousand miles, and to a distance of seven hundred miles up into the interior. It is impossible to reflect on the wretched state of such a vast population, without pity and indignation; and of what baseness may we not accuse ourselves when we consider that we are in a great measure the cause of many of their evils. He did not wish to employ severe language, but it was impossible to use nicer terms on a subject which so much interested the best feelings of humanity. The manner of conveying the slaves also over the seas, after haying procured them, was so flagrant and inhuman, that the feelings of the house, from the evidence that had been laid before it, were roused, and had prompted them to adopt regulations to prevent the waste of human lives. But not only from the mode of procuring slaves, and the manner of transporting them, was this trade to be deprecated. The treatment of those slaves when arrived at their place of destination, was also a subject of serious consideration. Those who were conveyed to the West Indies, were not only doomed to be slaves for life, but their posterity also were condemned to the same fate, and their treatment in many instances unworthy the character of men. The hon. gent. then adverted to the objections that had been formerly offered to the measure he proposed. The best arguments, though by no means satisfactory, that had been offered against this measure, was, that the negroes were no better than a species of brutes. To consider them as men, and to reason on their feelings accordingly, was represented as idle jargon. It was curious indeed to observe what had been stated on this part of the subject—not by mean and low authorities only, but by people of understanding and information, and by a man particularly whom he regarded as respectable for his talents and literature, he meant Mr. Long, the historian of Jamaica, who had degraded the negroes to the rank only of brutes. But he would ask, if they are not endowed with recollection—if they are not capable of anticipating the future—if they are not possessed of social feelings, and of remembrances which endear the past? They had been compared to the Ourang Outang in the desert; but nobody who had attended to their mode of acting, or who would attend for a moment to the operation of their feelings, could maintain a proposition of this preposterous nature. The hon. gent. here begged leave to read a passage from Mr. Long's history. "The African Negro," says this gent., "is incapable of civilization." He was willing to allow that they were very deficient indeed in the arts of life, and in many respects insensible to the finer feelings of our nature. He would allow that some advocates engaged in the same cause, had hurt the interests of his clients, by representing them as superior to other men in the acuteness of their feelings, and in the elevation of their natural sentiments. At the same time, he could by no means think they were destitute of those qualities. The same author tells us that "they have no moral sensations—that they have no settled habitations—and, that they have no pleasure in the beauties of nature." What settled habitations, he would ask, could they have—what pleasure could they derive from the beauties of nature, when chased by us into woods and deserts, and compelled to shelter themselves from our cruel persecution wherever the gloom of nature is best calculated to protect them? With this view they hid themselves in woods and morasses, and in such places certainly they could not be supposed to build very permanent or commodious habitations. "In so vast a tract as Africa." continues the same author, "a diversity of human character might be expected." But we must not forget, though this author may perhaps have overlooked it, what share we have had in fixing the uniformity of their character. We must not forget what share we have had in converting them into an ignorant, low, peevish, a bloody, and a thievish race. Our conduct to that unfortunate people has certainly had that tendency. Our cruelty also must have made them ferocious. It is very customary indeed to excuse cruelty, by saying it is necessary, and that its victims deserve it. We therefore wish to make these men every thing that is bad, in order to serve as an excuse for our own conduct. Far from attempting to increase their happiness, or to augment their knowledge and comfort, every step of our conduct seems to have been designed to depress them, and to keep them in ignorance. "An Ourang Outang husband," continues the author, "would by no means disgrace a negro woman." Such strength of prejudice was truly astonishing; but it must be still more so, when it was recollected that this language did not proceed from the impulse of the moment, but was seriously and deliberately introduced into the page of a professed historian. The original invaders of America had entertained similar sentiments of the native Americans. They had stated, in justification of their cruelties to the natives, that though the whole race were lost, there would be no great matter, as they were not men. They did not consider them as men, but as large apes, and attached therefore, no idea of importance to their existence. But those wretched natives that had been made the sport of European soldiers, and that had fallen victims to their cruelty, at last obtained a deliverer;—not from the parliament of this country, or the civil policy of the country who oppressed them—but from a quarter where the rights of humanity had been in general respected—he meant from the spirit of the Roman Catholic religion. To relieve the distresses of those unfortunates, the Pope issued a bull, ordaining that it had pleased him to acknowledge the Americans to be true men, and that they should be entitled to the privileges of men. This bull was issued in the year 1537. To correct those partial views that men have such a propensity to indulge in their own favour, it is necessary only to look to the operations of Providence, which spews such an equal regard to all. Had this unfortunate class of mankind been merely brutes, many of their distinguishing attributes would have been unnecessary. That vast Being who protects all, has exhibited his bounty also towards them. But whatever may have been our former opinions, pursued the hon. gent., respecting those negroes, however much we may have hitherto calumniated them, it will not now be denied that they are capable of thought, of enterprize, and exertion. In the West Indies they have shewn themselves to be something more than mere brutes. They have displayed the highest degree of courage and resolution. They have discovered astonishing perseverance in the pursuit of their purpose. They have shewn that they are capable of a steady resistance; that not any number of men, however small, is sufficient to oppose them, but that they can resist and even prevail. It is material to the honour of the house, that under the influence of strong passions, they had admitted of the injustice and impolicy of this trade. The agents of the West India merchants themselves had acknowledged the truth of what he had stated. M. Brune allows that the campaigns of the native Africans are in general commenced and carried on for the very purpose of making captives. This, at all times, he admits, is a sufficient object for war.—But not only do they dispose of their captive enemies as slaves, but if there is any great demand, they will dispose in this manner of their own subjects. If there is not a sufficient number of the captives, the king will turn round and offer so many of those who have been the assailants for sale, making every principle yield to that desire of gain which this trade has unfortunately introduced. It is true, says M. Brune, that the French must sometimes seize slaves independently of the authority of the prince; and if they have taken too many, they have only to settle the balance with the prince. This observation is confirmed by the testimony of Mr. Moore, Mr. Acton, and other travellers who have visited that country. Such testimonies it is impossible we can read, and deny at the same time, that the slave trade owes its existence to practices of this nature. The remarks of Mr. Moore have also justified another observation he had had occasion to make, on the increased severity and frequency of the punishments exercised in those petty states, Since the year 1704, all punishments have been commuted into slavery; and men in power very frequently have people accused of crimes of which there is no proof, in order to have it in their power to dispose of them. The older writers, who give an account of those countries before the existence of the slave trade, state the punishments as being very mild and easy. They were banished or made slaves, but after a short time were permitted to return home. This, formerly, was the greatest punishment that was ever inflicted, but now the smallest crime is followed by slavery for life. This change has been effected by their connection with Europeans, and the introduction of the slave trade amongst them.—The hon. gent. then adverted to another argument that had been offered in favour of the slave trade. It was said that they were so wretched and so poor that their situation could not be altered for the worse. What harm could there be, therefore, it was asked, in transferring them from a scene of wretchedness to greater comfort and convenience? The principle of this objection he was strongly inclined to doubt; but, he would ask, if there was no harm in separating men from their families, from their country, from all that they held dear in life? Was there no harm in destroying them on their passage, in maltreating them for their apparent obstinacy, and in dooming them to perpetual slavery without the hopes of return to their early attachments? All writers on the state of Africa allow that slavery is in a very different state now from what it was formerly. In former times it was a mild and patriarchical system. So mild, indeed, was the treatment of the slave, that it was difficult to distinguish him from his master. He was not exposed to the torture, nor under the lash of the whip as he is now, but had domestic privileges he could claim that were secured to him by fixed regulations. As a proof of what he now asserted he could read passages from Mr. Moore and others, if the house were not disposed to take his word.—Another assertion had been made in favour of the slave trade, which he would not have condescended to mention had it not been so much dwelt on, and so much importance apparently attached to it; he meant the argument of those who alleged, that if we did not take those slaves offered for sale they would be all massacred, and that therefore as many women and captives taken in war, with other objects as we are purchased, were so many lives saved. He would admit that in a very small province and for a short time only, this might occasionally be the case: but supposing it to be true it would go to continue the slave trade in all times coming, and prevent any measure being adopted for the improvement of our fellow-creatures. But so far is this from being the case, that those who are brought down to the coast from the more interior parts of the country, and not disposed of according to the wishes of the sellers, are employed in labour, in agriculture, and other avocations, till a better or more profitable opportunity of selling them occurs. There is not, indeed, a more industrious class of people than the slaves of the natives, who are a sort of apprentices, and whose comfort, according to all accounts, is very much studied. Another argument, the hon. gent. said, had been derived from Providence, and even from Scripture itself. He could not help regarding such an argument as in the highest degree profane; and those who offered it, he was persuaded, could have little claim to religion. He would call on the house to recollect what impressions had been formerly made on them—if from the details that had been formerly laid before them they were inclined to believe that religion had any part in preserving or encouraging the system. But the greatest tenderness it had been said, was shown to them, particularly in conducting them across the sea, treating them like so many children, like so many friends whom we were conducting to better lodgings and a happier mode of life. He would appeal, however, as the best contradiction to this assertion, to the numbers that were generally crowded on board, with less accommodation than we would afford cattle; and to the numbers that died from the treatment and absolute suffocation to which they were exposed. It was worth while to attend to the statements of the opponents of the abolition of the trade. They had stated that the treatment of the negroes in their passage, was a stronger argument in their favour than any other, and that their treatment in the West Indies was not less favourable; that any regulation would injure if not destroy the trade entirely. It had been stated by the agent of Mr. Matthews, that restricting the quantity to two to a tun, would destroy the trade. Another had said, that perhaps some adventurers might try what success they might have under such restrictions, but that the trade would inevitably be losers. Mr. Jones had given it as his opinion, that such a restriction would destroy the trade, and transfer it to France. But these gent. have been mistaken in their estimates, and instead of being destroyed by this regulation, the trade has become more productive and advantageous. The agent for Jamaica, had outrun the instructions of his constituents, for they had expressed no disinclination to a modification of the system, but on the contrary, have expressed their satisfaction in the partial arrangement that took place. If, therefore, these advocates of the slave trade have been mistaken in one point, may we not fairly conclude that they may be so in another, and that the abolition of it will be attended with no worse consequences than its modification, which was so much dreaded? But another argument of a still more serious aspect was derived from the idea that the vessels employed in the slave trade, were a nursery for the navy and marine service. It gave him much pain to have the appearance of opposing the increase of our naval power; but he hoped it was not to the slave trade that we owed the superiority of our naval force. On the contrary, he was happy to find, that instead of being a benefit, our seamen were worn down and frittered away by this trade. Our navy captains, he was assured, when they looked into any of the slave trade vessels, could not find above three or four that they could take on board their vessels. They were so liable to disease, and so apt to spread contagion, that they became unfit for the navy. In one year to which the hon. gent. alluded, not less than 2643 had perished in that iniquitous trade. In another year, however, after the partial regulations had been adopted, instead of 2643, not more than 325 had perished in that trade to the West Indies. The document he had read, and from which he derived his information, was one of their own sent up from Liverpool and Bristol. Another objection to his measure was, that it would be injurious to the manufacture of this country, and must diminish the application of our capital. He was assured, however, that the capital employed in this way was not more than 1 million out of 11, and which might be otherwise applied. Foreign nations, it was said, would take it up; but this would only enable us more easily to apply our capital and industry in some other way, without hardening our hearts in cruelty, or staining our hands with blood. The general law of nature seems to be the increase of animal life. It has been found that men have increased in every country, and under almost every pressure of circumstances. Why then have not the slaves in the West Indies increased, instead of requiring an annual supply to make up the deficiency? It must be owing to something radically wrong in their management. In America, the same class of people had increased nearly one-third in 19 or 20 years. When men are happy and comfortable, they naturally increase. The Maroons even, notwithstanding the many calamities and the distresses and disadvantageous wars they were obliged to maintain, increased rapidly in the island of Jamaica, eyen during those years that the slaves so rapidly decreased.—The system of keeping up slaves, it is lamentable to consider, has never engaged any share of the attention of those most interested in this business. This is a melancholy fact; but it is one which has not escaped the notice of those writers who have most carefully examined the subject of slavery both in ancient and modern times. Under a form of slavery far more mitigated than that which is the disgrace of this country, the system of encouraging the rearing of slaves was never practised, and Mr. Hume had very justly observed, that in the ancient world, where domestic slavery was so prevalent, all deficiencies were supplied by importation. In civilized countries, articles of consumption were rather purchased than bred, and the same sort of policy seemed to be that which the West India colonists followed. When the subject of the slave trade was under the most serious consideration of the house, and when the gent. chiefly interested in it were examined, it appeared that, though sufficiently well acquainted with other particulars, they had not the slightest idea of the expediency of keeping up the stock of negroes, independent of importation. The result of this examination was also to shew, that the evils attendant on the miserable, degraded state of the negroes, were far greater than had even been conceived. It was found that all the vices of the system had accumulated, and that the number of negroes kept up had been constantly on the decrease. This effect was traced to two grand causes. The first of these was, that the negroes in our West India settlements were not sufficiently fed, and in this respect the treatment of the slaves in the American states had appeared peculiarly striking. The fact was, that the negroes in America received full three times as much food as the negroes in our islands. In Jamaica, the allowance to runaway negroes, who, performing no work, necessarily stood in need of less food, was double that which was given to the slaves who were condemned to the severest toils. Excessive labour in proportion to the quantity of food received, was another cause of the decrease of the negroes in our West India settlements. In this respect, the difference in America consisted in this, that the slaves were employed in task works. They had thus an opportunity of employing the time beyond what was required for labour, to ease and recreation, and one party of slaves had frequently the means of dividing the labours of another. On the other hand, the slaves in our West India islands, were worn away by constant and overwhelming fatigue; they enjoyed no rest, no alleviation of the toil to which they and their offspring were hopelessly condemned. In America, the number of negroes was continually on the increase, while, on the other hand, the decrease in our islands kept a similar proportion.—Another of the vices attendant on the system of conduct pursued to the negroes was, that they were subjected to the tyranny and cruelty of persons of low views, of ignorant minds, and unfeeling hearts; of persons who had no objects in vesting their capital in this nefarious trade but mere sordid interest. With persons of this sort, the first object was to extort labour, and in effecting this object, they stopped at no exercise of wanton and barbarous cruelty. Under the dominion of such men, the whole race of negroes were degraded and bowed down to the dust. Eyen when people of colour were elevated to the dignity of freemen, they still continued in a state of comparative degradation. Could there then be a stronger proof of the miserable, oppressed condition of the negroes, than the fact that they were anxious to do away this degraded state at the purchases of the earnings and savings of their whole lives. In addition to the causes already mentioned, there might be produced other proofs from which it would not be at all unreasonable to expect among the negroes a very considerable mortality. When facts, however, were referred to, this mortality was not by any means so great as might have been expected. In Jamaica, where the mortality among the negroes has always been greatest, it will be found that taking three periods as a criterion for judgment, the decrease in the negro population falls short of what might have been anticipated. It has in the progress of the last 60 years been gradually diminishing. Their averages might be taken within the last 60, the last 30, and the last 10 years. In the first period, the decrease was about 3 to 4 per cent. on the whole population. In the second period, it was from 3 to 8 per cent. and within the last 10 years, there was not more than three-fifths of a decrease. In Barbadoes and Antigua, the negroes had nearly kept up their number, and in Jamaica, the decrease was not greater than what he had now stated. It was to be remembered too, when he stated this, that in the year 1780, the negroes suffered dreadfully by the tornado, which assailed the island that year. By that dreadful situation, no less than 15,000 negroes perished, and, in fact, when this was taken into view, the actual diminution by ordinary causes was quite inconsiderable, Those who advocated the abolition, had frequently been accused of being indifferent to the interests of West India proprietors. This was a charge which, he begged leave to say, was utterly unfounded. But though the friends of the abolition were not indifferent to these interests, they had higher calls to attend to, and these were the calls of humanity and of justice. What he had now stated, however, as to the possibility of keeping up the numbers of our negroes in the West India islands, sufficiently proved that, even on the score of policy, the abolition of the trade was not liable to the objections which were urged against it. It was satisfactory to find, that the West India proprietors would sustain no material loss by the immediate abolition of this inhuman and unchristian traffic. It was seen, that even under all the existing vices of the system, the decrease of negroes was not great; and under other regulations which might be adopted, the population of the negroes might be fully sustained. A French writer, Malouet, who has lately written on this subject, is forced to admit that, after the revolution, the decrease in the number of negroes was less than before that event. This he attributed to two causes. The one was, that the pregnant women were allowed more rest, and the working negroes were condemned to less severe labour. Though in obedience to the mandate of the First Consul; he argued for the re-establishment of slavery, yet he is forced to admit that, from the two causes just stated, the condition of the negroes was materially improved. Did not this shew that, under proper regulations, and by the adoption of the system practised in America, the increase of the negroes might be expected to be as rapid as in America. In that part of the world, the negroes were in the same degraded state as in our West India Islands. The only difference in their situation was, that they were better fed, and compelled to perform a more moderate share of labour. There had been another reason urged for the continuance of the trade, which he only noticed because it had been so often and so seriously urged on former occasions. This reason was, that the trade was carried on by other nations. It was hardly possible to allude to this objection in terms of sufficiently strong indignation. There was no species of infamous or wanton cruelty; there was no sort of guilt or villany in the history of nations which could not be justified by this sort of appeal. It could not, however, be seriously meant to lay any stress on an argument founded on such unjustifiable and false grounds. Another argument against the abolition was, that the feelings of the West India proprietors ought not to be injured; that they ought to have time allowed them for full and fair consideration of the subject; that they ought to have an opportunity afforded them of filling up the chasm which might exist in their negro establishment, and to provide for the consequences necessarily resulting from the abolition. To expect that the hearty concurrence of the West India proprietors could ever be obtained; to suppose that they should ever cordially enter into any plan for putting an end to a trade from which they conceived that they derived so many advantages, was altogether impossible. Every additional year gave new proof of the truth of this assertion. Instead of softening and relaxing in their attachment to the system, they seemed to increase in their support of it, and hugged it closer and closer to their bosoms. It was with a view of consulting their wishes, and complying to a certain degree with their feelings, that in 1792 the plan for gradual abolition was adopted, and that the year 1796 was fixed on as the period when the nefarious traffic should in a great measure cease. The year 1800 was fixed on for the period of its ultimate abolition, and in the mean time the importation of negroes was to be subjected to the severest restrictions. In 1796, unhappily, no abolition took place. On the contrary, those most interested in its preservation became more attached to it. When the question of abolition was first started, the West India colonists contended that the trade was wholly carried on in British capital. When they found that this ground was not tenable, they shifted their argument, and began to urge that they had a peculiar interest in the continuance of the trade. They then began to talk of the rights and privileges which they had in those whom they were pleased to denominate their practical labourers. At that time the question of abolition was carried by a majority greater than almost on any question which ever came before the house. If the former cruelties and evils attendant on the system had induced the house on a former occasion, to come to this determination, surely what recently occurred must have been strengthened and confirmed. First let it be remembered, that since the time that the proposition for the abolition of the trade no fewer, he believed, than 300,000 additional negroes had been imported into the West Indies: thus consigning 300,000 of our fellow-creatures and their posterity to perpetual bondage. Into the island of Jamaica alone there were, he could state, imported no fewer than 140,000 negroes since 1792; a number more than sufficient to keep up the population and to complete the establishment of such plantations as happened to have deficiencies at the time the proposition of abolition was adopted. There was another very important consideration at the present moment, and that was the expediency of vesting British capital in a part of the dominions of the empire which was most vulnerable, most liable to the external attack of the enemy, and most subject to internal convulsion. Before 1792 the amount of this capital so vested was, by many intelligent persons, reckoned too great: but how much greater had it become since that period? At this moment, the profits on capital vested in the West India islands was quite inconsiderable. In Jamaica it was not above 4 cent. and it did not exceed 5 or 6 per cent. in the other islands. The number of executions on West India colonial property was truly alarming. In the course of 20 years these executions were for sums to the amount of not less than 32 millions currency. Let those who speak so much of the importance and value of West India property reflect on these things, and perhaps they may see reason to alter their opinion. But there was another consideration which could not fail to have great weight with the house: that was, that the continuance of the trade was a constant and alarming drawback to the population of the country, As far back as the American war, the colonial assembly of Jamaica had represented to govt. the necessity of having an additional number of troops for the protection of the external safety as well as the internal tranquility of the island. Under the present circumstances of the West Indies, it was evident that the necessity for fresh demands of British troops must be preferred. New bodies of British subjects must be sent out to inhospitable climates; which had been the graves of so many unfortunate Europeans. These levies, too, were to be sent to protect and uphold the very injustice which had been so solemnly condemned, and to give that security which the importation of fresh ship-loads of slaves had rendered precarious. How long the country would be able to bear these successive drains of men; how long our population could answer these repeated demands, he could not take on himself to anticipate; but surely the policy of that system which rendered them necessary, could not be easily defended. The present situation of St. Domingo, it was impossible for him to pass over without some notice. Was it wise, he would ask the house, to increase the number of new negroes in our West India islands, under the present circumstances of the colonies? During 2 years, the number of negroes imported into Jamaica was not less than 27 or 28,000, and it was perfectly well ascertained that newly imported negroes were the most ready to join in any plan of insurrection. He could only ascribe the fresh importation of negroes at this time to that infatuation which was productive of so many miseries in the details of human conduct. Was it forgotten that St. Domingo was almost in sight of Jamaica, and that Gaudaloupe was in the centre of our Leeward islands? The abolition of the slave trade appeared to be called for by every consideration of justice, of policy, and of humanity. The present opportunity was the most favourable that could present itself. If it was not adopted, such another opportunity might not speedily be found. It had been contended, that the agitation of the question at the present moment was ticklish, and might, in the West Indies, be productive of very serious consequences. It was a proper answer to this objection to state, that whatever danger might be supposed to exist, arose not from the question of abolition, but of emancipation. After the question of abolition was disposed of, any subsequent measures must be left to the colonial assemblies themselves, and with them it would rest how far the condition of the negroes was capable of greater improvement. It was not fair in those who opposed the abolition, to confound it with the question of emancipation, with which, in the first instance, it has no immediate connexion. His motives might be misrepresented, but he should not suffer this misrepresentation to deter him from the performance of a most important duty. The discussion of the subject had commenced 16 years ago, and surely sufficient time had been given to consider the subject in all its bearings and relations. But he was a little astonished at the imputations thrown out against the friends of the abolition. They seemed to think that the inhabitants of Jamaica had no means of knowing what was passing in the island of St. Domingo, though it was perfectly well known that their intercourse with that island was frequent. The negroes in Jamaica must be perfectly acquainted with what had taken place in St. Domingo; and if they had no other means of information, the West India newspapers left them in no want of seeking information in Cobbett's or Wood-fall's Parliamentary Debates; their Gazettes were not at all delicate in stating, that the negroes of St. Domingo had shaken off the yoke under which they formerly groaned, and therefore it was quite absurd to talk of his speech producing any consequences which would not more strongly result from the statements to which he had alluded. He allowed that a convulsion in our West India islands was very much to be dreaded. He had long dreaded and anticipated it. He had even wondered that it had not taken place before this time. Happen when it might, it certainly would happen, if means were not instantly adopted to prevent it. Another argument used against the abolition was, that we might depend on the good treatment of the negroes in the West Indies from motives of interest, and on the middle passage, in consequence of the regulations already adopted. Interest was the great motive by which mankind were guided, and it was the interest of the masters to treat their slaves with humanity. In talking of the influence of interest, however, the nature of its operation was always to be kept in view. That was interest only, which was direct and immediate, which strongly addressed itself to the passions of men. No man could seriously believe that many of the enormities which disgrace the page of history, arose from considerations of interest. It would not be pretended that the most detested of the Roman emperors entered into their closet, and coolly devised those deeds of cruelty which disgraced their reign, with any views of individual interest. The fact is, that the enormities of which they were guilty were merely the result of passion, and not of previous calculation founded on ideas of interest. So it was with respect to cruelties practised on the negroes. Till it was proved to him satisfactorily that the masters of negroes had a clear, close, impressive interest in their preservation, he could not be satisfied with mere general pledges of their kindness and humanity. Let the abolition, however, once take place; let it be established that there shall be no other mode of keeping up the number of negroes but by encouraging their increase in the respective islands, and then the masters must feel an interest of the strongest kind to encourage their protection and support. Nothing short of this could correct the evils and remove the miseries connected with the system as it now existed. He conjured gent. before they came to a vote, to consider well the dreadful picture of slavery from one end to the other. He beseeched them to contemplate the miseries which the unfortunate African was doomed to endure from the time that he was first torn from his native woods, to the establishment of his permanent bondage in the West Indies. He was sure that it was impossible for a feeling mind to survey the picture without indignation, sympathy, and disgust. He had often endeavoured to prevail on the house to seal the condemnation of this nefarious system, and now, for the last time, perhaps, he pressed this subject on their attention. Since last he had brought the matter before the house, there had been a new parliament, and many new members might be among those whom he now addressed. There might also be present several of the members for another part of the united kingdom. It had been said, that no venomous reptile ever found its way into Ireland, and hitherto that country had never been tainted by any connection with the prosecution of the slave trade. The Irish were a brave, a generous, a benevolent people. He wished to call on their representatives on the present occasion, to deliver their opinions on the subject, and he was confident that they would not support a system which was the disgrace of this country. Let them now come forward boldly, with the declaration of their feelings, and assist in removing a stain which all good men had so long and so earnestly deplored. Having gone through all the general arguments, the hon. member concluded with a few words connected with his own conduct in bringing forward the business. If, on the one hand, he was accused of pertinacious obstinacy, or on the other of lukewarmness for the last two or three years, he had only to declare, that on every occasion he had been actuated by the most scrupulous desire of seizing on that moment which seemed to him most favourable for the discussion of the subject. If he had delayed the motion which he should now submit to the house, it had been from a firm belief, that on former occasions it could not have been urged with equal propriety or probability of success. The cause which he had undertaken he should never desert, as long as he had a head to understand, a heart to feel, or a tongue to deliver his opinions. He reckoned it one of the greatest honours of his life, that he had been honoured with the original agitation of this most interesting question. It had been his good fortune, in the course of all the long discussions on it on former occasions, to meet with the support (with a few exceptions, of all that is good and great, in the various characters of whom the house is composed; to have enlisted on his side whatever was estimable in talent, in humanity, and in virtue. This support he reckoned not only as the best testimony in defence of the cause which he had undertaken, but also as an honour to himself, who had been the instrument of its engaging so much of the consideration of Parliament. He did not wish to trespass farther on the attention of the house, and should therefore set down with moving for leave to bring in a bill for the Abolition of the Slave Trade within a time to be limited. For differences of opinion as to the time of the abolition, he was prepared to expect; but he called on all who were friends to the abolition, to vote with him on the present occasion, as ample opportunities of explanation would be afforded in the committee on the bill, if it was suffered to be introduced.—The hon. member then moved, "that the house do resolve into a committee, to consider of the propriety of the introduction of a bill for the Abolition of the Slave Trade within a time to be limited."—The motion being put from the chair,

contended, that the situation of the negroes in the West India colonies was equal, nay, superior to the condition of the labouring poor of this country. They were better fed and more comfortably accommodated. He maintained that their labour was not nearly so severe. The best of the negroes did not in general perform half as much labour as even the most indifferent of our labourers. It was not, he argued, true that the negroes felt themselves miserable under English masters. The very reverse was the case, for they felt themselves happy under an English master and an English govt. He had letters in his pocket which assured him of the fact, and he knew it from his own experience. The way of punishing negroes for offences was to threaten them with transportation to their own country, and a return to the govt. of their native tyrants. He had made trial of this mode of punishment, and he had found it effectual. The same opinion had been supported by a member of the colonial assembly of Jamaica, a man of the highest worth, and the most distinguished humanity. The tyranny of the native princes of Africa was so disgusting, that it must have inspired horror. In the history of that country he had read of almost incredible instances of cruelty. Their palaces were not unfrequently covered with the skulls of their murdered subjects, and in their court-yards piles of bones were deposited to inspire the miserable followers with a due portion of awe. It was true, as had been described, that all law was set aside, and that for witchcraft, and other accusations equally ridiculous, thousands of victims were banished their country. When the negroes got to the West Indies, they were not divested of these foolish notions. On his own estate he had been obliged to hang a negro for having killed 4 others on an imputation of witchcraft. A good deal had been said about the capacity of the negroes. He had never heard the Africans deny their mental inferiority. They had never hesitated to confess to him, that they could not vie with Europeans in talent or knowledge. In matters of ingenuity or calculation, they were no match for the inhabitants of the other quarters of the world. It had been contended, that no attempt had been made to keep up the stock of the negroes. This was not a fair statement. The attempt had been made by many respectable individuals, but without adequate success. A very worthy friend of his in Jamaica, and one who yielded to no man in humanity, had carefully directed his attention to this object. He himself had followed the same course; but owing to the impossibility of procuring a sufficient number of female negroes, it was impossible to keep up the stock without fresh importations. He did not deny that the immediate abolition of the slave trade was a great object, if practicable; but it did not appear to him practicable in the present state of the West Indies. Even if we were to give up the importation, negroes would continue to be imported. He had heard, indeed, within the last few days, that Dessalines had determined to take up shipping, to bring fresh cargoes of negroes to St. Domingo. Of the hardship which the negroes suffered, he really knew nothing. They had, on the contrary, considerable means of comfort. They had it in their own power to save money; but this money they preferred spending in wakes and other meetings, where they enjoyed themselves according to their own peculiar customs. The Maroon war had been alluded to, and the situation of the free negroes had been described in very favourable colours. He begged here to state, that in that war only 8 or 10 individuals joined the Maroons. Those negroes who were represented, as so oppressed, preferred staying with their masters, to engage in this contest. He admitted that the slave trade was not moral in its nature or origin, but he thought that it arose out of the peculiar circumstances of Africa. We had heard of the history of that country for 600 years, but we saw no rays of improvement or civilization. If the inhabitants had been capable of civilization, they could easily have been able to drive off their coasts a few African slave ships, and thus have prevented the original establishment of the trade. Something in the internal circumstances of the country must then have favoured the establishment of the system, and it had from these causes gradually obtained a footing. He asked the house, by way of illustrating the argument, to reflect on the means by which we had acquired our Eastern empire. In the first instance, we only asked a little corner for the purpose of carrying on our trade. We had gradually usurped the dominions of the natives, had made a conquest of their country, and had become that great people which now enabled us to hold up our heads against all the mischief and ambition by which we were threatened by France. It was plain to all those who studied the history of mankind, that people always got on by degrees in prosecuting their favourite schemes. They began with a little, and soon got on to something more substantial and permanent. So it was with the slave trade. It would have been a good thing if it had been checked before it got to its present head; but as it had gone on so far without correction, he did not see that it could be now abolished. If it could be rendered more palatable, if rules for diminishing its severity could be adopted, he should be happy to give them his cordial support; but he did not think the hon. gent.'s object practicable; he should therefore vote against the motion.

wished to detain the house only a few Moments, while he stated the grounds of the vote which he meant now to give in support of the motion. He had on former occasions voted against the proposition of the hon. gent. and the chief ground of his objection then was, that he was not satisfied as to the practicability of the plan of abolition. On the present occasion, as formerly, a good deal had been said of the cruelties to which the negroes were subjected. He did not dispute that these representations were made with a complete conviction of their truth. He felt it his duty then to say, that he believed, or, more properly speaking, he knew that they were in a great measure unfounded, or materially exaggerated. Instances of individual cruelty could not be denied. His own opinion was, however, that the negroes were generally treated by their masters with kindness and humanity. In many respects their situation appeared to him materially superior to that of the poorer classes of the community in this country. He did not wonder, indeed, at the credit which the statements of the cruelties practised on the negroes obtained. It was natural to suppose that power, when totally uncontrolled, should be abused; and unless in the present case such a control existed, such cruelties might have been perpetrated. But in the case of the masters of the negroes, interest operated as the most powerful inducement to humanity. It was impossible to conceive how masters generally could be guilty of inhumanity to their negroes; and the best proof that they felt no revenge or resentment, was their spilling their blood in the defence of the life or the property of their master. These observations he felt it his duty to make previous to his stating the grounds of his intended support of the motion. He had objected to the abolition of the trade formerly, because it struck him that it would have been immediately followed by a contraband trade, to which the control of parliament did not apply. By countenancing the abolition formerly, be was afraid of this sort of uncontrolled traffic, instead of that regular, modified, and controlled trade, which it was the object of the house to establish previous to its final abolition. As a proof that this sort of apprehension was not at all imaginary, he had very good reason to believe, that at the time the abolition was formerly expected, arrangements were actually preparing for carrying on the trade under foreign flags. Conceiving that the plan of immediate abolition was impracticable, his object had been every year to clog and fetter the trade, without producing in its room a contraband trade. His aim was, by every possible means to curtail the importation of negroes, to discourage the working of uncultivated lands, and to offer some compensation to the masters, with the view of effecting this most desirable object. It was his wish also, to have seen every other means adopted for increasing the number of ne- groes born in the several colonies, to have seen the character and feelings of slavery as much as possible softened and improved. It was an observation of Mr. Burke, whose loss all of them deplored, that slavery could never be abolished on the African coast, but must be first abolished in the West Indies. He had seen a paper drawn up on the subject by that great man, and that was the sentiment which it contained. Opposing the abolition of the trade formerly, he would not oppose it now, because he saw no reason to dread the establishment of the contraband trade now, of which he was formerly so apprehensive. At this time the colonists were less disposed to enter on such a trade. Their profits were not one-third of what they used to be, and their temptations to speculation were consequently curtailed. There would besides be less inducement to wish the importation of fresh negroes, when that importation was at the best only tolerated. On this ground he should support the motion for going into the committee. What the resolutions which the hon. gent. meant to introduce were, he knew not; but he hoped they would be of a wise and conciliatory description. With the colonial proprietors every thing could be done better by conciliation than by force. As to the objection derived from the prospect of emancipation, it did not seem to have such weight as should induce any gent. to oppose the motion: that was a matter of ulterior regulation, and ought not to affect the present question.

complimented the liberality and sense of justice manifested by the hon. member who had just spoken, and expressed his hope that the sentiments which he had delivered would not fail of producing that impression upon the house to which they were entitled, as they evidently proceeded from a just and benevolent policy—a policy which, he had no doubt, actuated many other West India merchants. With respect to their interests, therefore, he meant to say very little. They who understood their interests best, were forward to coincide in the motion before the house; a motion which he could not help saying that he was surprised to see the house now engaged in debating. What, that after having 12: years since resolved in the most solemn manner that this nefarious trade should be abolished—after the almost unanimous sentiment of parliament, and the country had so long since declared that it ought not to be suffered to exist, the house should at this day be called upon to deliberate upon the propriety of putting an end to it. Although, as to the nature of the slave trade, no difference of opinion ever appeared to prevail at any time it came under discussion, it was extraordinary indeed to find, that after a lapse of 12 years, not one step had been taken towards the execution of an object so universally admitted to be desirable; and it was still more extraordinary, that the few remaining advocates of this traffic should seem to insist that the onus probandi of shewing the impolicy and iniquity of its continuance, lay with its adversaries: but even admitting that, he would ask, could any thing be easier than to shew that it was a business of such a nature, as ought not to be for one moment endured? Could any proposition be more simple than this, that the practice of buying and selling men and their posterity to slavery, was inconsistent with the character of an enlightened and Christian country? The proposition was such, that to state it was enough to insure the assent of all men who thought or felt justly. It was such, in fact, as was supported, independently of humanity, by volumes of evidence, as to its injurious tendency in a political view, and such as could not be opposed by one reason of the least force; unless, according to the vulgar remark, that possession constituted nine points of the law, he could not tell upon what ground this trade could be allowed to stand. An hon. gent. (Mr. Fuller) had observed truly, that this trade ought to have been prevented in the first instance; but that as it had got a footing, he did not know that it ought now to be abolished. That surely, however, was a strange argument, that because injustice had been permitted heretofore, we should not, as soon as we perceived it, put an end to its existence, and particularly where it was an injustice of such a nature, that if it had not been in existence, he had no hesitation in saying, that there could not be found a man who would venture to propose its establishment. Why then should it be held that, because such a trade had continued so long, that therefore it should be suffered to continue still longer? If it should be said, in opposition to the proposal for the immediate abolition of this trade, that the West India planters would be liable to much injury, arising from the scarcity of supply, he would maintain, that such an objection could not be attended to; for those gent. had received sufficient warning of the intentions of parliament. It was incumbent upon them to consider the nature of evidence laid before that house and the country, and to provide against an event which, from the resolution of parliament, they had every reason to look for. He did not mean to insinuate that such provision should arise from any increase of rapacity on the coast of Africa, but from a change of system in the management of the slaves in the West Indian islands; for there was no principle more palpable than this, that the West India merchants, if they complained of any injustice done them by parliament, should not attempt to seek redress among the unhappy Africans; those upon whom such evils were inflicted by this odious traffic, that the conduct of it in that case alone was sufficient ground to rest an argument for its total and immediate abolition. Without referring to the treatment of the slaves on their passage, and in the West India islands, or to those regulations which had been enacted from time to time relative to their passage, which, by the bye, he understood were generally evaded, he was convinced that the proceedings in Africa were alone quite enough to satisfy any good man that it was impossible to justify resistance to an immediate abolition. When he considered the voyage, the transportation of the poor negroes, and all the circumstances connected with such a transaction, all the evils which were inseparable from its nature, he could not think it necessary to adduce any evidence to prove the miseries which must co-exist with this trade; but yet evidence had been laid before the house on a former occasion, which went amply to detail those miseries; evidence which could not leave a doubt of the aggravated criminality of allowing the trade to continue; if even that part of the evidence adduced by the opponents of the slave trade were not resorted to, in order to urge the house to assent to the motion now in discussion, he contended, that the testimony of its advocates afforded abundant matter to sustain the call for abolition; for although the latter was presented with a view to controvert the former, although truth and justice was attempted to be foiled by a vast deal of sophistry and falsehood, he would venture to assert, that the object of this opposition failed so egregiously, that there was no one point which the friends of the slave trade wished to establish, that was not denied and disproved by some part of the testimony of their own witnesses, several of whom contradicted the others, and in some instances one witness contradicted himself. In taking notice of these contradictions and absurdities, he did not mean to say that any prevarication was intended, but merely to observe by what means truth will find its way, and justice triumph, in spite of opposition or artifice. The hon. gent. mentioned several of those absurdities, among others, that one witness stated, that a monarch or master who could sell, transport, or murder his slave, could not urge him to work; another witness stated, that negroes will readily cultivate corn, but very unwillingly cotton, although the labour necessary to the latter is much less than that at the former; another, that although the negroes will not be contented to work at home, they are yet very willing to go to the West Indies, with the full knowledge of the purpose for which they are to go; those statements, the hon. gent. said, he met with in the evidence taken before the Privy Council, and a committee of that house: but the most curious circumstance of all which he found in those depositions, was this, that although the negroes feel it to be a shame and punishment to be transported to the West Indies, they yet had no fear to go there. He found also, that which was certainly a phenomenon in the moral world, that although, as those witnesses deposed, there was no sense of morality among the Africans, and that convictions were so profitable to accusers, the accused becoming their slaves, the trials were, notwithstanding, quite fair, and a false accusation never succeeded. Those monstrous absurdities the hon. gent. quoted from the evidence laid on the table of the house, in order to shew the expedients resorted to palliate the iniquity of the slave trade. If the witnesses who alleged such things as he had mentioned, asked him to believe them, he would tell them he would go as far as he could to give them credit for believing themselves what they stated. He would, however, be more ready to give them credit if they were mere speculative politicians, if they had no interest in view; but he reflected, that in believing their absurdities he was liable to be led to the sanction of a system of crime; for such persons would not be satisfied with the mere belief of their asseverations, they would require of the house to go forward, until they should stain their hands in blood. His heart revolted at such an object, and he trusted that parliament would indignantly spurn at it. If it were said that the negroes were subject to transportation for the most trivial offence, nay, that some were bred for slavery, he would ask, supposing the information true, whether it was consistent with the civilized character of this country to sanction such a system? There could be only one answer given. As to the assertion, that it was the custom of the native princes of Africa to sell their prisoners of war to slavery, and if the persons on the coast did not humanely purchase them for our merchants, those prisoners would be murdered, he considered it an idle tale. And here he could not overlook, that although it was stated that witchcraft was a fruitful source of slavery in Africa, it did not appear that any of those humane merchants, or their humane agents, ever made any attempt to remove that delusion. The greater part of the slaves sold, however, were brought to the coast from districts in the interior, of which the slave dealers know nothing. Those, which he understood to amount to no less than two-thirds of the whole number of the regular purchase, were condemned to this fate for causes to which the agents of the traffic are strangers, and they never take any pains to remove their ignorance. On the contrary, they say, that "no one would ask any questions on the subject but a fool; that such inquiry would spoil trade." Such was the language employed to excuse such immoral indifference; such insensibility to the fate of men, in all probability capriciously consigned to exile from their family and home. Such participation in the infliction of a severe punishment, without any previous inquiry as to the cause, without taking the least trouble to ascertain whether any guilt attached to the party punished. To guard against the repetition of this and all the other enormities, particularly kidnapping, which were inseparably connected with the slave trade, he called on the house to adopt the motion, and to follow up the purpose of his hon. friend. Kidnapping, than which nothing could be imagined more strongly marked with cruelty, he observed, had, according to the confession of the evidence already referred to, frequently happened, indeed without hesitation, occasionally resorted to. As Christians, as men, and as Britons, he called on the house to interpose and give its zealous concurrence to an object that involved the interest of so many thousands of our fellow-creatures; of those who possessed a common nature with us, and were, it could not be denied, in titled to the rights of humanity; yet towards them what was the conduct of this trade? Why to treat them like beasts of burden, to put them out of the protection of the law, for it was quite absurd, whatever might be said on the subject, to suppose that any law could protect a slave against his master. It was quite impracticable, particularly considering the power which the master had in the West Indies, and the mode of administering the laws. The slave was not, in fact, an accountable being. He could have no property in any thing, who had no property in himself. He had no instructor to let him know what the law was. He knew not how to obtain redress when aggrieved. He could not be bound by any law. To his master he might be bound by gratitude and affection, and it was happy where he was; but there could be no tie of duty upon him, for there was an incurable defect in the title that held him. There was a right inherent in the slave to abstract himself from such a title, while it was the master's interest to make him work and insure his servitude. Those two inclinations were at variance. There was no relation between the two, to regulate which the laws of morality could apply. To attempt to legislate for them would be absurd. Upon the whole, the hon. member conceived that he had stated sufficient reasons to justify the vote which he meant to give in favour of the motion; a motion which he flattered himself would meet an unanimous support; and he hoped that every West India planter would evince the same readiness as the hon. gent. to whom he alluded at the commencement of his observations, to abolish the nefarious and universally execrated traffic which formed the subject of debate.

said, that although he must consider himself as one of those persons proscribed by the hon. mover, he could not help expressing his disapprobation of this motion. At the same time he begged to observe, that the hon. gent.'s mode of proscription upon this question was as arbitrary as any that was ever resorted to by Sylla, or any other dictator. The hon. gent. had, he admitted, introduced much new matter into his speech, a thing the more to be wondered at upon a subject so often and so ably discussed. To the principles upon which the hon. gent. rested his arguments he could not hesitate to subscribe. His grounds were religion and morality; but he had pushed those principles to an extreme. Evils were to be met with in every direction; war was an evil of the greatest kind, and yet we were obliged to endure it. Many things were tolerated which could not be justified on strict principle. Though war was an evil, we still engaged in it; and though the national debt was a grievance, we still laid on new taxes, and contracted for loans. The hon. mem. compared the state of the country in 1792, when the resolution for the general abolition of the slave trade was adopted, with the present period, and contended that the difference was such as should urge the house to pause before it agreed to the motion under debate. In the former instance, the country was at peace, commerce and manufactures were flourishing, and only a gradual abolition was called for. Yet now, when the country is involved in a war that requires all our resources, and our commerce is embarrassed, an immediate abolition of this important part of our trade is applied for. Under the circumstances, he could not see the policy of such an application, and he hoped that govt. would interfere to protect the merchants, and defeat the views of the mover. The hon. gent. had taken notice of the alarm which his motion was likely to give to the persons concerned in the cultivation of the West India islands; and certainly the alarm already excited by the state of those islands, this proceeding was of a nature considerably to increase; but about that increase, perhaps, the hon. gent. was very little disturbed. Indeed, the hon. gent. manifested a disposition in this business still more arbitrary towards English trade than Bonaparte himself. The First Consul invited the powers of Europe to join with him in attacking us, in order to partake of our commerce; but the hon. gent. would deprive us altogether of one important branch of that commerce, in order to transfer it to other nations, and this at a time when every branch of our commerce is so much shackled. After stating that he should take other opportunities of delivering his sentiments more at large on this subject, the hon. member said that he did not think it necessary this night to put it to a division.

expressed his surprise that a measure of so much importance as that before the house, should have been brought forward at this advanced period of the session; but yet he was perfectly willing to state that he felt the most perfect conviction of the hon. motives which actuated the gent. from whom it originated. He could assure him, that every proprietor of respectability, from Barbadoes to Jamaica, was grateful for his exertions, and felt much benefit from them. With respect, however, to the proposition for an immediate abolition of the slave trade, he begged to call to the recollection of the house, that by several acts of parliament, some so early as the reign of Queen Elizabeth, British merchants were encouraged to vest their capital in this trade. If, then, parliament should determine on the immediate abolition of the trade, it would be felt, he trusted, that the merchants and others connected with West India property, who might lose by such a measure, were entitled to compensation. To ascertain the amount of such loss, he thought that a parliamentary commission should be appointed, and that a proposition to that effect should accompany the motion before the house. If parliament had changed its mind as to the expediency or justice of this traffic, it would be unjust to allow those who had embarked their capital upon the faith of parliament, to suffer any pecuniary loss. He called for this consideration upon the same principle as that which was uniformly acted upon where any public measure was productive of injury to the property of individuals. As no indemnity, such as he had alluded to, was connected with this motion, and also as he was adverse to the immediate abolition of the trade which gave rise to it, he moved that the other orders of the day should be then read.—The motion being put,

rose to state, that his motion did not refer to the immediate abolition of the slave trade, and that the time for that desirable event was to be considered in a committee upon the bill, and not in the present state of proceeding.

asserted, that the country was as well governed, and the laws as fairly administered, on the coast of Africa, as in England. The hon. member added, in vindication of the slave trade, that he had had a conversation with one of the African kings, who told him, that if the slave merchants did not purchase from him and others their prisoners taken in war, those prisoners would be killed.

, adverting to the description he had before given of the law of the African princes, &c. said that he quoted that description from the evidence adduced by the hon. member who had last spoken and his friends. He contrasted some parts of the description, and particularly the statement that the prisoners of war, if not bought by the slave dealers, would be murdered, with the declaration, notwithstanding, of the hon. gent. that those African states were as well governed, and their laws as well administered as in this country.

thought, that from motives of humanity, the total and immediate abolition of this trade should be resisted; because, if the proposition were adopted, he was very much afraid that the effect would be to transfer the trade to other nations, through whom the same miseries would be induced to slaves, of which the house had heard so much, and against which such provisions had been made by the benevolent exertions of the hon. mover of the proposition before the house.

said, he should support the amendment, but on different grounds from those stated by the hon. gent. who moved it. The abolition of the trade, which formed the subject of debate, he always considered not as a question of expediency, but as a question of practicability; and in that view, if the motion had been for the appointment of a committee to consider of the means for the abolition of the slave trade, it should have had his concurrence; but as it stood, he must vote against it, because he felt that it would be impossible to carry it into execution. So contrary was the mode of proceeding proposed to the accomplishment of the object in view, that be was persuaded, should a bill be founded on the resolution describe by the hon. member who opened the debate, such bill must be repealed before the trade could be abolished.

thought it most extraordinary that the house should be considering that question, when, 14 years ago it had decided that the slave trade should be gradually abolished. He had always wished, and voted for a gradual abolition; and he thought the character of the house, in point of consistency, implicated in this question. The question now was, whether the slave trade, which the house, 14 years ago, said should be abolished within a time, long since past, should be abolished at all, or not?

said, that if the motion before the house were for the immediate abolition of the slave trade, he should have no hesitation in giving it his warmest support, because he thought the first moment for abolishing that inhuman traffic would be the best. Nevertheless, he was ready to support any proposition that could approximate that desirable event. He would feel a satisfaction in any measure that tended even to a gradual abolition. To this he understood most gent. who had on a former occasion delivered their sentiments, to be friendly, and with the views of such members the motion was so worded as to coincide. Gent. therefore, of that description, could not, unless they had changed their opinions since the last discussion of this subject, oppose the original motion. Those who entertained an honest prejudice against this abominable traffic—a prejudice which had obtained many conver of late years, would, he hoped, be very far from objecting to the motion of his hon. friend upon such grounds as had been last stated. Into the discussion of the question at present he is declined to enter, particularly as the very able arguments of his hon. friend had been quite unanswered; but as to the time of carrying the object of his hon. friend into effect, no time was prescribed by the motion. That circumstance would remain for the consideration of the committee on the bill. With respect to the practicability of the abolition, the right hon. gent. its observed, that the same argument upon to that point would apply to a gradual as to an immediate abolition; for if it was impossible for a British act of parliament to effect the object in the one case, how was such act to accomplish it in the other. This remark he addressed merely to the professed friends of a gradual abolition; but as to the practicability of the measure of abolition generally, as he had only heard the impracticability asserted, with out the arguments upon which the assertion was grounded, he did not think it necessary to go into any argument upon the subject. He was happy, however, to hear from the hon. gent, under the gallery (Mr. Barham) such opinions, combined with other considerations, as fully satisfied his mind that there was no danger of this trade, if abolished by us, being taken up by foreigners—upon that score, there was no ground for apprehension. The right hon. gent. concluded with stating, that he would not at present discuss the question farther, although he could with difficulty refrain from entering into a subject in which he felt so lively and warm.

contended the trade was an utter disgrace to the nation. We boasted of our freedom, and yet we sacrificed the natural rights of our fellow-creatures in this nefarious traffic. The hon. member who had urged this measure with so much ability and perseverance, would retire to his pillow with satisfaction, and enjoy that repose and tranquility which is the reward of virtuous exertion. If there were hon. members of that house who were interested in this commerce, he hoped they would sacrifice their private emolument to a strict sense of public duty. If there were representatives of great and opulent towns, which owe their importance to such a trade, he trusted they would instruct their constituents rather to resign all future advantages from it than to barter the justice and honour of the country for these acquisitions. At a future time, he would enter more at large on the subject, and on the present occasion, the motion would receive his cordial support.

said that he should trouble the house with very few words upon the question before them. Indeed, he rose principally with a view to observe the very extraordinary manner in which the gent. who spoke against the motion had treated the subject. The abolition of the slave trade was a question which was now 16 years under the consideration of that house. It was now near 12 years since the house had decided by a very great majority that the trade was in itself pernicious, and that it ought to be abolished. The present was a question which above all others might be now fairly said to have come to a crisis; and yet the house was told that it should hesitate. One gent. had allowed that there might some ill consequences result from the continuance of such a traffic, and yet he advised the house not to put a stop to it for the present. Another had also admitted the injustice of our continuing to sanction such a branch of commerce, and had recommended that the house should go into committee, to consider of the practicability of the measure. What! when the use had so positively declared its option about 12 years ago with respect to the abolition. The very circumstances of le times, in addition to the former declaration of the house, were arguments in favour the abolition. The acquisition of Trinidad was in itself a reason why the house should immediately come to some determination, and either declare to the public and to Europe that it was not consistent with our ideas, or with the policy of our system, to make any alteration in a trade, the injustice of which we have already acknowledged; or else that we should by our actions at once firmly convince the world that we were capable of giving up a species of traffic which appeared to us dishonourable, not-with standing any profit that might be gained by its continuance. The honour, the character of the nation was at stake. Any person that was in the least acquainted with the Continent, must have already heard it whispered throughout Europe, that they were doubtful of us, and that it was supposed, that, however we might like lessons of morality, we could not be prevailed upon to give up a profitable branch of commerce very readily. If the house continued to act as it had done, admitting the impropriety, and yet at the same time abstaining from the abolition of, or even from giving any check to, that abominable traffic, it would be openly said throughout Europe, that we could but merely talk morality. That after all the sentiment that had been expressed against this trade, we had said again, that we would postpone the abolition of it to some indefinite period. He would repeat it, that on this question, above all others, was the character of the country at stake. There had not been any argument urged in favour of the morality of the subject, and, therefore, the house had now to make a public avowal to Europe of their determination at once to put a stop to that iniquitous practice, or else to announce to the world, that it had agreed to give its sanction to a measure which had not been supported by any principle of honour or of justice, but merely on the supposition that gain might possibly result from its continuance.

expressed a wish that the hon. mover of the question before the house would expressly declare to what ex- tent he meant to carry his motion, if the house should happen to agree with him. At the late period of the month of May, many gent. had gone to the country, and he hoped the hon. member did not mean to press it in the absence of so many. He would be glad to know, whether it was intended that a bill should be immediately brought in and carried in the present session, or, whether it was now intended merely to obtain leave to bring in a bill for the abolition; and that the bill was to be discussed at the next meeting of parliament?

said, that he had only intended to express his opinion, and moved the house to agree with him on the general question. The committee would afterwards determine as to any particular term.

expressed himself decidedly in favour of the measure of abolition at any rate. He wished to see the house agreeing to go into a committee immediately for the purpose of considering the propriety of bringing in a bill for that purpose.

observed, that the consideration of the question before the house would, on the present occasion, be for the first time presented to many natives of Ireland. But though it was a question which was new to Irishmen, it was not a question upon which they would find any difficulty in deciding, It was a subject, he was confident, on which the sentiments of all Irishmen would be immediately declared unanimous. The practice of the slave trade was repugnant to their feelings. He believed that he might, without presumption, have taken upon him to answer for the whole bulk of the people; but, for his own part, he had made up his mind as soon as he had heard the terms of the motion, and immediately resolved to give it his most cordial support.

wished to know, if the slave trade were abolished in the present session, whether we had any security that the Americans, Danes, and Swedes would consent to a similar abolition, as otherwise, the beneficial regulations of the middle passage would be done away, and the slaves placed in a worse situation than they were before.—The question was then loudly called for, and the house divided; when there appeared

The original motion was of course carried, and the house resolved itself into a committee, in which the resolution was read and agreed to. The house resumed, and the report was ordered to be brought up to-morrow.