in pursuance of his notice of yesterday, called the attention of the house to the order of the 22d inst. for the printing of certain papers, relative to earl St. Vincent, which it was his wish should be discharged. It was not his intention, however, to press this on the house, without shewing his reasons for such a proceeding, which he trusted would prove as satisfactory to the house as they appeared forcible and convincing to his mind. In the first place, he insisted that the sole design of producing those papers was to gain time. From the commencement of this business to the present moment, procrastination seemed to have been the great object of lord St. Vincent and his friends. He could afford no better proof of this than by referring to those voluminous papers, that had been laid on the table, from time to time, and of which, by far the greater part bore not the most dis- tant relevancy to the matters in question. The expedient of printing those papers, which nobody he was sure would react, was another additional support to this procrastinating system, to which he wished a stop to be put as speedily as possible. He would assure the friends of the noble lord, in the mean time, that no procrastination on their part should shake his determination of persevering in the course he had begun. Whatever should be the situation of parties, whatever new administration should be formed, whatever changes should take place in his majesty's government, he would abide by those charges he had originally brought forward, and persist in regarding it as one of his highest parliamentary duties to substantiate and prosecute them. He had charged lord St. Vincent with a criminal neglect of duty in the high official situations he had held, and particularly in his post at the admiralty; and no delay that might he contrived, no obstacle that might be thrown in his way from any quarter would relax his exertions in making good this charge. But he was anxious that this should be done as speedily and with as little expence as possible. If the house, therefore, should concur with him in his motion of rescinding the order for printing those papers, it was his intention to follow up this motion with another for referring them to a select committee, to examine what papers really ought to be printed, and to reject the rest that had no relation to the question, as useless and cumbersome. The printing of such voluminous papers would only create enormous expences, while such as were relevant would be lost amid the great mass of matter, and from their ponderous size, would be useless to the house. It was far from being his wish, at the same time, to press this matter on the house in such a way as to prevent the noble lord or his friends from making the necessary arrangements for his exculpation. He protested to the house that he was actuated by the purest motives in bringing forward the charges he had done, and from no personal animosity to that noble lord. His public duty was the only imperious voice which in this proceeding he obeyed; a voice which he thought every member in that house ought to obey, and a duty which every member ought to feel. He was fulfilling a duty which was equally incumbent on every man in that house.

here called the hon. gent. to order. He was departing he thought from the forms necessary to be observed in submitting motions to their consideration, and entering into a field not at ail connected with the professed object of his motion.

was of opinion that the hon. member was at perfect liberty to assign reasons for his motion, and so long as he confined himself to that object, thought he was perfectly in order.

then continued, and insisted that at a tone when our great national interests were so much at stake, it was the duty of every man to watch with particular care over the interests of that department of the public service on which our safety as well as glory depended. He did not wish to give offence to any member; nor did he think it necessary to extend his explanation; but he must repeat his fixed resolution to bring forward his charges under any circumstances, and under any set of men, for he had such proofs as would not only justify him in the eyes of every reasonable man, but would also condemn the noble lord. It had been said on the part of the noble lord, at an early period of this business, that in order to justify his conduct against the charges alledged against him, such papers would be necessary as, he was afraid, would be too voluminous for the perusal of the house, and that were not likely, many of them, to be got from the public offices. He could not help considering this at first introduced us for the porpoise of delay. At any rate this was the very opinion he was at present labouring to establish. No obstacle had been offered to the production of those papers; but they really were of so voluminous a nature as would create great delay by their being printed; and when printed, he was certain would not be read by the house. The hon. member concluded by moving that the papers should not be printed, and that the order for that purpose be discharged. The order being accordingly read, and the question being put from the chair, that so much of the said order as relates to the printing of the papers be discharged,

rose, and said, that when the hon. gent. first brought on those charges against the noble earl, he had expressly stated that he should not be precluded from moving for such papers, as might be thought necessary to his lordship's defence, and that this proposition had been acceded to by the late right hon. chancellor of the exchequer, so much so indeed, that only one paper had been objected to, the production of which, it had been stated, would prove prejudicial to the service, by giving the enemy information which it was the interest of this country to withhold. Were any objection really admissible to the printing of those papers on the ground of making them public, and by this means embarrassing the public service, such objections ought to originate with the lords of the admiralty, and not with the hon. member, who had not the means of knowing those circumstances that might render such an objection proper. But no such objections had been offered by the lords of the admiralty, nor had the hon. gent. himself attempted to establish any such plea. It appeared, indeed, an extraordinary proceeding to him on the part of the hon. gent., that while he brought charges against the noble lord of so serious a nature, and in a language so scurrilous and indecent, he should attempt to shut out the light and prevent access to that information on which the noble earl depended for his vindication. "In the course of what has dropped from the hon, gent." said the hon. admiral, "he has stated, that I had said, at the commencement of this business, there were many papers the public offices would not produce; but the absurdity of this allegation is a sufficient proof that I could never have made use of such expressions." He could never be absurd enough to say so. On the contrary, he had stated that there were none that would be wanted that might not be produced. With respect to one book, called Doomsday book, he had expressed sonic doubts if it could be forthcoming, and believed it was among the number he had moved for. It was a book regularly kept up during lord St. Vincent's administration, and would have been of very material consequence in his justification. Of the papers, continued the hon. member, which had been moved for and produced, there was not one that was not absolutely necessary. He wished every one of them to be made public. Those papers required only to be known, to retinal the wanton scurrility of the hon. gent. with accumulated weight on his own head. So determined was he to adhere to the order of the house already made, and so necessary did he feel the publication of those papers, that if the hon. member did not withdraw his motion, he would certainly take the sense of the house on the question. He added also, that he would not be deterred on any account from calling for any farther papers that should appear necessary, notwithstanding the charge of procrastination brought against him with so little reason. There were indeed more papers which he was likely to call for, and which might be produced in the course of two days. This was no trifling question; it involved the very existence of this country, bearing so near a relation as it did to the best means of its defence. It involved the naval interests of the country, and therefore he wished that full and ample enquiry should be made, not only for the sake of the noble lord whose character was at stake, but also for the benefit of the public service, and the good of the community at large. At the same time he could not help observing that, in his opinion, the hon. gent. would have done better to have deferred this motion till another time, and have allowed the formation of a new administration to have been completed before starting,a subject of this nature.

had witnessed many extraordinary things in his day, but this was the most extraordinary proceeding he had ever known. The hon. gent. not satisfied with repeating his accusation against lord .St. Vincent, had accused the whole house of commons, by saying, that they would not have patience to read the important papers before them. The abstract of the hon. gent.'s argument was simply this: "You shall attend to all the charges that I may from time to time throw out against the noble lord, but you shall not listen to a word of his defence: you shall not even permit him to submit it to the house, but refer it in the most private manner to a committee." What reason the hon. member had to think gentlemen would not read these papers when printed, he knew not, but certain he was it was their duty to do so, and certain he was that it was his intention to read them, as he had done such as had been already produced, and must say that he saw no colourable pretext whatever for the charges alledged, and should therefore advise the hon. gent. to make the amende honorable, and retire with the best grace he could.

considered the question before the house to be of very considerable importance; and if any one thing was of more importance than another it was certainly the order of proceeding on this subject. However voluminous these papers might be, therefore, he would have them printed, as being the most regular and candid mode of proceeding; and therefore advised the hon. gent. to withdraw his motion, particularly as he did not conceive that there existed at this time any cause that should preclude their being printed.

could not allow the hon. mover to withdraw his proposition without offering some remarks on the manner in which he had supported it. The substance of what the hon. gent. had advanced was, that he should have all the papers he wished for on his side, but he will only permit you to have such as may be agreeable to him, and not what on your part you may think necessary to meet his charges. I cannot agree, said the learned member, that this investigation in any shape should be referred to a committee. What! After charges of so gross a nature, and conveyed in language, that, to say the best of it, might have better been omitted, shall you say that the papers on which the refutation of those allegations so materially depends, shall not be printed? Ought not the vindication to be as public as the charges? The wisdom and the justice of the house required it, and he was only surprised that a contrary proposition should have been for a moment entertained. The house might easily see, from the spirit in which the motion had been made, that it was unworthy of being entertained. He never, for his own part, had seen the papers, but he certainly had no doubt, from the testimony of time hon. gent. behind him (admiral Markham) that they were necessary to the vindication of the noble lord, and would sufficiently answer that purpose. As a proof how ready the hon. gent. was to make charges without consideration, he had only to refer to the charge he had just made of procrastination, against the house itself. He would ask if it was the intention of this house to procrastinate when they ordered those papers to be printed? This certainly was not an auxiliary step to the procrastination complained of by the hon. gent.

observed, that the noble earl who was time subject of debate, had for his services been favoured with the freedom of the city of York which he had the honour to represent, and his constituents would have a right to complain, if he tacitly submitted to such a proceeding, as had been proposed by the hon. gent

again rising, said that there was not a single paper that could be brought forward thatg would vindicate the noble lord that he did not wish to be laid on the table; but maintained, that great procrastination had taken place last session on this question. More papers it appeared were still wanting, and a book must be also had which nobody knew of but the hon. member himself. He again pledged himself, in the most pointed terms, not only to bring forward the charges he had made against lord St. Vincent when in office, but no substantiate them to the satisfaction of the house. The papers before the house he maintained were irrelevant to the subject. The noble lord had put an end to the system that had before followed; but what did be substitute in its room? The noble lord had declared that he would build 50 sail of the line; but had he produced 40? had he produced 30? had be produced 20? had be produced one?—

here interrupted the hon. member by observing, that he was going too far beyond the bounds assigned him by the rules of the house; and that he felt it his duty to confine the hon. member to the question.

thought it a new mode of proceeding, to judge of the relevancy of papers before the question came to be tried. The person competent to judge of the relevancy of those papers was not the man who stood forward as the accuser, but the person who was accused; and it would be time enough for the house to judge of their relevancy when they should be printed, and come before the house in a regular manner. The proceeding of the hon. member he considered as a transgression of the principles of natural justice.

regarded the accusation brought against the noble lord, of procrastination, as a gross and scandalous calumny. The hon. gent. seemed so confident in his own abilities as not only to think himself adequate to the management of the prosecution in this arduous case, but was also anxious to have the direction and arrangement a greater degree of diffidence to the hon. gent., and advised him to be satisfied with taking the lead in the prosecution. It had been shrewdly suspected, he said, that the hon. gent. had been set on in this business by other persons who had got a rap over the fingers in that department, and wished perhaps to be in good company; and nothing could serve as a greater proof of the truth of this suspicion, than the manner in which he had proceeded in this matter. He would ask the hon. gent. how he came to know what were the contents of those papers? He had not taken the trouble of reading them over, voluminous as they were, since they had been laid on the table, and how could he judge of their relevancy or irrelevancy? He must have seen them in the office then, and he begged leave to say that that was seeing them scandalously and suspiciously. He believed the papers were necessary to the defence. The charge was general, and the investigation of every department therefore that at all related to the duties of the noble lord when in office, became in some degree necessary. That papers therefore had been introduced relative to the shipwrights, could form no objection to their relevancy. It had been stated that the noble earl had abolished the old system in the naval department; but if that system was a bad one, it could form no objection to his lordship. He could assure the hon. gent. that that noble lord was much obliged to him for bringing this question before the house and the public. Instead of wishing to procrastinate, he was confident that the sooner the investigation took place, it would the more speedily illustrate his character. He only wished that that investigation should be a fair and full one, and not garbled and partial, as seemed to be the wish of the hon. mover. He again assured the hon. gent. that there would be no procrastination of the noble earl, and requested him to be a little more sparing of his invectives, as he would be heard in good time. He again repeated that the charge of procrastination was an unfounded calumny.

assured gentlemen that nothing would give him greater satisfaction than the production of any paper that would justify the noble lord; but the papers in question he was contending were not of that description, when

again interfered, informing the hon, member, that if he apprehended himself to have been misconceived in any respect, he was at liberty to explain; but that it was a transgression of order to proceed beyond the mere limits of explanation.

then begged to be permitted to say a single word respecting the charge brought against him relative to his motives in originating this business. He was ready to assure the house, that he had taken in up without premeditation [a laugh], and in consequence of no previous consultation with any person. He had never read any of the papers in office, and had only spoken from his general knowledge of the subject.

jun. corroborated this testimony so far as related to the admiralty, assuring the house, that the hon. member had had no communication with that office.—The hon. gent. was then permitted to withdraw his motion.

presented, in pursuance of his majesty's command, Copies of the Treaties entered into by his majesty with various powers on the continent, with other official papers relative to that subject; correct copies of which will be found in the Appendix to this volume.—The noble lord said he wished to offer a few observations with regard to the course of proceeding on the discussion of these important papers, and of the conduct to which they referred, and also of the nature of the information which parliament might wish to posses on the subject. It was his most anxious wish, and the most anxious wish of those with whom he had the honour to act, that every thing which could tend to elucidate the great transactions on the continent during the last six months, should be before the house. He trusted that it was not with vain confidence that he and his colleagues looked to a result of the investigation creditable and honourable to themselves. But it was due to the character of the country, it was due in justice to other nations, that some disclosure of considerable delicacy should be withheld. It would therefore not be expedient to lay on the table all the discussions that had taken place with the continental powers since the close of the year 1804. In any situation of Europe the complete disclosure of these discussions would be unnecessary, but in its present situation, it would be peculiarly incompatible with the interests of some of those powers whom we ought to respect. For himself, he regretted, that the discussion of this question did not, in some degree, take place on the first night of the session, as it would have clearly pointed out to the attention of ministers, those parts of these important transactions which the gentlemen opposite wished particularly should be elucidated. It would have served as a land-mark by which they might have shaped their communications. That calamitous event, which all regretted, had prevented this at any subsequent period; all therefore that administration could do, was to follow the course which to them seemed the most adviseable; and it would be open to others to found on that course any additional motions, that might appear to them to be necessary. The house must be aware, that many of the conditions and stipulations with the continental powers must be contingent and eventual, depending on the part that they were induced by circumstances to take in time war. Ministers had not considered it their duty to lay before the house any of those conditions which were never acted upon, but those parts alone which gave activity to hostile operations. He was not prepared to say that these were the military parts merely, although the house could not but be aware, that the military stipulations must have been more productive in imparting activity than the political conditions could possibly be. Delicacy with respect to foreign powers was not so likely to be infringed by the display of the one as the other. With regard to the stipulations of the military force to be brought forward by the different powers with whom the treaties had been concluded, there were two main features to which he wished that he attention of the hour might be peculiarly directed. The first was, what was the actual force which government had every reason to believe was in the field against France, and which justified them in inducing the continental powers to resist her? And the second, to what causes the failure of this grand confederacy was to be attributed? In order to enable the house to judge of the latter, ministers had ordered that there should be laid before the house details of the plan of the campaign, and of the system on which it was wished, and indeed resolved to act, to he compared with the system which really was carried into execution. The plan of military operations did not proceed front this country, because this country could not be supposed so well acquainted with their expediency. It did not proceed from Russia, because time remoteness of that power gave it little advantage in this respect over Great Britain; but the plan of the campaign, in which was to be employed that immense force, that, exclusively of any troops that might be furnished by Sweden, exclusively of any troops that might proceed from the future decision of the court of Berlin, exclusively of any troops that might be added by the minor powers dependent on that decision; independently of all these considerations, and highly estimating the armies of Russia and Austria, government had every reason to suppose, that on the first of October, the actual force, in the field, of these two combined powers, if France would not agree to the terms of peace proposed to her, would amount to 500,000 men. Austria declared that she had 320,000 regulars ready at a moment's warning, beside 20,000 militia in the Tyrol. Russia had engaged to furnish 180,000 men, and did so. The plan of the campaign proceeded solely from Austria, and it would be for the house to decide whether she adhered to it according to compact. He would not pretend to say that the councils of the emperor of Germany had acted in opposition to the interest of that sovereign; he would not enter into any comments on the conduct pursued on that occasion: he should content himself with stating, that the advance of the Austrians beyond the Inn, and to time position taken by general Mack, at Ulm where, in a military view, it might be said that 80,000 men were annihilated, was a breach of tile plan of operations formed by Austria herself. The court of St. Petersburgh had strictly conformed to the plan: 50,000 Russians arrived at Brannan, on the Inn, two days sooner than, according to the conditions of that plan, was expected. He troubled the house with these observations, because he thought it indispensably necessary that the house should know what continental force government supposed was in the field; what was the plan of operations by which that force was to be regulated, and how far the disasters that had befallen Austria, were produced by her own acts, or by those of others. Having,stated thus much on the military points of this question, he would say, with respect to the political considerations, that as far as was consistent with the safety of other nations, and with the respect and delicacy which they had a right to demand from us, his majesty's ministers were anxious to afford to any gentleman, who stated the grounds of his enquiry, such information as could be granted with safety. If, however, there was any part of their conduct, and more particularly with regard to Russia, the explanation of which would be attended with disclosures injurious to the interests of this country, and of Europe, the hon. gentlemen opposite would, in all probability soon have an opportunity of examining, whether their doubts of the propriety of the conduct of this country were founded in fact. For his own part, there was no occurrence that he should more sincerely lament, both on private and on public grounds, than that a transaction of such great importance should, from any change of administration, be buried in darkness; or, that the details to which be had alluded, and the policy that was founded on them, should by any circumstance be prevented from being sifted to the bottom. While the country had made great and extraordinary sacrifices and exertions, they ought to know, on what account those sacrifices and those exertions were required. In undertaking this discussion, he was fully aware of the severe loss which the present ministers had sustained, by being deprived of the assistance of that great man, to whom the system was chiefly indebted for its existence, and who was therefore the most completely qualified to uphold and defend it. Still, however, he trusted, that there were individuals remaining, capable of explaining the line of conduct that had been adopted, and in what way government had discharged the sacred trust that had been reposed in them. With regard to the course of proceeding which parliament ought to adopt in this important investigation, in his opinion nothing could be more desirable, than that it should be immediately commenced. But in the present situation in which the administration of the country was placed, he should be sorry by any proposition of his to embarrass their proceedings. It was likewise material, that when this discussion came on, none of those individuals should be absent, whose distinguished talents and political perspicacity qualified them so well for the enquiry. But it might happen, that trusts confided in those individuals, would render it necessary for them to withdraw for a time from the house. For these reasons he should not fix a day for the discussion, but would content himself with merely moving, that these papers do lie on the table. From their nature, it was impos- sible that they could pass by without discussion. The pecuniary and political stipulations which they contained, must subject them to the cognizance of the house. As at that moment he might not be in a situation to exercise a discretionary power on the kind of reformation which it might be expedient to bring forward, he hoped that, while he did not press for any improper disclosures, those gentlemen who should succeed him in office, would be disposed to deal as liberally in affording information, as the present administration had evinced their inclination to do. On to-morrow, or the next day, he hoped to have it in his power to bring down some additional papers, and he should then be happy to receive any suggestions that might be offered to him.

observed, that from the nature of the subject which had been opened by the noble lord, it was impossible there should be any discussion on it at present, because many of the papers which had been alluded to were not yet before the house; neither was the nature of them at present perfectly known; and as to those which were before the house, they would require time for their perusal, and this must be done before a judgment was formed of the merits of the engagements entered into by the different powers. The question, therefore, which might arise out of them, must be deferred a while; and other questions should be previously determined—Whether the papers already brought forward, and those promised to be added to them, would be sufficient? or whether others might be desirable? And that again might depend on another question, which was, whether, if desirable, they could with propriety be laid before the house? All these matters must be decided before the general question of the conduct of the allies could be considered, as far as Great Britain had any share in their operations. And this appeared to him to answer the observation of the noble lord, as to the regret he seemed to feel that the subject was not discussed on the first night of the session: for either in the view of the case with reference to the papers themselves, or the conduct which followed the agreement to which they related, it was out of the question, until the house had a full perusal of them; but the amendment intended to have been submitted to the house by his noble friend (lord H. Petty) was calculated to have called forth all the information to which the noble lord, who spoke last, had just alluded; and he could not help thinking, there was good foundation for asking for that information, and also for the expressions in the amendment, the object of which was to convey a sense of the house, against trusting any more of the resources of the country in the hands of incapable ministers. It was the duty of the house to take care, before they granted any farther supplies, that they should not be under the management of improper persons. As to all the detail, part of which had been opened to-night by the noble lord, it was imprudent to go into it now, because the house, at present, had not the requisite information, and that reason he should certainly not comment on the general line of defence for administration, which the noble lord had thought fit to-night, with such imperfect materials before the house, to anticipate. With respect to farther enquiry, that was a point which the house would consider after the papers were laid before it, and after time had been taken to peruse them. Until those papers shall have been duly considered, the house could not possess the means of judging on the subject. The noble lord hinted, said the hon. gent., that it is not probable that he and those with whom he acts will be in power when that discussion may be entered upon. Who are to succeed them I do not know; but I am quite sure that those persons, be they who they may, ought to possess all the information to which the noble lord has alluded, some time before they proceed on that discussion, and that is a question entirely open now, and to which I beg to be understood as not giving any pledge, as to any opinion I may form, for that must depend on the papers, with the nature of which I am at present unacquainted. I say, again, that a correct view of that matter cannot be taken without adverting to the internal circumstances of this country. There may be, indeed, cases, as the amendment states, not necessary for such an enquiry, and on which some resolution might be entered into; but when considered with reference to the papers, it may, perhaps, appear not to be necessary to enter upon such an enquiry, at least for a while. At all events, the propriety of entering into it will stand upon a very different footing from that on which it stood on the first day of the session. Mostclear it is, that the consideration of the papers should come first: that of the con- duct of government is another matter on which, before the papers are considered, as things are now partly explained, he would be a very unwise man who would deliver an opinion.

said, he supposed that the papers already presented would be printed and delivered in the usual way. He did not exactly understand, whether or not the noble lord had produced those papers which related to paints of the confederacy that had not been acted upon, as well as to those which had. He had listened with considerable attention, while the clerk had been reading the titles of these papers. He had heard him mention treaties between Great Britain and Sweden; treaties between Great Britain and Russia, and the accession of Austria to one of the latter; but he had not heard him state any direct treaty between the king of Great Britain and the emperor of Austria. He wished to know from the noble lord, whether or not this was an omission.

in explanation, informed the hon. member, that these papers had been compiled from official acts, and not from correspondences. The hon. gent. would find, that there were three treaties between Great Britain and Sweden, and one treaty between Great Britain and Russia, to which latter treaty, Austria having acceded, it was thereby effectually constituted a treaty between Great Britain and Austria.—As he was on his legs, he should explain a circumstance connected with these treaties. The treaty with Russia consisted of 15 articles, one of which not having been ratified, the remaining 14 only were binding. Of these 14, only 9 had been laid on the table; the remaining 5 being of a complexion, which would render the exposure of them a dereliction of the trust reposed in the administration of this country, of which declaration on his part, the hon. gent. would soon have an opportunity of ascertaining the ground.

wished to learn, whether any thing was now before the house, or intended to be laid hefore the house, relative to the orders sent to the British troops on the continent, either in Hanover or elsewhere.

said, that the papers, at present brought forward, were confined to official acts; if the hon. gent. wished any information on the subject to which he alluded, he should be happy to received his commands.

asked how the troops of the continent were composed, as to numbers, at the commencement of the campaign?

said, that the amount of the force on the continent, exclusive of British, Swedish, and the minor military powers of Germany, which his majesty's government had reason to expect were actually in the field on the 1st of October last, formed an aggregate of only 5000 short of 500,000 men; that is to say, 180,000 Rassinus, and 315,000 Austrians, exclusive of 20,000 militia in the Tyrol; and what rendered this credible to his majesty's ministers was, that in the month of June they were assured, in an official note, received by his majesty's government from the Austrian ambassador at the court of London, that the effective force of that power, actually in the field, was 200,000 men, and that it was expected in the course of the month to carry it up to 300,000 men.—The question was then put, and the papers were ordered to lie on the table.

in pursuance of the notice which he had yesterday given, wished to call the attention of the house to the important subject, which he trusted the house would allow that he was justified in having postponed to the present moment. He meant the transcendant victory gained by lord Nelson, and the glorious victory subsequently obtained by sir R. Strachan, of both of which he felt his complete in adequacy to speak in terms in any degree commensurate with their merits. He would preface his address to the house on this occasion by a short history of the naval campaign, if it might be so called, that preceded these brilliant actions. The operations of this campaign commenced with the sailing of a French squadron from Rochefort to the West Indies, which was immediately followed by admiral Cochrane. This squadron only gave an opportunity to the brave admiral Prevost of shewing how an infinitely inferior British force could defend itself from hostile attacks. A squadron of 18 sail of the line then sailed from Toulon, which was instantly pursued by the immortal Nelson; and although they were considerably, superior in numbers, and in strength, they quitted the West Indies without having attained any object of the least importance. And here it was impossible for him to forget the gloomy apprehensions, that were at that time entertained by some individuals of this house. There was no disaster that could befal the country, which they did not predict, as the probable consequence of what they were pleased to term the shameful neglect of his majesty's ministers. But not only were these prophecies of irreparable injury to our commerce and colonial possessions, completely falsified by the event, but, owing to the able arrangements made by the noble lord at the head of the admiralty, the country had been enabled to avert the apprehended danger, and to heap destruction on the enemy. No sooner had advice been received from lord Nelson, that the French squadron had left the West Indies, on their return to Europe, and that it was his intention to push for the Streights' mouth, with the hope of intercepting them, than the admiralty ordered the Brest squadron to suspend ordered the Brest squadron to suspend the blockade of that port, and the Rochefort squadron to proceed off cape Finistrerre, to reinforce admiral Calder's division. Thus, there were three squadrons, which, by the able management of the admiralty board, were placed in situations in which they were likely to meet with the enemy. This event happened accordingly, and the result was, the engagement with the squadron commanded by sir R. Calder, which terminated in considerable success; two sail of the line having been captured from the enemy. Immediately afterwards the French fleet meeting with that from Ferrol, retired to Cadiz to the amount of 34 sail of the line. Not many days clapsed, before a British force was stationed in the bay of Cadiz, adequate to the blockade of the enemy's fleet; and towards the conclusion of the month of Sept. lord Nelson assumed the command, previous to the great action then approaching. Lord Nelson detached a division of this fleet to the Mediterranean. Fortunate, indeed, was it for his fame that he had done so, for it was indisputably apparent, that nothing but the knowledge of this reduction of lord Nelson's force, and the supposition that it amounted only to 21 sail, instead of 27, would have induced the combined fleets to come out and offer battle. Their object was to form a junction with the division in Carthagena, and then to have appeared in the Mediterranean with a fleet approaching to 50 sail, which, in the existing circumstances of Europe, they imagined would have excited a sensation considerably favourable to their views of ambition and aggrandisement. When he contemplated the glorious engagement which had been the result of this attempt on the part of the French, he felt it difficult to select any feature on which to dwell with peculiar praise. Never was there a more complete victory by a superior force over an inferior; never was there such a victory by an inferior force, when contending with a superior force. In every view of the subject, which even professional men could possibly take, they scarcely could suppose it in the power of one fleet to capture from another, not stationary, but under sail, the great number of 19 sail. It was a new species of success in our naval annals, and went practically far beyond what theorists had conceived it possible to accomplish in their speculations. The wonders attending this most brilliant action, were not confined to the day of combat. He should feel that he had fulfilled but half his duty to the brave men who shared in that engagement, if he did not assign to them the praise which was their due, for the firmness and perseverance with which, after having contended with the enemy, they proceeded successfully to struggle with the elements. Then was it too, that that generous spirit of self-devotion to the benefit of their fellow-creatures, those exalted principles, which it had been the glory of ancient France to cultivate, and which it has been the endeavour of modern France to extinguish; then was it that those feelings which it became every man to entertain, and every man to exercise, were proudly manifested.—But, however our admiration might be excited by this illustrious action, it was impossible not to consider, with similar sensations, the achievement of the division under sir R. Strachan, in which that gallant admiral took from the enemy every thing that they presented to him. What effect the exertions of these brave men might have had on the affairs of Europe, under more fortunate auspices, it was impossible to calculate. They had withdrawn 25 sail of the line from the service of enemy, 15 of which were French, and ten Spanish. Of 25, ten had been transferred to the service of this country. The relative situation, therefore, of the navy of this country, and of the navies of our enemies, was altered by a difference of 35 sail of the line, being equal to nearly one half of the whole naval force of the enemy. This advantage, however, was not the sole result; but from the admirable superintendence of admiralty board, no interruption had arisen from the injury which our fleets necessarily sustained in these severe contests. Other ships were prepared immediately to supply these deficiencies. It was not the least extraordinary circumstance attending these brilliant transactions, that after such a combat with the enemy, and such a contest with the elements, we had the heartfelt satisfaction to see every individual ship that had been engaged, brought back safely to a British port, and the enemy were thus precluded from the ostentatious self-congratulations, in which they doubtless would have indulged, had a single British vessel fallen a victim to their arms or to the fury of the elements. Every one must feel, that the security of the empire, so far as it depended on our naval strength, was placed on a firmer basis than ever. He could not refrain from mentioning, that the victory of Trafalgar had happened on a day which was calculated to make the head of the French empire feel, that there was yet a power in the world, capable of controlling his restless ambition. On that very day he had been declaring the designs which he meditated against this country, and on that very day he received, in the chastisement of his fleets, a lesson which, it was to be hoped, he would never forget, and which would teach him what he had to expect from the gallantry and determined bravery of Britons—But it was impossible that these exploits should be performed, and that the country should be satisfied with a silent admiration. He pretended not to do justice to that misfortune, in the loss of the noble hero, who commanded in chief, to which, however, justice had been done by the unaffected letter of the gallant Admiral who had succeeded him. Such indeed were the feelings of regret at the decease of the noble viscount, that it became a question, whether they did not exceed the exultation which his victory had occasioned. There was every thing to praise in the character of the noble individual be had alluded to, whose life from his veryt infancy had been a life of heroism. There was something apparently intuitive in his nature, which prompted him to the execution of grand schemes, which appeared to be out of the resources of his profession. He had the power of attaching individuals to him by his amiable qualities, he controlled them by the superior mind which he displayed, and his genius and his fortune conspired to enable him to lead them to successful enterprise. In considering the whole of the victories which had shed lustre on his name, it would be found, that each was marked with traits peculiar and distinguishing. If the house reverted to the battle of Aboukir, they must recollect his daring and successful attempt to pass between the line and the shore. His conduct at Copenhagen evinced equal originality, and indeed his whole life was a series of brilliant achievements, which proved the magnitude and the variety of the resources of his capacious mind. In considering the loss, we should also consider every thing that could afford consolation. It too frequently happened that great souls were enshrined in feeble frames. This was the case with that illustrious character; and he contended with the various maladies by which he was assailed, with so little success, that the day might possibly have arrived when he might be placed in opposition to the enemy with diminished powers. It was therefore some degree of consolation, that the great history of his life had been wound up in honour, that his fame was out of the reach of misfortune. He was sure that he should disappoint the house, if he did not shortly advert to what his majesty in his beneficence had determined to do, to mark the sense which the crown entertained of his services. The individual was past gratitude, but the name remained; and he was convinced that the country was desirous that some signal mark of public acknowledgment should be bestowed on them. With respect to the quantum of that acknowledgment, it was impossible to measure it by those services. Without, therefore, looking to what was commensurate to the benefit derived from the noble viscount's services, it was rather considered what was fitting for the country to allow. He did not know whether those with whom he acted would have the power of conferring this acknowledgment, but he was sure, that from whomsoever it might proceed, it would be accompanied with that liberality which was characteristic of British gratitude. It was proposed to make a provision for his widow, correspondent to the rank which she held in society, and to the claim which she possessed on public gratitude. The sum in contemplation was an annuity for lady Nelson's life of 2000l. This was, of course, unconnected with the subject of the royal intimation, which recommended the affixing some splendid ap- pendages to the present earl. It certainly was not necessary to make for that noble, man a provision so munificent as to remove him from the sphere in which he now moved. It had been thought expedient, that this provision should be made not as a grant to the family, but as national property, intrusted to their possession; that it should be invested in lands; and that though a magnificent palate should not he erected, yet that an edifice conformable to their public rank and estimation should be built for the family. With a view to these objects, it was in contemplation to appropriate the sum of 200,000l. to be vested in the hands of public trustees, the two houses of parliament, and other high characters, to be applied in the manner which seemed best calculated to obtain the end proposed. It had occurred to government, that this would be consistent with the rank which it was desirable that the family of lord Nelson should bear in the country, without going on too exaggerated a scale.—It was unnecessary for him to trespass any longer on the attention of the house. Any thing, indeed, that he could say, would be far from enough to manifest the sense, which he, in common with the country at large, entertained of the services of the illustrious hero. Great, however, as was the national loss in this instance, he could not but think that it was attended by a national advantage. He could not but think, that he would serve as a model for his profession to study. He did shewn, through the course of a long life, what determined perseverance, and unshaken devotion to his country, could accomplish. It was a great object, in any service, to know what could be done in that service. The life and achievements of lord Nelson would continue to animate the British navy to the end of time. He certainly did not mean to say, that our navy required any thing to render it more courageous in presence of an enemy, but still the example of lord Nelson would shew them what skill and enterprize, combined with bravery, was capable of effecting. He had thought it an act of his parliamentary duty not to pass over (to do justice to, was beyond his power) the splendid character whom all had so much reason to lament. He trusted that he should not be supposed insensible of the merits of the gallant officers under lord Nelson, of the merits of lord Collingwood, lord Northesk and sir R. Strachan; never, indeed, was there an instance in which every man had done his duty so completely as in the occurrences then under the consideration of the house. He must therefore hope to stand acquitted, of having allowed the absorbent merit of one character to induce him to withhold his gratitude from the rest.—The noble lord concluded with moving; 1. "That an humble address be presented to his majesty, that his majesty will be graciously pleased to give directions, that a monument be erected in the cathedral church of St. Paul, London, to the memory of the late ever-to-be-lamented lord viscount Nelson, who fell gloriously in the moment of the most brilliant and decisive victory, obtained by his skill and enterprise over the combined fleet of France and Spain, off Cape Trafalgar, on the 21st of October last; and to assure his majesty that this house will make good the expence attending the same." 2. "That the thanks of this house be given to vice-admiral lord Collingwood, for his able and gallant conduct in the most glorious and decisive victory obtained by the late vice-admiral lord viscount Nelson, over the combined fleet of France and Spain, off Cape Trafalgar, on the 21st of October last."

took this opportunity of observing, that it was meant hereafter to propose, that some provision should be made for lord Collingwood and sir R. Strachan.

enquired whether or not any reward was intended for the earl of Northesk?

replied in the affirmative.

objected to this second resolution; that it did not come up to the services of the noble lord, as it merely stated them generally under the term "able and gallant conduct," without that distinct enumeration to which, in his opinion, they were indubitably entitled.

answered, that this had not escaped the attention of his majesty's ministers. On an ample consideration of the subject, however, whatever might be the high sense entertained by them of the gallant lord's conduct, it had been deemed adviseable, to prevent the establishment of a precedent which might create confusion in some future case where differences of opinion might exist, to conform the resolution to the words usually adopted on similar occasions. The noble lord then moved, 3. "That the thanks of this house he given to rear-admiral the earl of Northesk, and the several captains and officers in the fleet under the command of the late lord viscount Nelson, who, by their bravery and good conduct, contributed to that most glorious and decisive victory; and that vice-admiral lord Collingwood do signify the same to rear-admiral the earl of Northesk, and the several captains and officers." 4. "That this house doth highly approve of, and acknowledge, the services of the seamen and marines on board the ships under the command of the late lord viscount Nelson, in the most glorious and decisive victory over the combined fleet of France and Spain off Cape Trafalgar, on the 21st of October last; and that the officers commanding the several ships do signify the same to their respective crews, and do thank them for their good behaviour." 5. "That an humble address be presented to his majesty, that his majesty will be graciously pleased to give directions, that monuments he erected in the cathedral church of St. Paul, London, to the memory of capt. George Duff, and capt. John Cooke, who fell gloriously in that signal victory; and to assure his majesty, that this house will make good the expence attending the same." 6. "That the thanks of this house he given to rear-admiral sir R. Strachan, bart, for his able and gallant conduct in the defeat and capture of a French squadron, on the 4th day of Nov. last." 7. "That the thanks of this house be given to the captains and officers in the squadron under the command of sir R. Strachan, bart. who by their bravery and good conduct contributed to the success of that day; and that rear-admiral sir R. Strachan, bart. do signify the same to the several captains and officers." The above resolutions were put, and carried, nem. con.

then moved, 8. "That this house doth highly approve of, and acknowledge, the services of the seamen and marines on board the ships under the command of rear-admiral sir R. Strachan, bart. in the victory obtained over the squadron of the enemy on the 4th day of Nov. last; and that the officers commanding the several ships do signify the same to their respective crews, and do thank them for their good behaviour." On the speaker putting the question,

begged leave to offer a few words. He had made no reply to the speech of the noble lord opposite, because he was anxious that the motions proposed should have the reality as well as the appearance of unanimity. There were two points which seemed to him to call for comment. The one was the liberty which the noble lord had taken, in introducing into a speech of the nature of that which he had just delivered, a panegyric on the admiralty board, for which any other time would certainly have been preferable to the present. The other was on the omission of any mark of his majesty's gratitude to lord Northesk. He believed that if we looked back at the whole history of our naval victories, we should not meet with a single instance in which, in such a large fleet, the third in command had not received some distinction from the royal favour. The earl of Northesk was the only person whose merit had passed unnoticed.

declared that he felt it impossible so speak on the subject which had this evening been the theme of his commendation, and separate that subject from some mention of the conduct of the admiralty board. He trusted he did not go farther in this respect than what he was warranted to do by the occasion. Certainly, if he had felt entitled to express his full sentiments of the laborious services of the distinguished individual at the head of that department of government, he should not have confined his approbation within such narrow limits. He had never the pleasure of knowing that nobleman until he came into office, but the manner in which he had conducted himself, had shewn him eminently worthy of the situation. He had not only been assiduously attentive to the military operations of our navy, but had been indefatigably engaged in digesting and modifying the practice in the civil department; and if he were now to quit the high office which he held, he would quit it after having planted deep the roots of the naval strength of the empire. With regard to the earl of Northesk, he had no difficulty in saying, that though no intimation of that nature had been made to the house, his majesty certainly destined for that gallant nobleman a strong mark of his favour, which was to create him a knight of the bath.

thought there was no reason assigned for the delay. He begged it to be understood, that he had not the least intention to convey an idea of any disrespect present first lord of the admiralty; he only objected to the mode in which praise had been introduced, and which ought to have been confined to those who were the objects of it. He should have made the same objection to the praise, as not belonging to the subject before the house, even if lord Spencer or lord St. Vincent were at the head of the admiralty, were they to be made the objects of praise when the real subject related to officers whose skill and courage had achieved a victory. Nay, so unconnected was that idea with the might be a contrast to the other, and borrow some of its excellence from the defects of the other. Here again he must repeat, he had no intention to say one word against the present first lord of the admiralty; but praising government when naval officers were alone the objects of praise was a bad mode of doing things; it was uniting two subjects which had no connection with each other. It was not usual neither, and would be a bad precedent. It was not attempted, when thanks were voted to lord Howe or lord St. Vincent.

conceiving that some part of the noble lord's observations alluded to remarks which had fallen from him on a former occasion, respecting the conduct of the admiralty, and the unprotected state of our West-India Islands, said, that he saw nothing in the speech of the noble lord to induce him to alter his opinion. If the evils which he apprehended had not come to pass, it was owing to Providence or the bad conduct of the enemy. He accused his majesty's ministers of a culpable delay in conferring a reward on rear-admiral lord Northesk.

denied that there was any unnecessary delay; and affirmed that the allegation was highly disrespectful to his majesty.

denied with warmth, the charge of disrespect to his sovereign, which he should be the last man to be guilty of. He persisted in accusing the ministry of culpable neglect, in omitting to reward lord Northesk. Were the merits of that noble admiral doubtful? Was not a peerage immediately sent to admiral Collingwood? Why was not the same promptitude shewn in respect to lord Northesk?

explained, that the delay was solely occasioned by a wish to consider maturely of the best method of conferring a reward on the noble lord who was the subject of debate.

observed, that admiral Harvey, who commanded the Temeraire, had also distinguished himself most honurably in one of the engagements, which gave a foundation for the thanks of the house being voted. Having been an old companion, and an old fellow-member in that house, he would have been glad if that honourable and gallant officer's name had been also mentioned in the vote of thanks. He should, therefore, conclude in the words of the song—

"How' twould cheer

"Our hearts to hear,

"That our old Companion he was one."

reported from the committee of supply, the resolutions which the committee had directed him to report to the house; which are as follows, viz. "1. That 120,000 men be employed for the sea service for the year 1806, including 29,000 royal marines. 2. That a sum, not exceeding 2,886,000l. be granted to his majesty, for wages of the said 120,000 men, for 13 months, at the rate of 1l. 17s. per man per month. 3. That a sum not exceeding 2,964,000l. be granted to his majesty for victuals for the said 120,000 men, for 13 months, at the rate of 1l. 18s. per man per month. 4. That a sum, not exceeding 4,680,000l. be granted to his majesty, for the wear and tear of the ships in which tha said 120,000 men are to serve, for 13 months, at the rate of 3l. per man per month. 5. That a sum, not exceeding 389,000l. be granted to his majesty, for ordnance for sea service on board the ships in which the said 120,000 men are to serve, for 13 months, at the rate of 5s. per man per month."