moved the 2d reading of the Public Harbours bill.

did not mean to oppose the 2d reading of this bill; but, as much and valuable private property might be affected by its operation, trusted that care would be taken, in the committee, to provide for the protection of that property. No objection could be felt to the measure, if it was only to extend to the king's harbours of Plymouth, Portsmouth, Sheer- ness, &c.; but, to other places it might be seriously injurious.

informed the hon. member, that the bill was to extend to all harbours in the united kingdom, commercial as well as naval. Its object was, purely, to prevent nuisances, .and to preserve the anchorage in the state in which it is at present in each.

as the bill was to prevent nuisances, suggested to the hon. bart. and to his noble friend (lord H. Petty), the propriety of introducing a clause into it, for removing nuisances in harbours. The harbour of Limerick, the city he represented, and one of the best commercial harbours in the kingdom, was choaked up by rocks, which, by estimate, might be removed at an expence of 2,000l.

reminded the hon. col., that these rocks were a natural obstruction, not a nuisance in the harbour; and, that the proper mode of originating any grant, for the removal of them, would be, to submit a proposition, to that effect, in a committee of the whole house.

admitted, that the suggestion of his hon. friend was entitled to the consideration of the house, and might be a subject for future discussion. As the object of it, however, was a grant of the public money, no clause, to that effect, could be introduced into the present bill.

recommended his hon. friend, not to press his suggestion in this instance; the mention of it, however, had been attended with this good effect, that, by the observations of the noble lord, his hon. friend was directed in what manner his object might be attained next session.—The bill was then read a 2d time.

moved for leave to bring in a bill, to regulate the business of pilots navigating the British seas. The necessity of such a bill, he said, was become as obvious, as its utility must be important to the commercial interests of these countries, inasmuch as the losses sustained every year, both of property and lives, in consequence of the business of pilotage being frequently undertaken by persons unlicensed, ignorant, and unskilful, loudly called for some such regulations as he intended in the bill. He did not mean to press it through the house at this late. period of the session; but, merely, that it should be read the 1st and 2d time; and go into a committee, for such amendments as should immediately appear necessary; and then to be printed, for the information of the parties interested, in order to such further suggestions as might be made, and to bring the measure forward in the next session of parliament, in as perfect a form as possible.

seconded the motion, and only regretted the absence of several members interested in commercial concerns, who, he was sure, if they were present, would heartily approve the measure, and cheerfully join with him, in returning thanks to the noble lord for bringing it forward. It was not merely from the ignorance or unskilfulness of such pilots, that the extensive losses, in property and life, alluded to by the noble lord, annually occurred; but from their combinations, their obstinacy, and their desire of extortion, in refusing to go out for the assistance of vessels in rough weather, or apparent danger, until they had made the most exorbitant stipulations with the mercantile interests in the different ports, for the reward of their services; by which means their assistance was often delayed so long, as to come too late for the salvation of ship or crew. He hoped, therefore, the bill would include some measure of effectual regulation.—The motion was agreed to; and lord Temple presented the bill, which was read the 1st time.

moved the order of the day, for the house to resolve itself into a committee on this bill; and, upon the question, that the speaker do now leave the chair,

rose, he said, with considerable reluctance, to oppose a measure so congenial to the sense which the country entertained of the eminent services of that noble lord, in remuneration of which these annuities were now proposed. But, participating, as he did, most sincerely, in those feelings, he could not, consistently with the principles he entertained, and his sense of duty as an individual member of parliament, assent to so large an appropriation of the public money, in the present arduous circumstances. When he considered that 300,000 or 400,000l. had been recently added to the public burthens, for an increase of pay to the army and navy, and that .every class of society was loaded with imposts to support the exigencies of the country, lie could not consent to the grant of the public money in any way not absolutely and indispensably necessary; and, feeling, as he did, that an allowance of 5000l. a year had already been voted to the representative of the noble lord, who succeeded to his title, he thought it amply sufficient, without any farther allowance to his relations. Had the noble lord himself been living, to enjoy the public remuneration of his splendid services, he should not be the person to oppose a grant, even to a much greater extent: but, as the grant now proposed was not for the noble lord, nor any of his lineal descendants, but for his relations, certainly very nearly allied to him, he could not think of increasing the grant already made, until, at least, some considerable reduction was made in the public debt of the nation; until it was brought down to 200 millions, from the 500 millions at which it now stood. It would, possibly, be right, for the house to have in view what parliament had done, in similar circumstances, upon a former occasion; and the most apposite precedent which occurred to him was, the case of the duke of Marlborough, in the reign of queen Anne; when, in consequence of a message from her majesty, on the 10th of June, 1702, recommending to the house a provision of 5000l. a year for that nobleman, that provision was made. He then moved, that the proceedings on that occasion be now read from the journals. [The proceedings on the 10th of June, 1702, were accordingly read, being the message received from her majesty, recommending the important public services of the noble duke, as well by his negotiations, as by his splendid victories, to the liberality of parliament; and also the subsequent proceedings of the 18th of the same month, in which the house voted an address, in compliance with her majesty's request.] The hon. col. said, he was ready to allow, that the services of lord Nelson to his country, were as splendid and important as those of the duke of Marlborough; and that 5000l. a year, at that day, was a much greater sum, in effect, than .the like sum, at this; but, then, the comparative circumstances of the country, in both periods, were also totally different. In the former, we owed scarcely any national debt; now, we had one of 500 millions; and, until all that could be reduced, considering all the other circumstances of the country, and that it was not lord Nelson who was to enjoy the reward of his services, he thought 5000l. a year amply sufficient; and, when the reduction he men- tioned should have taken place, he would have no objection to vote a much larger grant.

observed, that the hon. colonel's object could only be properly attained in the committee. He then left the chair. Upon the house resolving itself into the committee,

in reply to the statements of the hon. col. (Wood), observed, that the grant now proposed bore no proportion to the allowances made to the duke of Marlborough; for, independently of the 5000l. a year, settled upon that illustrious person, no less than 7 manors were granted to him by the crown. The palace of Blenheim was, also, built for him at the public expence. Queen Anne had this building commenced; but the tory administration, towards the close of her reign, thought proper, most unworthily, to prevent its proceeding. Upon the accession, however, of George I. 42,000l. which were found remaining due to the workmen employed during the former reign, were paid, pursuant to an act of parliament, and the building was proceeded upon to its completion. The right hon. gent. added, that he understood, from the executors of Sarah duchess of Marlborough, that no less than 500,000l. were laid out, from the public purse, for the buildings at Blenheim. But was the hon. col. when he made the comparison alluded to, aware of the amount of the revenue possessed by the duke of Marlborough, at the time the pension was granted him? his grace then had, from the salaries and perquisites of various offices, no less than 40,000l. a year. Could it, then, be pretended, that there was any parallel between the case of the duke of Marlborough and that of lord Nelson? The one had an immense fortune, which devolved upon his family; while, unfortunately, the other was in very different circumstances. The splendid services of lord Nelson were not productive to him of any pecuniary profits. No; for prize-money, his receipts were insignificant. His proportion of prize-money, ever at the splendid battle of the Nile, was no more than 3090l.; and this, from particular circumstances, was less than the sum which fell to the lot of many of his captains. Indeed, the fortune of this distinguished hero was much less than could at all be supposed by any one unacquainted with the fact. For, he could say, and it was, now, no breach of confidence to state it, that, in the course of some communica- tion which he bad with lord Nelson, the very day before he last sailed from England, the noble lord told him, that all the property he had in the world did not exceed, at the utmost, 15,000l.; and that his debts nearly amounted to that sum. When one, then, considered the nature of the noble lord's services to this country, which, without meaning to depreciate the merit of Any officer, he had no hesitation in saying, were far greater than those of any other officer the country had ever known, great even as the services of the duke of Marlborough Were; having that impression upon his mind, an impression, indeed, which was, as it ought to be, universally prevalent, the right hon. gent. was surprised at the opposition made to a measure which proposed to grant merely sufficient to support the rank, dignity, and name, of this illustrious man. The right hon. gent. repeated that, if the committee would compare the sums allowed to the duke of Marlborough, with that under consideration, he was sure that all objections must disappear.

rose and said: The public part I have already taken, on the subject of this grant, obliges me to say a few words on the present occasion. It does not appear to me, that the hon. gent. (col. Wood), who objects to the motion, has been convicted of any mistake. With respect to the grants successively made to the duke of Marlborough, you must observe the dates, and not confound the services and the periods. The manor of Woodstock was granted, and the expense of the palace provided for, in consequence of the victory at Blenheim, in August 1704. But, it appears by the journals, that, although his services, in the year 1702, were acknowledged in high terms, and that queen Anne desired nothing but, that the allowance of 5000l. a year, which she had granted to him, out of the post-office, for her own life, might be contained to his family, to support the honour of the dukedom, which she had lately conferred upon him, the house of commons positively refused it. No man can think more highly than I do of the services of lord Nelson. It would be invidious to enter into a comparison of personal merits between him and the duke of Marlborough. I shall, therefore, only say that, if the merits were equal, the cases would not be parallel. In the first place, queen Anne thought 5000l. a year quite sufficient to support the rank and title of a Duke; but now it is not thought enough for the title of an Earl. But what make the essential difference, in the two cases, is that the duke of Marlborough was alive and had children living. He, who received the reward, had earned it by acts o his own. Lord Nelson's collateral relations personally, are unknown to the public, ant can have no claim but what they derive from the accidental honour of bearing his name, and from services, in which they had no share. The gratitude, due to his memory, would, in my opinion, be better expressed with less profusion. He, who gives the public money, or his own, with moderation and economy, shews, that he value the thing he gives. Without arguing the question any longer, I adhere to my former opinion.

thought it unnecessary to say any thing as to the merits of lord Nelson, whose character it would be as difficult to exalt by panegyric as to depreciate by calumny. But with respect to the measure before the committee, he observed, that it conveyed a proposition of reward for services of an unparalleled nature, far short indeed of that which was granted to the duke of Marlborough.

remarked, that if 5,000l. a year was, in the days of the duke of Marlborough, deemed necessary to support the dignity of a duke, that sum now, from the comparative value of money, was scarcely adequate to uphold the rank of an earl. But he viewed this grant altogether, not so much as a provision for the family of lord Nelson, as a pledge of national liberality, held out to our navy to encourage an imitation bf that hero's example.

conceived that, if any reference were had to the case of the duke of Marlborough in order to apply that case to the measure before the committee, such application could only serve to suggest a considerable augmentation of the proposed grant. The expence of building Blenheim alone, it appeared, exceeded the amount of the provision contained in this bill. But, independently of this expence, and the other sums alluded to by the right hon. gent. (Mr. Rose), it was to be recollected that the family of the duke of Marlborough still enjoyed a revenue of 5000l. from the post-ounce, which was originally granted in consideration of the services of that distinguished officer. Of the sum which his bill proposed to allow, the noble lord observed that 20,000l, were to be divided between the two sisters of lord Nelson, who were, he was very sorry to say, rather in limited circumstances, but who were the peculiar objects of that hero's care and affection, and both of whom he bequeathed to his country for that provision which it was not in his power to leave them. Could that country then, which he so highly served, hesitate to execute his wishes? After the deduction of the 20,000l. it was intended to apply the remainder of the sum mentioned in the bill to erect a monument, which should transmit to posterity the fame of Nelson, and the services which he had rendered to his country. With regard to the allusions which had been made to economy, he thought them inapplicable in this instance; economy, generally speaking, should meet with his warmest support; but the economy of reward for great public services, he should ever deprecate, particularly at a period like the present, when it was necessary to keep up the tone of the public mind to a level with the dangers of the country; to excite men to emulation by the influence of this example.—As to the remarks of the hon. gent. (Mr. Francis) upon the propriety of granting the proposed sum to the collateral branches of lord Nelson's family, he thought the argument had not the weight that hon. gent. attached to it. For those branches being the objects of the noble lord's solicitude, belonging to his family and bearing his name, were, from all those motives which suggest a reward of this nature, fully entitled to the consideration of parliament. There,was perhaps, no desire that operated more powerfully upon the minds of many men, than the desire of founding a family; and perhaps there was no class of men among whom this desire formed a greater stimulant to action, or a higher object of ambition, than those who composed the officers of the navy,—For what dangers did they encounter, what privations did they submit to, in order to communicate to others those means, those comforts and enjoyments, which they have no opportunity of enjoying themselves!—This feeling, which formed such a prominent feature in the character of a seaman, it was the duty and interest of parliament to cherish and to encourage; and what could serve as a greater encouragement to it, than the example which this bill proposed, of lord Nelson's merits laying the foundation of a distinguished family?—The clauses were then agreed to, and the report ordered to be received to-morrow.

moved the order of the day, for resuming the adjourned debate on the East-India Budget. The house having resolved itself into a committee,

said, that after the clear and satisfactory exposition given by the noble lord (Morpeth) of the present state of the Company's affairs, it was not his intention to have entered into much observation upon them; but, as the hon. general (Wellesley) had, on the first night of the debate, brought forward a variety of statements, which, in fact, amounted to another exposé of those affairs, having, for its object, a justification, or, rather, commendation, of the financial management of lord Wellesley, it became his duty to submit to the house the views he entertained of the principal subjects treated of in the hon. general's speech. But, first, it would be necessary for him to advert to some remarks which had fallen, on the preceding night, from another hon. gent. (Mr. Francis). That hon. gent. had said, that the Company's sales were now acknowledged to be productive of loss. Mr. Grant denied, that any such acknowledgment was made by those connected with the Company, or that the statements on the table would support the hon. gentleman's allegations in respect to loss on the sales. The amount of profit on sales ending 1st March, 1805, Mr. Grant observed, was, by the printed account on the table,

No. 25			£1,172,779
And the charges of all kinds were per said account			1,591,319
Leaving an apparent deficiency of			£418,540
But among these charges, were several articles which did not belong to the commerce, and were entirely of a territorial nature, such as political charges on account of the territory		£267,249
Military ditto		112,234
St. Helena charges are stated at	£76,013
But the average of 3 years is only	63,000
		13,013
The total of these is			£392,496
Leaving a deficit of only			£25,924

And this might fairly be placed, also, to the political charges, because the settlement of St. Helena answered political purposes, as well as commercial, and a part of its charge ought justly to go to the former head. It would be unfair, however, to judge of the result of the Company's Commerce by the last year; because the imports from India, in that year, were most uncommonly small, the receipts from thence having been less than the estimate in the Indian accounts of 1804–5, in the sum of 41,78,282 rupees; and the sales also were, from the unsettled state of Europe, much more unfavourable than usual, as would appear from reverting to the accounts of former years.

In 9 year, from 1795 to 1803, the average of profits was	£1,397,971
In 5 years, from 1799 to 1803, it was	1,677,517
In 2 years, in 1804 and 1805	1,185,307
Difference short, in the average of the 2 last years, per annum	£492,210

The hon. gent said, he should have occasion, in the sequel, to notice some other things, advanced by the hon. gent. (Mr. Francis); but, in the mean time, would address himself to the statement of accounts between India and Europe, which the hon. general had delivered in his speech, on the former night. By that statement, the hon. general made the commerce with Europe to be indebted to the territorial revenue, from April 1798, to April 1804, in the sum of

	£3,578,590
And, from April 1793, to April 1798, in	2,216,032
Both	£5,794,622
To which if the interest on these sums were added, it would be	2,407,839
Making a total of	£8,202,461

He did not question, that the hon. general was satisfied as to the accuracy of the statement he thus brought forward; but it would be found to be extremely erroneous. In an account drawn up with great care at the India House, which he (Mr. Grant) had occasion, in a former session, to produce to the house, and which he now held in his hand, the debits and credits between Britain, on the one hand, and India and China, on the other, from the year 1788–9 to 1802–3, forming a period of 15 years, stood thus:

Total amount of supplies of goods, stores, and bullion, to India and China		£43,353,837
Ditto, of payments in England, on account of India and China		5,085,690
		£48,439,527
Ditto, of receipts from India and China in goods and bills	£46,973,820
Ditto, of receipts in England, on acct. of India	1,599,586
		48,573,406
Balance in favour of India		£133,879

In this account, every thing received from India and, China, in any way, was credited; every thing supplied to them was debited. Goods lost outward bound were not charged to India and China; but goods lost homeward bound, were placed to the credit of India and China. India had also credit for the commercial charges paid there, which were not included in its invoices; and for loss on the sales of exports thither. The exchange was, as usual, at 2s. per current rupee, 2s. 3d. the Bombay rupee, and 6s. 8d. the pagoda. The bills drawn by India and China were debited; the sums received from government in England, for the expences of military expeditions from India, were credited.—Again, by a new account, which he had caused to be made up between India and China, on the one hand, and England, on the other, for 10 years, from 1793–4, to 1802–3,

The total amount of supplies to India and China were		£29,531,583
The total amount of political payments in England, on account of the territory in India, was		3,743,028
Both		£33,274,611
Total amount of receipts from those countries	£33,903,574
Ditto in England, on the account of India	1,599,586
Both		35,503,160
Excess of receipts from India and China, in this peroid		£228,549

The causes of this difference of Result, in the last period of 10 years, appeared to be these:

In the first period, from 1788–9 to 1792–3, the imports from India and China were proportionably less	£752,008
Payment to government at home, more	500,000
Difference of political charges, more	842,661
	£2,094,669
Difference apparent per first account of 15 years	133,879
Total	£222,548

as above.—The hon. gent. said, he had also caused a third account to be made out, chewing the state of Accounts between the same countries for 7 years, from 1798–9 to 1804–5, inclusive; which comprehended nearly the whole time of lord Wellesley's government; and this account stood thus:

Total supplies to India and China		£25,782;632
Political charges paid in England		2,833,227
Both		£ 28,615,859
Total imports	£23,286,507
Payments received in England	4,762,767
		28,079,274
Balance against India		£536,585
To which may be added the balance that appears against India in 1805–6, when the exports to it were very large, and the receipts from it unusually small		1,690,100
Total against India and China, in 8 years, up to 1st Sept. 1805		£2,226,685

There was still another way of reviewing this account:

The balance as above, in a period of 15 years, from 1788—9 to 1802–3, was in favour of India	£133,879
In the two following years, 1803£4 and 1804£5, the balance was against India	642,840
Apparent balance against India and China in 17 years	£508,961

Although these accounts, comprehending a great variety of transactions for a considerable length of time, were not to be contended for as absolutely perfect; yet the hon. gent. said, they were, as far as he knew, just; and he must conclude them to be, in fact, substantially so; and, he did not question, far more accurate than those with which the hon. general had been furnished; though he did not doubt they, also, had been made up without any intentional error.

These statements, produced by the hon. general, made the balance against the commerce, from April 1793, to April 1804	£5,794,622
To which add the balance by Mr. Grant's statements in favour of it, as above	508,961
And the whole difference would be	£6,303,583

It must, therefore, be highly presumable, that there were some great omissions, in the hon. general's accounts, to the credit of England; probably, the bills drawn on England. [General Wellesley dissented from this observation; and it appeared in the debate, on a following night, that the political charges paid in England, on account of the territory, were not credited in the general's statements, and made the principal cause of difference.] On the whole, therefore, there was no evidence, that the commerce owed any thing to the territory, or that any part of the increase of the India debt was to be charged to the commerce. The hon. gent. next adverted to the Account entitled "Stock per Computation;" on which Mr. Francis had made some animadversions. This account shews the whole state and result of the Company's affairs, at home and abroad. In this account, the capital stock, subscribed by the members of the Company, and owing to them, was not included, because an order of the house had directed it to be omitted; but this would make no difference in any one's judgment; and there was a fair reason why it should be omitted, because, when a partnership laid an account of its debits and credits before those to whom it was indebted, it never included the debts owing to the partners, or, in other words, their capital; the question being, only what the partnership owed to others, and what it had to satisfy them. By this account of stock, the Company appear, contrary to all unfavourable insinuations, to be solvent; 1st, as to all the demands upon them from creditors, exclusive of their own body, and, 2dly, as to their own stockholders, thus:

The balance of the Stock per Computation, in favour of the Company, over and above all claims

upon them, except by the stockholders for stock, is	£6,181,267
The value of the stock, at the rates at which it is subscribed, is	7,780,000
And this account exhibits, that to pay up the stockholders, a sum would he wanting of	£1,598,733
But, to answer this apparent balance, there are fortifications, buildings, and a variety of articles, comprised under the head of Dead Stock, which stands in the Company's book, (deducting 400,000l. awarded for that head in the time of queen Anne) at	£9,559,400
Balance in favour	£7,960,667
From which, admit deductions made by government at home, from the Company's claims on it	2,460,000
There will still remain	£5,500,667

which, undoubtedly, must be regarded as a great and valuable mass of property; for which it must be admitted, that the Company would, in all reason, have to receive a very large sum, if, for the sake of argument, it were now supposed, that the territory were to be transferred from them to government. But, besides all this, the Company possess an immense territory; which, by retrenchments, will immediately produce an available surplus, that must, progressively, improve the state of the Company's affairs, by reducing the debt, and the interest on it.—The hon. gent. next proceeded to take a view of the Company's Indian Debt. The hon. general had computed this debt to be, at the end of April 1806, something more than 27 millions sterling; and, of this sum, he estimated about 16 millions to have been incurred during the administration of lord Wellesley. Mr. Grant observed that, according to the Budget Accounts, the Debt had been,

On the 30th of April, 1804	£22,536,207
On the 30th of April, 1805	25,715,760
And on the 30th of April, 1806, by computation	28,500,000

after deducting the amount of the sinking fund. But, as it had been found, after the close of all our wars in India, that there were large arrears due for military expenses, over and above the sums previously reckoned upon in estimates, so he could not help apprehending. that, in the complicated military operations lately carried on upon a scale large beyond all former example, the same thing would be experienced in a considerable degree; and he, therefore, thought it fair to allow, at least, a million and a half for arrears of military charges not yet brought to account. This sum would make the debt, on the 30th of April, 1806, after deducting the amount of the sinking fund, 30 millions sterling. On the accumulation of this debt, he observed, that, in 1793, it had stood at.

	£8,074,865
In 1798, when lord Wellesley's government commenced, at	11,032,645
And in 1806, including the arrears above-mentioned for expences in 1805	30,000,000
So that the accumulation of the Debt, during lord Wellesley's government, would be about 19 millions, instead of 16 millions, besides a sum paid off from 1799 to 1805, by bills on England of	2,532,195

making, altogether, the increase of the Debt, in the 8 years of his lordship's administration, about 21½ millons sterling. How this vast sum had been expended, was a question that required particular investigation, before it could be accurately answered. It was a question of very serious import. Clear it was, that the hon. general's method of accounting for it was not satisfactory, because he had supposed a considerable part to have been incurred by borrowing money in India to supply investments to Europe; which supposition was shewn, to be groundless by the statements Mr. Grant had exhibited. Doubtless, a very large proportion of the Debt had been occasioned by the expenses of the military expeditions undertaken in India, at the desire of the king's government, by the wars we had carried on there since the year 1798, and by the larger balances which the extended scale of our affairs had placed in the various offices and departments of the different presidencies. The increasing Interest on the Debt would, alone, account for the absorption of a large sum of the resources of government.

In 7 years, from 1791–2 to 1797–8, there had been paid, for interest, on the Indian Debt	£3,688,000
In 7 years, from 1789 to 1804–5, the amount of payments for interest is	9,000,000
Making an increase for the payment of Interest in the last 7 years, of	5,440,000

With regard to the debts termed optional, they were understood to be a class of debts contracted since the year 1800, and amounted,

For Bengal, to	£5,022,000
For Madras	1,000,000
Both making	£6,022,000

The characteristic of these Debts was, that the interest as well as the principal was payable in England at the option of the lenders, and both principal and interest at rates of exchange which rendered it probable, that payment of them might he demanded in England. All the other Debts were in a certain sense optional, the principal being also transferable to England, but at a rate of exchange which made it improbable that the holders would avail themselves of that option. Undoubtedly, the contingency of being liable to be called on in England for the payment of only six millions, though any such demand could only come in the course of some years, and so not without affording time for preparation, was a very serious contingency, which ought to be looked at with the other considerations belonging to this subject, unquestionably most alarming, of the Indian Debt.—The great question which now called for attention, was the liquidation of this enormous Debt. It was of a magnitude which left all former example far behind, and, unless means were taken to reduce it, the interest alone must overwhelm the affairs of the company. A plan for this purpose was necessary, and immediately necessary. It should be the first object of consideration, and of any such plan the first principle must be a retrenchment of our expenditure. We had heard much from the hon. general and others, of the increase of our Indian revenues; but in vain are our revenues increased, if the increase of our expenses keeps pace with them, The true question is not, what is the amount of our revenues, but what is the amount of our surplus; and unhappily it will be found, that as our revenues have increased of late years, our surplus has diminished, as will appear from the following particulars:

In the years 1793–4.
Revenue.	Interest.	Charges.	Net Rev.
£. 8294399	£. 526205	£. 6115146	£. 1612226
In the years 1802–3
13464537	1457377	10940324	869988
In the years 1803–4
13273044	1534758	13518170	1779884

And this last year, in which, instead of a surplus, there was so large a deficit, included only a part of the expence of the first war with the Mahratta chiefs Dowlut Row Scindia and the Berar rajah. It was obvious, therefore, that there was a necessity for an available surplus, and in a degree commensurate to the occasion, Without this, all plans for the reduction of our Debt must be chimerical. No ingenuity of plan could relieve that man whose expences were greater than his income. This was hot the time to enter into a discussion of the means of reducing the Debt, but it was clear that an economical spirit was essential; and this being presupposed, of which indeed the recent proceedings of the Bengal government give fair promises, he thought that the reduction was practicable, perhaps even without resorting to an increase of the Company's capital; though he did not conceive the objection of an hon. gentleman (Mr. Francis) to this measure to be sufficient, because, if money could be employed to advantage, as it was clear it could in the present case, it was immaterial whether the advantage was to be in the way of commerce or gain by interest. There were, however, other objections to increasing the capital at present; for, during war, it must be raised on terms comparatively unfavourable, and the public might object to the increase of the capital on such terms, for the purpose of paying off Indian Debt.—As the hon. general had enlarged on the improved state of the Company's credit in India during the administration of lord Wellesley, the hon. gent. said, he felt it necessary to make some remarks on that subject: and, first, with respect to the Sinking Fund established in Bengal. That fund, although it had indeed bought up a considerable sum of the Debt, had in fact given no extraordinary aid to the reduction of it; for it differed essentially in its principle from the Sinking Fund established in England, which with every new provision for the payment of interest on loans, laid an additional tax on the subject to form a fund for the reduction of the principal; here was an addition to the income of the state. But the Bengal Sinking Fund was formed by no such addition of income. It had only a part of an income existing before, appropriated to this particular object of buying up Company's paper, and an equal reduction might have been effected by the same sum in directly paying off debt, without any establishment of a Sinking Fund, the establishment of which, as all the available surplus of the Bengal revenue was pledged to the public to be primarily applied to pay off debt, seemed to trench on the faith of Government in respect to that pledge, and if it were true, as he had heard, that the advances to the Sinking Fund were even anticipated by loans from the treasury, this was certainly a direct violation of the pledge that had been given. On the other hand, it was to be admitted, that the purchases of Company's paper, by the sinking fund, served to keep up the credit of that paper. It was true, also, that the new optional loans, being given on far better terms to the lenders, than the earlier loans, did contribute to give an increased value to one description, at least, of Company's paper; but it was because the thing was really better; but there were several weighty objections to these loans: they frustrated the old remittance plan, for liquidating the Company's debt; they might be productive of very serious embarrassments to the Company's finances at home; and, above all, they were a dangerous instrument in the hands of any government, by enabling it to undertake schemes of conquest and ambition unsuitable to the intrinsic powers of our Indian government, and our true line of policy.—As to the merit that had been ascribed to lord Wellesley, for the reduction which had taken place in his time, in the rates of discount on the Company's paper, it would be found, on investigation, to result from causes distinct from increased confidence in the government, of increased prosperity in the public affairs. The sinking fund, as already observed, otherwise a measure liable to objection, bad raised the value of the paper. The new paper issued, being of a better description than the old, was not only at a lower discount itself, but served to diminish the discount on the rest.—The property of the community in India was much increased; for, as the government became poor, the subjects became rich; and, therefore, more money was brought into the market to purchase paper, which enhanced its value. Great part of the nine millions sterling, paid for interest on the Debt, in the last 7 years, had, doubtless, gone for the purchase of new paper;—and, as the old loans, on which the discount had been highest, drew, in the course of time, nearer to the turn of payment, they, of course, became more valuable;, whilst new paper, bearing the same disadvantageous conditions, was not again issued; all which will account for an improvement in the rates of discount, without ascribing it to the merit of government, or the confidence reposed in it; though it may be also true, that the éclat of victories and conquests might have raised sanguine expectations of future prosperity, to those who looked no farther.—As to the general influence of the late wars in India, on the affairs of the Company he would not take this occasion of going into a digression, on a subject deserving of direct and serious discussion; but be thought it right, just to observe, that those wars had enormously increased the expenses and the Debt of the Company, without adding any security necessary to us; without even adding, permanently, much to our revenues; and at the expense of our reputation, for justice and moderation, in the eyes of India.—Before concluding, he wished to say a few words on the treaties lately concluded by sir Geo. Barlow, which had been censured by an hon. gent. (Mr. Francis), as precipitate.. Mr. Grant said, they were conducted according to the general principles established by the legislature, and the orders of the Company; according to the positive instructions lord Cornwallis had carried out, and the opinions and Commenced measures of that ever-to-be-lamented nobleman; that they were also to be justified by financial propriety; for, if, as an hon. general had said, there was no financial necessity for them, (which he (Mr. Grant) did not admit,) there was, at least, great financial expediency; there was no just object for carrying on the war; every thing was against it; and, therefore, the sooner it a as terminated, consistently with our credit, which these treaties have preserved, the better.—As to the severe censures which the same hon. gent.(Mr. Francis) states the court to have passed on sir G. Barlow, they were confined to an expression of the court's great surprise, that the members of the board should have submitted to a virtual exclusion from their official functions, by the assumptions of the governor-general; but as to sudden change in the conduct of sir G. Barlow, with regard to the line of policy he had acquiesced in under lord Wellesley's government, it was not to be ascribed to a mean compliance, but to his sense of duty, on learning what he had not distinctly understood before, the positive determination of the authorities at home to change the system of foreign policy which lord Wellesley had followed. Sir G. Barlow had conducted himself, in the late negociations consequent of the views entertained at home, with great vigour and ability; his general merits were acknowledged, even by administration; and he was in high esteem with the Company, although they had not, on account of his acquiescence in the measures of lord Wellesley, at first nominated him provisional successor to lord Cornwallis; and, indeed, although they had been strangely censured for sending out that nobleman in a dying state, Mr. Grant solemnly declared, that he had no idea of his being in ill health when he went out; otherwise, neither he, nor any one who loved that most amiable man, would have contributed to his going out. But, in fact. sir G. Barlow, by standing next to lore Cornwallis, had all the benefit, and so bad the service, of a provisional appointment, saving only the exercise of the extraordinary powers of governor-general at the presidency, which was not likely to be of any importance.—As to the question, that had lately been very warmly agitated, concerning the removal of sir G. Barlow, and the appointment of a successor to him, Mr. G. said, he should, for different reasons, then abstain from entering into it. It had already taken a determinate shape. The body with which he was connected, had followed a line concerning it, in forbearing to bring it before that house, which he should acquiesce in; and he himself, who had, in the earlier proceedings, been, as chairman, party concerned, had, he Understood, been misrepresented in some things, though he did not know by whom, nor, exactly, in what terms; but, he had endeavoured to bring what had been whispered into light; to bring it into a tangible shape, in order to its refutation; of which he was most confident; for, he solemnly declared that, in the whole, of the transaction alluded to, as far as he was concerned, he had acted uprightly and conscientiously, as his friend (Mr. Smith) the deputy-chairman, than whom a more honourable man did not exist, had also done; and they were most anxious for an opportunity of vindicating themselves; and should be obliged to any gentleman in that house, or out of it, to aid them, in bringing any thing alleged against their conduct into light.

in reply to the hon. gent. (Mr. Grant), and observer, that he knew not how fur the speeches and statement of the hon. ex-chairman had tended to dispel the gloomy apprehensions which must have arisen from the result of the candid and perspicuous detail of the. noble lord (Morpeth) on a former night. He knew not how far he might venture to calculate upon the impression he should endeavour to make on the committee, by the totally different view he should take of the magnitude and the causes of the Company's present distress. But he felt it his duty, first to apprise the committee of the nature and extent of the responsibility imposed upon the house and the country, by the act of the 33d of his present majesty, No man, after reading that act, could entertain any other idea than that of direct partnership. By the 111th clause of that act, disposing of the profits of the company, it appeared that "during the continuance of the exclusive trade, the net proceeds of the Company's sales of Goods at home, with the duties and allowances arising from the private trade, and all other profits of the said company, in Great Britain, shall be applied and disposed of (after other preferences) in the payment of a sum not exceeding 500,000l. per annum into the receipt of his majesty's exchequer, to be applied as parliament shall direct." Here, after quoting these words of the act, the hon. member proceeded to observe, that, however equal this partnership might be in responsibility, the profits had been by no means equally divided; for whilst the proprietors had been receiving 10 and a half per cent. on their nominal capital, the country had been disappointed of every half-yearly payment but two of its stipulated proportion; and, at the same time, an enormous debt had been accumulating by the company, and an enormous expence constantly incurred by the state in the protection of their commerce and dominions.—It had been admitted by the hon. gent. who spoke last, that a responsibility for the India Company of 17 millions hung over England at a time the most critical in her own financial affairs; a demand, infinitely beyond the company's faculty of answering. The house and the country would, therefore, soon be called upon to make it good. A fresh minute investigation was, therefore, now become absolutely necessary, and this at a time when the government ought to be wholly occupied in its own more immediate defence and support. The noble lord, it was true, had declared it to be the duty and intention of the commissioners for India affairs to call the attention of parliament to this subject at an early peiod of the next session. In the mean time the hon. member conceived he was doing his duty to his country, however irksome and ungracious the task might prove, to dissect this anomalous mixture of imperial commerce and commercial dominion; to separate the capital actually absorbed by this commerce, from the mass of debts, payments, and assets, comprehended in the Budget statement annually laid before the house. For, if it should appear, that any thing like his estimates of its amount was drawn from a capital wholly borrowed at interest, it would be utterly impossible to reject the conclusion he had so-frequently pressed upon the house, that the trade had been a losing one to an immense amount; and this fact would do away all the arguments of the hon. ex-chairman, which he had again adduced from an irrelevant statement of the interchange of property between India and Europe. The hon. gent. had endeavoured to prove, by this statement, taking three different views of the subject, that the company's trade was not indebted to the territories, or to the India debt. He should, however, now beg leave to distinguish what they had always been studiously endeavouring to confound; and to separate the trading capital from the resources of dominion, and, as far as the documents before the house would allow him, the capital required by the India trade, from that of China.—The hon. Alderman then proceeded to read an extract from the Budgets of 1804 and 1805, reciting, as he proceeded, the points of reference in each. The advances for trade in the three Presidencies, and Fort Marlborough in 1802–3 were, he observed, upwards of two millions. While these cargoes were coming home, others were collecting at the Presidencies which employed 2,300,000l. more.

The Cash Balances abroad on the 30th of April, 1804, were nearly	£600,000
So that taking these Sums, as they stood, of	2,100,000
	2,300,000
	600,000
	£.5,000,000
The India Imports employed an active capital of five millions.
At this period, there were at home, of goods sold and not paid for	£.1,150,000
Goods in England, unsold, partly China, and partly India produce, £.6,440,000, of which he should charge the India trade with one half	3,220,000
This made India commerce amount to upwards of nine millions.
With regard to the Exports, the amount of the cargoes from England, not arrived at their destination, at the date of the quick stock account, was	3,580,000
Exports paid for, exclusive of Bullion	1,200,000
Silver exported and remaining	820,000
Impress and war allowances on ships out	450,000
Which gave, according to stock, by computation, in the whole	£.6,050,000

Half of which belonged to India: the whole India concern, therefore, absorbed twelve, millions.—The China cargoes, homeward bound, the should estimate at three milli- ons; those providing abroad were no where stated, but on an estimate of 1803 and 1804, he should assume 3 millions, making together, 6 millions; if, to this, he added 3 millions, being the moiety deducted from the India account before-mentioned of 6,050,000l., it made the sum of 9 millions, which, added to the 12 millions, already mentioned, formed a mass of 21 millions sterling, of active capital, absolutely employed in the joint commerce of India and China. The hon. ex-chairman had next stated, as part of the dormant capital, the value of East-India house, warehouses, &c.

	£.992,200
Dead stock purchased 100 years since, and still remaining in the Company's accounts	£.400,000

The total of these items which, however, were not all that might be charged to the trade, the committee would perceive, was upwards of 21 millions: he was aware that some of the items might probably he subject to dispute; he would, nevertheless, take what had been repeatedly acknowledged, and, he rather thought, by the noble lord near him (lord Castlereagh), that the commerce of the East-India company required tour capitals, or about four-and-twenty millions sterling. For although India goods were paid for before manufactured, he believed many of the English goods exported, were bought upon credit, and the bills drawn from India and China; the latter particularly supplied the capital to a very considerable extent.—The alderman then proceeded to complain of the very small portion of the manufactures of this country, which this immense capital enabled the Company to export to India, and the inconsiderable British tonnage employed in this trade. The number of tons, he stated to be, not more than 20,000 out, and the same home; and the merchandize for the last 11 years, by referring to the papers on the table, 5 millions; or, on an average, below 500,000l. per annum:— Was this small and contemptible proportion of the national exports our natural share of the trade to British India, to acquire and defend which, the mother I country had made such sacrifices; and was now in danger of being soon called on to make a sacrifice of 17 millions more? Was I this a consideration sufficient to justify the exclusion of the rest of his majesty's subjects from a free intercourse with the immense and populous regions, within the limits of the Company's charter, extending from the Cape of Good Hope to Cape Horn; while neutral flags could range at large throughout the Pacific and India oceans, and derive encouragement and support to their rising and rival commerce and navigation, from a free and unlimited access to every one of the company's establishments, whither they carried and sold, unmolested, not only the produce of their own, but the manufactures of this country, and brought away, in return, the productions of India, to meet us in every market of Europe and America? Not that he disapproved of their admission into the ports of India; the silver they carried there, had afforded considerable relief to the circulation. All he had ever claimed, was, a right in British subjects, to a fair competition with foreigners in that part of the trade, which the company had neither faculty, nor inclination to carry on.—It next became necessary to enquire into the fact: he had asserted on a former evening, with regard to the means which the Company possessed, of carrying on this limited commerce, from funds of their own; a commerce which must, from its very nature, prove ruinous, from the expensive manner in which the merchandize was conveyed in ships larger than necessary; expensively fitted up, and constructed on principles, which diminished their capacity for stowage of merchandize, on the plea of enabling them the better to act as ships of war.—Four-and-twenty millions he had assumed as the capital required to carry on this commerce. This capital he looked for, in vain, in the account of stock by computation, where, instead of finding any capital, he repeated, and with regret, the balance, if fairly taken, was considerably against the company. In this account, exclusive of the Company's capital, a balance was assumed of

	£.6,181,267
The Company's capital actually cost	7,780,000
So that the balance	£.1,598,733

was the amount which, upon their own statement, the Company were minus,—The hon. ex-chairman had argued at considerable length against this mode of stating the account, and wished to compare the joint stock of a great public and chartered company with the capital of a private partnership or individual trader: but was there any analogy between them? The one was a public and joint stock, in which the subjects At large held transferable shares, always at market, and fluctuating in value, according to the price of money, and the estimation or credit of the Company. In the instance before the committee, this Company enjoyed privileges, guaranteed by parliament, and possessed territories, producing a princely revenue; their stock, therefore, partook of the nature of the public securities of this country, pledged for the national debt, and was as much a public claim, as the India debt, or the bond debt of upwards of 2 millions at home. It came, by no means, under the description of the capital of tradesmen,which must always be applied to the payment of debts, before they can be deemed insolvent; and is, therefore, properly excluded, when a statement of their affairs is laid before their creditors. In this view of the subject, he would, therefore, ask, where he was to find the 24 millions, required for trade? where else but in the general assets of the stock account, in which a debt of 30 millions, mostly at India interest, made so prominent a figure. The interest of that debt was a charge upon the whole concern of revenue and commerce; and to exclude a proportion of that interest from the charges of the trade, was, he contended, contrary to the common sense and reason of mankind, whilst the admission of it totally abolished all the profit so vauntingly assumed upon the commerce at large.—Here he would ask the hon. ex-deputy chairman behind him (Mr. G. Smith), who was, besides, a banker of the first eminence, his candid opinion of the stock, by computation, taken without the capital, according to the hon. ex-chairman's statement; and which, therefore, might be considered as the exposition of the affairs of one of his customers in embarrassed circumstances, and calling on his banker for assistance: it was only considering millions as thousands, and the analogy would be complete. Before the hon, banker advanced any considerable sum, such as 17 millions, he meant 17 thousands, he was perfectly sure the hon. banker would sit down, and minutely scrutinize the items on the credit side of this account. All the debts, he would know, must be answered, and probably to an amount beyond the statement; but he would naturally enquire what was the nature of the assets to answer them.—Here the hon. member discussed several of the items of the stock account up to March 1805. The first was a sum of 1,207,560l., alledged to be due from government to the Company: this, he con- tended, was not the case; it was a part of the national debt, consisting of consols, and standing in the name of the Company, for which they had taken credit at par, valuing them at 60: this item was overcharged in the sum of 483,024l. Another deist of government for stores and supplies, which stood at 4,460,192l., had been, by a special commission, curtailed in the sum of 2,089,392l. Another item, which must come against the general assets, was a charge upon the Carnatic estate, of 5,630,838l.; under investigation, it was true, but substantiated abroad under the register of the late nabob's creditors; and, as he believed, still running at interest: to avoid much cavil on this item, he would strike off whatever should appear reasonable to any member of the committee; he would, therefore, call it wily 4 millions. Here he must thank the noble lord (Morpeth) for his candour in producing a prospective estimate of the revenues and charges in India, for 1805 and 1806, by which it appeared that the debts abroad on the 1st of March last, would be increased in the sum of 2,655,957l. (and this without any provision for investment). —The next article was, it was true, a matter of estimate and opinion: it regarded the actual value of an item, which appeared, in the quick stock abroad, under the title of Debts Outstanding, and included advances for Investment, arrears of Revenue, Loans to Rajahs and Zemindars, (the Guicuwah Rajah among the rest), to no less an amount than 9,168,000l.: but, would any man of business in the house, either financial or commercial, deny the hon. banker's claim to a considerable allowance for bad debts under this article? Would 2 millions he too much to deduct from this item? The sums, therefore, to be deducted on the whole account, were

	£.2,000,000
	483,024
	2,089,392
	4,000,000
	2,655,957
Forming a total of	£.11,228,373
Which, when set against the balance, in favour, in the account before him, of	£.6,181,267
Left a balance against the Company, of	£.5,047,106

There was, indeed, as the last speaker had stated, a memorandum at the foot of the stock account, by which a sum of no less than 9,994,208l. was stated as the cost of Buildings and Fortifications, of Plate, Furniture, Vessels, and Plantations, since the year 1702; which sum the hon. ex-chairman had considered as an available asset, against the alledged deficiency.—He was very much surprised, indeed, to find this item adduced in the manner it had been: were it even valid, this sum, though nearly ten millions, would not square the account, when the Company's capital, and the deficiency lie had just proved, should be set against it. But, really; a single glance at the title of this account, would remove every idea of considering it as a claim upon government, when the lease should expire.—One column, amounting to nearly two millions, consisted of Household Furniture, Farming Stock, Pleasure Boats, Plate, and Table Linen, of which articles, the wear of an hundred years had not much increased the value: of what nature were the Buildings? Some of them forts upon the great rivers, dismantled by time, or swept away by the changes of currents. Others, either absolutely levelled with the ground, and rebuilt, or, if standing, repaired at an enormous expence.—Others of the buildings had given place to the new (and, if they pleased, splendid) palace lately erected for the accommodation of the governor-general, which, however it had been reprobated, the hon. member thought highly necessary and becoming. Would such items as these be admitted in a final adjustment between the Company and the state, that state which had expended so many millions, in effecting the acquisition, and protecting, by its marine, these commercial dominions? Was it nothing that the country was now actually deprived of the services of 25 of its own regiments; that two squadrons were maintained in the Indian seas; that Ceylon once, and the Cape of Good Hope had been twice conquered and retained, at an enormous expence; that a sum of 3 millions and a half had been paid to the Company on this account since 1804, and a further sum of 2 millions was now under liquidation?—If there must exist an imperium in imperio, while it did exist, the subordinate empire ought, at least,to bear its own expences, of which these ought to form a part. The hon. alderman, therefore, totally rejected this item of ten millions.—Would an exposition, he asked, such as this now appeared, if made by an individual, induce any hanker to enable him to continue the concern? The hon. member, for his part, declared, that he could not see how it was possible to continue this system, cumbrous and unprofitable as it was: time would, perhaps, shew what was to be done; or, be might learn, from the noble lord who had lately presided at the India board, how the Company were to go on, without having recourse, as on a former occasion to the aid of parliament, its partner in this concern. For himself, he could see no other justifiable mode of affording that relief, than a Previous examination into their affairs, and a resolution to separate the revenue from the trade. As to the hope expressed by the hoe. ex-chairman, that their affairs would recover, during a long period of peace in India, it was with regret, he stated, that the best-informed men on the spot, were by no means sanguine in this particular.—By an lion. general's calculation of the immediate savings on a peace establishment, 740,000l. were expected to be saved in the first year: but wound that keep down, even the interest of their enormous debt? Would it afford any resource for investment? Might not that balance be absorbed by unforeseen contingencies; or arrested to pay off unstated claims, in the winding up of the last war accounts?—The noble lord, and the committee, must see, by this statement of facts, deduced from documents or the table, and authenticated by the Company themselves, how utterly impossible it was, any longer to support this anomalous mixture of trade and dominion, unprecedented, except in a solitary and calamitous instance, that of the Dutch East-India Company, whose fate he need not recall to their recollection.—The hon. member observed, that he was utterly at a loss to suggest any remedy to the distress already existing, much less to point out the means of continuing the Company's trade, even on its present contracted scale; for, he would state to the noble lord an important fact; and, he hoped it would convince him it was high time to check the present system. The faculty of borrowing abroad was at an end, and the ships of the Company were actually loading home with private goods at 29l. per ton, for want of the regular investment; while the Company, for this very tonnage, were paying 60l., making this prodigious and unnecessary sacrifice for the sake of prosecuting their favourite plan of excluding the ships of individuals, who could gain, by navigating on still lower terms, than what is exacted upon private trade.—In this way, neutrals were suffered to encroach upon our natural intercourse with India, and to nourish, at our expence, their maritime power and commercial importance.—How long was the merchandize of the private trader to be reluctantly brought home at this immense loss; and a fair competition between Imperial commerce, and the exertions of the British merchant withheld? So confined was the trade of the Company, that it visited no shores but their own, while the neutral flag, as he had already remarked, ranged, unmolested, and even encouraged, from the Pacific to the Indian ocean; and from these to every other part of the globe.—But what pressed immediately on the committee, was, the present distress of the Company, and the inevitable call on parliament for relief. How far the country was bound to answer that call, would appear from Mr. Dundas's Letter to the Directors, at the discussion respecting the renewal of their charter; wherein he expressed his opinion, that the debts of the Company must accompany the territory into whosesoever hands it might fall. Whether the debt had accrued, from losses in trade, or from territorial expences, the committee would now judge; for his part, he agreed perfectly with the hon. general (Sir Arthur Wellesley) in his statement of the subject; and that investment, and not war, had swelled the debt to its present magnitude.—His own chief object, in this long detail, was, to warn the noble lord of the responsibility of the country. At present, he would make no motion, but would content himself with the promise of the noble lord, that an investigation would soon take place. Certainly, such was the situation of things, that strong and decisive measures were become necessary. When the disorder was violent, strong remedies must be administered. With regard to the right and extent of interference on the part of government, he should merely quote the authority of a great statesman (the earl of Liverpool), just leaving the world, distinguished for having asserted the rights of the British flag; and who now, after a long and illustrious career, and already sinking into the grave, had yet vigour enough to compose, by his expiring lamp, an Address to his Sovereign on the intricate subject of Coinage, which work would add to his already acquired fame, as a political economist. The words were to be found in a pamphlet on the Conduct of Great Britain towards neutral Nations.—"The rights of mankind admit of various de- grees; and whenever two of these come into competition, the lowest in the scale must give place to the higher. Each man hath a right to perform certain actions; but if the destruction of another should follow from them, would not this be a just cause of restraint?" How far this high authority applied, in the present case, he must leave to the noble lord to determine; certain he was, that it would have its due weight, in the consideration of this important subject. The hon. Alderman concluded, by observing, that he felt grateful to the committee for their indulgent hearing; and would no longer trespass on their attention.

was fully aware of the difficulties under which the East-India Company at present laboured. He nevertheless was very far from entertaining in his mind that gloomy view of the Company's affairs which had been drawn by the worthy alderman who had just sat down. On the contrary, he was well convinced that if the Company's affairs were vigorously conducted, it would not be long before they would reach as great a state of prosperity as the most sanguine wishes of any friend to the interests of the Company could reasonably entitle them to expect. For the accomplishment of this great object he would recommend that the general state of the Company's affairs should undergo the most ample investigation before a committee. The result, he was confident, would be highly favourable to the Company. But, at the same time that he was convinced, from his knowledge of the affairs of the Company, that a committee which had it in view to obtain a correct statement of the debts, assets, and revenue of the Company, must necessarily draw inferences favourable to the Company, as he had before stated; still he most clearly saw that something was wanting for the present to be done for the assistance of the Company. To attain this great and most desirable object, he would recommend that a loan should be raised under the sanction of parliament; not that he could by any means suppose that there could be any hesitation or doubt of the solvency of the Company, but that he saw how much more advantageously a loan would be raised under such circumstances, than if the Company itself was to go into the market for that purpose. Before Ireland was united to this country, it was the uniform practice with the English parliament to include the loan for Ireland in one general vote along with that which was given for this country. By the adoption of such a system, the Company would gain what they most particularly wanted, an extension of their capital; and the public would have considerably better security than they could now possibly have, as, from the profits to accrue from such an extension of capital, there would be a sinking fund for the total and speedy extinction of the whole debt.

caught the Speaker's eye, and was entering into a consideration of the subject, when

rose to order. He observed, that on so important an occasion, an occasion that required the fullest attendance, not one of his majesty's ministers was present, to guard the purse of the public: and as he observed by the order-book, that little business stood for to-morrow, he should move an adjournments.—The gallery was then cleared, and there being only 31 members present, the house adjourned.