rose pursuant to the notice he gave yesterday. He said that in various cases of shipwreck, dead bodies were cast on the shores of this kingdom, which sometimes could not receive the common rights of burial. This was a disgusting circumstance, and disgraceful to the character of the country. The cause was, that parish officers were afraid to order bodies to be buried, on account of the expences they might bring upon the parishes. His object in the present measure, was to propose that parish officers should be compelled to bury all bodies so cast on shore; and that the expence of the same should be defrayed by the countries. Also, that rewards should be given to persons discovering dead bodies, and giving information of the same to the parish officers. He then moved for leave to bring in a bill to that effect, which was granted.

these cause were so numerous and so scattered through different parts of Ireland, that he did not see how it was possible to procure the returns which the hon. gent. desired.

replied, that the objection stated by the learned doctor, was the principal reason why he wished to have such returns laid before the house. It was because these processes were so numerous, and because litigations respecting tythes in Ireland had increased to so great a pitch, that he thought it necessary for parliament to have the fullest information con- cerning, the existence of the evil. He did not suppose the returns could be made this session; but it could not be difficult to make them, because the assistant barristers must have kept a register by them of each trial, of which it was easy for them to make a return: and all he wanted was, the number of trials altogether, which he conceived a matter of great importance to have made known—The motion was then agreed to.

gave notice, that on Monday he would move several amendments in the bill for increasing the Assessed taxes. While he was on his legs, he would take that opportunity of asking his majesty's ministers, whether it was intended to adopt any new regulations in pursuance of that part of the Report of the commissioners of Military Inquiry, which related to the abuses in the medical department of the army?

observed, that if the honourable gentleman recollected the period at which the report he alluded to was made, he must not conclude, that there was any ministers, if they had not finally determined what measures ought to be adopted on the subject.

replied, that he was not satisfied with the answer he had received, and wished to know if it was intended to bring forward any proposition on this subject at an early period.

said, he could not give a precise answer to the question, but the hon. gent was at liberty to fix on any time he chose, for bringing the Report under the consideration of the house.

said, he understood by public rumour, stated in some of the newspapers, that in consequence of the deficiency of Flax-seed imported this year into Ireland, owing to the embargo in the American ports, a considerable quantity of the flax-seed remaining in G. Britain, and which was intended to be expressed into oil, had been sent over to Ireland, and allowed to pass. As this was a subject of great importance to the kingdom, masmuch as it involved in it the staple manufacture of Ireland, he wished to know if there was any truth in the rumour.

said, he only knew of this rumour, from what he saw in the newspapers. It was, however, natural to suppose, that persons in Ireland would wish to get seed whenever they could: and that persons in this country, having seed, would dispose of it in the best manner. It was suggested to him by some persons, that seed might be sent over from this country. He indulged the speculation, and sent communications on the subject to the linen board, with directions that orders should be conveyed to the different outports in Ireland not to let any flax-seed be imported which was not good in respect to its quality.

rose to complain of it as the renewal of a measure which, when originally passed, was nothing less than a violation of the act of union. It appeared to him that such articles of the union as were beneficial to G. Britain and injurious to Ireland, were acted upon, and that no disposition had been manifested by the parliament to promote the prosperity of Ireland. He was one of those who, in the parliament of Ireland, had supported the union, because he expected many important benefits from it to that country. If these benefits were not to follow from it, the union must be considered as a curse instead of a blessing.

said the sentiment just expressed by the hon. baronet, respecting the union with Ireland, was one calculated to produce as many mischievous consequences as any that ever had been uttered in that house. He called on the hon. baronet to state one instance in which the principle he alluded to had been acted upon by parliament. If he knew of any instances in which a disposition prejudicial to Ireland had been shewn, let him bring them before the house. As to the principle of the present bill, the hon. baronet did not withhold his approbation towards it at the time when he had a seat in his majesty's councils. If ever there should be a question to be decided, whether advantages were to be granted to Ireland or to G. Britain, he was confident that the house, so far from acting injuriously towards Ireland, would be inclined rather to turn the scale of advantage in her favour. He could recollect no instance in which the proceedings of that house could justify the insinuation of the hon. baronet.

stated, that he considered the act of union to have been violated in the law for disallowing the drawback on the exportation of spirits distilled in Ireland; inasmuch as undue advantage was given to the English distiller in the English market. In that instance, he contended, the interest of Ireland was largely sacrificed; and that bill was introduced at the end of a session, when the attendance of members was very thin. He thought it fairer to state his opinion, as well as the opinion of many others, in that house, than to have it canvassed out of doors. He had supported the union originally, because he had hoped it would be productive of many public advantages to Ireland. He did not think so now, for he saw innumerable instances in which the interests of that country had been sacrificed.

observed, that the hon. baronet, though called on to prove his assertion, produced only one solitary instance. Now, if the, house should, come to the examination of the act of union, and the hon. baronet should state the article which he considered to have been infringed by this bill, he himself would undertake to prove that such article was one which required explanation, and that what had been done was strictly conformable to the spirit of the act of union. Let not the hon. baronet make general charges, but state the specific grounds on which his principle stood. As to this particular bill, he surely could not object to the continuance of it for a certain time.

declared he had always found in that house a most favourable disposition towards Ireland. The bill in question was the only instance the hon. baronet could produce to prove his assertion. He defied him to produce any other; or even to shew in what manner this bill was unfavourable to Ireland.

said that spirits were prohibited from being sent from Ireland to England, unless they were warehoused.

replied, that there never was an instance so opposite to the thing he wanted to establish, as that noticed by the hon. baronet. That bill had been introduced by a friend to the Irish distilleries, namely, by himself. It permitted them to warehouse their spirits if they chose, and to export them with as much drawback as could be allowed consistently with the articles of union. It was therefore rather favourable than otherwise to the Irish distiller.

conceived that nothing could be more mischievous than to suffer such language as that used by the hon. baronet to go uncontradicted to Ireland. No circumstance could be so dangerous to the peace of Ireland, as that of declaring that her interests had been sacrificed by Great Britain. I have, continued the hon. gent., been a member of this house, and attended here since the union, and I declare to God, I know of no instance in which the disposition of the house has not been always favourable to Ireland.

declared, he never felt more pain than he now did, at what fell from his right lion, friend. He had ever observed in that house a disposition to do the amplest justice to Ireland. The present charge was not alone directed against his majesty's ministers, but against every member of that house, and he felt it was directed against his own parliamentary conduct. He hoped his right hon. friend would abstain from sowing the seeds of hostility between the two countries, and endeavour to do away the effect of his assertion.

persisted in his assertion. He avowed every deference to the opinion of the hon. gent, but said he could not be deterred by any imputations upon his motives, from making his complaints in that house, where they might be answered or redressed, rather than out of doors, where they could only excite murmurs and discontents.

contended that his right hon. friend was right in the supposition, that the act would tend to injure the Irish distillers. If the act of union gave an advantage in one point to one of the countries, he supposed it gave an equivalent to the other: that was matter of consideration at the time of its enactment, and certainly it would be highly unjust now to alter any of the provisions which were advantageous to Ireland. He thought the imputation cast on this act was perfectly justified by the circumstances: as to the surprise which the chancellor of the exchequer intimated, at the supposition that this bill went to injure Ireland, he did not see any particular grounds for it: the report of the committee now sitting on the subject of distillation he thought might tend, together with the operation of this act, materially to prevent the sale of Irish manufacture.

considered the speech of the hon. baronet as calculated to do much mischief in Ireland; the interests of which country, he contended, had always been treated with candour and fairness by that house.

objected to the present bill as unnecessary.

observed, that the act in question was in force while the hon. baronet was in administration, and he made no complaint against it during all that time, nor introduced a single regulation for encouraging the spirit trade of Ireland, although it was entirely in his power. Therefore, as this was the only instance the hon. baronet could advance to show that Ireland had been unfairly dealt with, he hoped the house would attach to it the weight which it deserved.—The bill then went through the committee.

rose for the purpose of moving, that the words 'and other papers,' be left out. He stated that these proclamations were extended by government to other papers merely for the purpose of undue influence. There was no necessity for this: it entailed an exorbitant expence on the country, which was increased as much as possible by the editors of newspapers, for their own emolument. He instanced three cases out of many in which old proclamations were actually inserted for no other purpose; one of them was of so old a date as 1805, warning all his majesty's good and loving subjects in 1808, of a fever which raged at Gibraltar at the first issuing of the proclamation. A second was also inserted in 1808, giving notice of a limitation to the exportation of goods from Ireland, which limitation expired in 1807. A third was lately inserted also, giving notice of a supply of seamen wanted in 1805. Such was the service for the support of which parliament was now solicited; if he did not miscall that a service which was in itself unnecessary, or made necessary only for the purposes of corruption.

contended, that there was no additional expence incurred by the re-publication of those old proclamations which were alluded to, as the editors were generally paid by the year, and not for each particular publication. As to any attempt at influence, he disclaimed it as far as concerned himself altogether; nor did he think the publica- tion of these proclamations any proof of such an intention. It was notorious, that amid a variety of Irish papers there were many particularly adverse to the government of the day, which contained these proclamations.

considered the admission of the last speaker conclusive in support of the amendment moved by his hon. friend. If the editors of newspapers wished to promote the sale of their papers, they would, naturally, reprint all those proclamations which referred to important national objects, and where there were minor or subordinate documents, the parties interested in their operation would take care to inform themselves of their nature and tendency by means of the Dublin Gazette. The present mode was proved to be a job, and ought instantly to be abolished.

said he could not see how the grant of that money was in any degree abused; it certainly was not his fault if the editors made a bad selection of proclamations.

said, there appeared to him to be a regular traffic carried on between the press and the government in Ireland; it seemed as if the first step of each succeeding ministry was to see what each editor would sell for. There was a peculiar loss attending the insertion of these proclamations, inasmuch as they paid no stamp duty, and so prevented the insertion of advertisements that did. As to the arguments made use of to shew the disinterestedness of government by extending the proclamations to opposition papers, he thought they made against those who produced them, as they shewed not only an inclination to increase the expence to the country, but also to try to the utmost what temptation could do.

said, that being intimate with an editor of an Irish newspaper, he had remarked to him particularly the circumstances now alluded to, that of the reprinting old proclamations. The answer the editor gave was "Indeed, to tell you the truth, we often are so barren of news, and so pinched for want of paragraphs, that we consider ourselves very well off when we can make shift with a convenient proclamation; it, is not very interesting to be sure, but then it serves to fill up the paper."—He said inferior newspapers only republished them.

said, he had not intended to state the names of the papers he al- luded to before, but now he would do so, for the purpose of shewing they were not inferior papers, as the hon. member seemed to insinuate; the papers were, the Evening Correspondent, and the Dublin Journal.—The amendment was then negatived without a division.