rose and said, that he perfectly agreed in the propriety of an observation made last night, respecting the manner in which that House was so often taken by surprize at the opening of a session; the greater portion of the members heard nothing of the Speech till a few minutes before they were called upon by the ministers of the day to vote in favour of the Address, which was to echo every part of it. This was neither fair to that House, nor consistent with respect due to the measures upon which they were called upon to decide; for gentlemen were thus forced into the predicament in which they stood last night, and compelled either to oppose the Address altogether, or vote in opposition to their judgment, or at least without the fair opportunity of exercising it. This much he said against a usage becoming of late too prevalent.—With respect to the Address itself, he should say, that in the sentiments expressing an anxious wish for the recovery of his Majesty, he most fully concurred; and he could assure the House, that no man more cordially or sincerely agreed in all the expressions of respect and admiration for the exemplary conduct of his royal highness the Prince of Wales than he did. He agreed in every praise that could be bestowed on the courage and discipline of our brave army in Portugal, and on the skill and ability of its noble commander; but he could not omit taking that opportunity of protesting against the manner in which his Majesty's ministers had hitherto supported lord Wellington and the British army in Portugal. He hesitated not to say, that the efforts of our brave army had not been duly seconded by ministers: the supplies of men had neither been effective as to strength, nor seasonable as to time: the contribution and the manner of contributing wore all the features of that lingering indecisions, equally incapable of acting or resolving. There prevailed throughout the conduct of ministers all the vice of half measures; there appeared to be neither plan nor principle, design nor method; reinforcements were sent our too trifling to be of any use, had they been seasonable; and yet so ill timed, as not to have proved of much use had they been sufficiently effective. If an adequate and seasonable supply of men after the battle of Busaco, could have enabled lord Wellington to have then fought the battle which might be hereafter to be decided by numbers—did not this involve a serious charge against the negligence or ignorance of ministers? He lamented, therefore, that before the close of the last session, ministers had not provided themselves with the power to take advantage of the voluntary services of such troops as would not otherwise be so disposeable; in which case, they might have reinforced the army of lord Wellington to any amount that might be necessary. Would it not, he should ask, be disgraceful if in the event of such a battle, it should appear that France could collect from all quarters, and convey over land greater numbers of men in a given time than England could with all the boasted advantages of her marine, and the comparative ease, security and expedition of a short passage by sea, and possessed as she was of the whole navy of the world? He did not wish to indulge in gloomy anticipations, but with respect to what had past, he insisted that our brave troops had had to contend not only with the active enemy opposed to them abroad, but also with the imbecility, irresolution, ignorance, and negligence of the ministers at home. What might have been the original design of ministers as to the mode of supporting the efforts of lord Wellington, he knew not, and apprehended that ministers were perhaps as ignorant of such design as he could be; but of this he was certain, that whatever their design might have been, their measures had not effectively seconded lord Wellington. They must, however, in sending out a large army to Portugal, have intended to have done something. Was it by such contemptible children's play, as the country had witnessed on the part of ministers, that they expected to strike a decisive blow against the tremendous power of France? if their intentions were of so vast a scope, why should the measures taken in avowed prosecution of them, be so meanly inconsistent, so wretchedly disproportionate? If, on the other hand, the struggle was in the end to be abandoned as hopeless, why exhaust the means of our defence in fruitless specimens of British bravery, always brilliant, but always unavailing?

Considering, then, the Address as communicating nothing, as pledging the House to nothing, perhaps as meaning nothing, he was so far disposed to think it in this respect unobjectionable. But though former precedents and ordinary circumstances might have justified such a mode of proceeding at the opening of a session, the critical state of the empire imperiously demanded the adoption of a totally different course. Such a moment was not suited to idle and empty compliment, but one on which the boldest truths should be spoken, and measures calculated for the salvation of the state fearlessly suggested. The Address he thought should be one rather of condolement than congratulation: while it sincerely deplored the melancholy state of his Majesty's health, it should in the most unqualified manner represent to the Regent the awful circumstances under which he was called upon to assume the reins of government. While that Address acknowledged the parental affection of his Majesty to his people, and his anxiety at all times for their welfare, it should contrast the general prosperity of the empire at the moment of his accession, with the accumulated difficulties and gloom of the present hour. It was far from his wish to say any thing that could look like an invidious or ungracious reflection on the reign of a monarch so justly esteemed for his many private virtues; but if the amiable qualities and the best intentions of a virtuous monarch were not sufficient to rescue his people from the baneful influence of bad advisers—an influence which had so long and fatally oppressed the people, and had, at one time, only stopped in the dismemberment of the empire—if such could have been the ruinous consequences even during the reign of the present King, what future sovereign could be too cautious in committing himself to the counsels of wicked, ignorant, or interested men? He thought, therefore, that their Address in such a crisis as the present, ought to remind the Prince Regent how great a portion of our empire had been already lost by the effect of mischievous and unwise councils. The Address should also state the distur- bances and dissatisfaction which had frequently prevailed throughout this reign, in Ireland, and then continued unhappily to prevail. It should not pass over in silence the enormous increase of the National Debt, and of the public burdens, since the commencement of this reign. While the injury sustained by the manufactures and commerce of the country, being driven by the successful efforts of the enemy from the natural and accustomed channels, had greatly impaired the national means, and added to the embarrassments of the times, which were becoming every moment more distressing and alarming; he thought too that such an Address ought to contrast the present gigantic power and means of France with what they had been at the accession of his present Majesty. It should state in emphatic language, the conviction of the House of Commons that much of the present peril, much of the public burdens, much of the grievances and consequent dissatisfaction of the most warlike and capable part of the population, were fairly attributable to a bad and narrow policy—suggested by ignorant or wicked ministers. Condoling, therefore, with the Prince Regent, on his being called in such a situation of things to the helm of the state, they should strenuously exhort him to reject such councils, and to resist such measures as by experience had been proved to be greatly disastrous, and which could not be persevered in, but to the certain and utter ruin of the empire.

For himself, he should say that it was his solemn and decided conviction, that the affairs of this country had now arrived at such a degree of difficulty and danger that flattery and falshood could no longer deceive. It was the duty of the House to employ only the language of sincerity and truth. It was time to substitute for those pretences and deceptions under which the affairs of the nation had been so long mismanaged, a system of sound and manly policy, which alone could extricate it from the perils with which it was unfortunately on all sides beset. Let their Conduct be suitable to a period of such awful interest: let them adopt towards the Regent the language of truth, not of hypocrisy: tell him of the lamentable incapacity of his ministers: that they possessed neither their confidence, nor that of the public, and that they were capable of suggesting no measures but such as they thought calculated to ensure their ill-gotten power, and gratify their miserable ambition. The Regent should be reminded, that they commenced their career by affixing an indelible stain on the national character, in their daring violation of the laws of nations, and by blasting the hopes and outraging the feelings of millions of his father's subjects—that they had since weakened and degraded the kingly office—deprived the empire for months of an efficient executive, and had by their intrigues, shaken the very pillars of the monarchy—that the period was critical—the danger imminent—the national calamities numerous—the pressure on the people nearly intolerable—that decisive measures, neither partial nor occasional, could no longer be deferred—neither should they yet abandon the hope of a secure and honourable peace, pledging themselves at the same time, to the most vigorous prosecution of the war, should any sincere attempts at peace on our part prove ineffectual: expressing their confidence that the resources of the country under sage counsel were fully equal to meet the exigences of the moment. Let them assure the Regent that they will narrowly watch over the public expenditure, and that to shew their sincerity in the cause of general reformation, they were determined to begin by reforming themselves—and above all to heal, if possible, the rankling wounds of the Irish, who had been uniformly neglected, insulted and oppressed. They should not omit to declare their gratitude to the Regent, for accepting the Regency under circumstances so embarrassing and distressing. Whatever pleasure he should have in avowing his confident expectations of the benefit likely to result from the Regent's government to the empire at large, and particularly to Ireland, he must refrain from indulging in such declarations at present, lest they might subject him to imputations, of all others most to be avoided by a member of parliament. At the same time he could with truth aver, that such confidence was fully justified by, and entirely founded upon, the former acts of his Royal Highness, in defence and on behalf of what he was known to consider as a most valuable, but too much neglected part of the empire. At a most critical and afflicting period, a few years since, without the knowledge of those for whom he interfered, he most strenuously and eloquently exerted himself in their behalf, by urging to the minister of the day the adoption of soothing and conci- liatory measures, offering himself to be the instrument for carrying them into effect. Those sentiments he felt fully satisfied could not have been since lessened, however much they might have been increased; and it was gratifying to reflect that the people of Ireland, the greater part of whom were ignorant to the full extent of their obligations to his Royal Highness, should have ever felt towards him the most disinterested attachment, the most entire devotion, of which they afforded a convincing proof on a melancholy occasion similar to the present, when the Irish parliament, by the unanimous approbation of the people, conferred upon his Royal Highness, with a generous confidence, those powers which were dented him in his native land.—The hon. gent. then protested against the practice which had prevailed with all administrations of which he knew any thing, of omitting all mention of the affairs of Ireland, in the speeeh at the opening of the session. Why was the name of Ireland omitted in every speech? Why such industrious neglect of a brave people, and their unmerited sufferings? He must say, that if the present ministers had one principle to guide their conduct, it was that of contempt for Ireland. When an Irish member rose to demand redress for his injured country, his rising was the signal for a laugh from the Treasury bench. An hon. friend of his had met with an instance of such indecent levity no later than last night. He would rather be the object than the author of such indecency.

expressed his regret that nothing had been said in the speech of the desire of the Regent, if possible, to bring about an honourable peace—the only legitimate object of all war. He would not pledge himself as to the transaction with regard to the Peninsula; but he did not indulge those expectations of success which some other gentlemen, it appeared, entertained. The contest might add to the glory of our arms, but nothing more he thought was to be hoped for. Its termination would probably be the grave of our commercial prosperity, and of every thing but our honour. He had always maintained, that it was idle to contend with France on the continent. We should soon have in our possession there, only Lisbon and Cadiz, and these must be preserved at an immense expense. He noticed an invocation in the speech of the mover or seconder, to support the govern- ment. He would support it as far as he conscientiously could, and always did—but the invocation was very unnecessary at present, considering the additional influence which the administration would possess. But they had no claim to any particular allowance. It was a duty to watch every one of their measures, and to oppose them if pernicious; and that duty he would perform without any factious motives. He said this, that he might not be considered as pledged to assent to any thing of which he really disapproved. In all that had been said about attachment to the King and the Regent, he perfectly concurred. In a real feeling of attachment to both he would yield to none though he would contend with nobody in professions.

rose, not for the purpose of prolonging this discussion, but, as his name had been brought forward in a conversation last night, and as he saw the hon. baronet, by whom it had been mentioned, in his place, he wished to make a short observation upon the subject. As far as he could collect what had passed last night generally, the hon. baronet had stated, that a Portuguese officer of the name of Chabot had been seized about two years since off Cuxhaven, and confined for some time at Heligoland; after which he was brought to England, and committed to solitary confinement in Cold Bath Fields prison, by virtue of a secretary of state's warrant, signed by him (Mr. Canning). He professed entire ignorance of any such transaction: but he was certain that he had never signed any such warrant, because it was out of the course of office that he should have done so. If he had received any information at his office from abroad, the course would have been to communicate it to the secretary for the home department, from whose office the warrant of commitment must issue. He could wish the hon. baronet to be more precise as to dates and times; for if his name appeared in the transaction at all, it must have occurred early in the year 1809, he having retired from office in the month of September in that year.

was much surprised at what he had heard from the right hon. gent. The name, however, which he had mentioned, was not that which had been communicated to the right hon. gent. The name he (Sir Francis) had stated, was Colville. The circumstance of which he had spoken took place in 1809, when lord George Stuart commanded a British force off Cuxhaven. The person now in confinement had dined with lord George Stuart, when his lordship suddenly told him he was his prisoner. The Portuguese at first treated this as a jest, when an order for his apprehension was produced, signed "Canning," and he was immediately taken into custody. He was not allowed to go on shore or to see any of his friends, but was thrown into a dungeon at Heligoland, where he was closely confined for a fortnight, when another warrant arrived, ordering him to be brought England; and in consequence he was conveyed to this country, and confined in Cold Bath Fields prison. He had there been shut up in a solitary cell, and not allowed pen, ink, paper, or any thing. As yet he had never been examined, according to the information he (Sir F.) had received. Such was the statement he had made, which he should be most happy to find was without foundation.

understood, from what he had just heard, that the imprisonment of the man was not imputable to him. At present, however, he could only repeat, that he recollected nothing of any such circumstance having at any time taken place.

was surprised that they had no official information on the subject.

stated, that there was a person confined in Cold Bath-Fields prison, who had been arrested as a spy. Some inquiry had already been made into the circumstances of the case, but at present he was unable to make any statement that would completely explain them.

The question, that the Report be now received, was put and agreed to.

felt it to be his indispensible duty to make some observations upon the Speech itself, upon the Address proposed in reply to it, and also upon the speeches of the honourable mover and seconder of that address. Before he commenced his observations, however, he felt it necessary to state, that he agreed most fully in every thing which had last night fallen from his right hon. friend (Mr. Ponsonby) upon this subject. Most completely did he concur in the affection and attachment expressed in the Address, both to his royal Highness the Prince Regent, and to his Majesty, for the speedy and perfect re-establishment of whose health, he, in common with the country, most sincerely prayed. There were, however, both in the Speech and in the Address numerous omissions at which he could not help expressing much surprise, and which he could not pass by without noticing. At a time like this when so many rumours were afloat, when so many untoward circumstances had actually come within their knowledge, it was a surprising and unaccountable event, that no mention whatever had been made of Ireland, except a passing observation on the deficiencies of her revenue. After even noticing this deficiency, the conclusion which was drawn of the comparative prosperity of the finances of the country generally, was curious in the extreme: it was, however, yet to be accounted for. With respect to America, he was glad to find, that after so many blunders, so many disagreements, and such gross impolicy, we were at length about to pursue the right line, and aim at conciliation. But there was one omission in particular which he must confess he witnessed with grief. He was grieved to find, that when the efforts necessary for the support of the war had been touched upon in the Speech, something had not been inserted expressive of a sincere and ardent desire that these efforts might lead to the only legitimate object of all warfare, a safe and honourable peace. On this point both the Speech and the Address were silent; and if he were to augur any thing upon this topic from the speech of the hon. mover of the address, it would be, that we were to be engaged in a lasting, obstinate, interminable, annihilating warfare.—As to the state of our affairs in Portugal, he must now most solemnly guard himself against the imputation, which might hereafter be made, of his having given any approbation either of the plan or execution of the campaign. He was quite ignorant upon the subject; and he believed that whatever praises might be given to the skill and valour of the noble lord who conducted it, no man would say that his dispatches contained any thing like an intelligible history of his progress. All he knew on the subject was, that with the largest army we had ever sent into Europe, we undertook the defence of Portugal; that, after advancing into the country, we had patiently witnessed the fall of two towns; that, on the approach of the enemy we had retreated; that, after gaining the battle of Busaco, we had lost Coimbra; that we had talked of our confining the French to their entrenchments, and yet were ourselves kept by the enemy effectually in check. From this knowledge only, until it was in- creased by more, and of a nature more explicit, he must beg leave to decline to giving any approbation of the campaign. When he recollected that this country had made every effort to send out reinforcements; when he reflected that an important victory ought to have been expected, as well from the magnitude of our army as from the hopes held out by its commander; when he had heard from statements here, that lord Wellington in his retreat was consuming and devastating the country through which he passed, so as to ensure the destruction by famine of every Frenchman who should escape the sword; and when he saw that they had advanced with every supply and every confidence, he certainly must suspend his approbation until more satisfactorily informed. It was some time since lord Wellington had said, that the French possessed in Portugal only the ground which their army occupied; but now it remained to be seen, what portion of the country was in the possession of lord Wellington himself. He did not mean to say that all this might not be retrieved by a brilliant victory; but until this was achieved—until he had documents explaining and describing all which had taken place before, he should cautiously abstain from passing his final and deliberate judgment.

But should even a brilliant and decisive victory, such as that he had alluded to, be achieved, he could perceive but faint hopes likely to result from it, of the final rescue and deliverance of the Peninsula. Why did he say this? Because, when the most important diversions had been previously made for Spain, Spain sheaved no disposition to avail herself of them—no desire to retrieve her endangered fortunes. He had only to instance two circumstances in the progress of the contest in Spain, as a proof of this assertion. It would be in the recollection of the House, how Buonaparté had been called away from the pursuit of the British army under the gallant sir John Moore;—an army sent to Spain in that improvident manner which so often characterised the measures of the ministers of that day; an army which for that reason suffered so much without any proportionate advantage, the commander, too, having perished, though his glory was immortal; from the pursuit of that army Buonaparté was called away to defend himself against the attacks of Austria, or, if you please, to be the aggressor in the Austrian war. Here was one glorious and golden opportunity for a great effort to drive the French from the Peninsula. There, however, they remained. The Spaniards wasted the precious moments of this fortunate but unexpected pause in their fate, in shameful inactivity and indecision; a pause during which the ruler of France, by drawing off his troops into Germany, made a voluntary diversion in favour of Spain: yet Spain took no advantage: she did nothing. Even now, when the whole French force was engaged by us, and when we were given to understand such animosity prevailed against them in the country, what was Spain doing? When he considered these things; when he considered, also, what a waste of life and treasure we had fruitlessly made in her cause; he confessed, that he was very far from being sanguine in his expectations of the result.

There was, also, another most surprising omission in the speech; an omission which had, indeed, been attempted to be supplied by the proposer of the Address: he meant, with respect to the situation of the northern powers of Europe. When mention had been made about the present security of the throne of Petersburgh, there was another part of the north which forcibly obtruded itself on his recollection. It should not be forgotten, that even during the campaign in Portugal, a general of France had silently slid into the friendly, allied, subsidized throne of Sweden—that Sweden had now sent her outcast monarch as an exiled private gentleman into our country for refuge—and had admitted Bernadotte into her confidence, not by interest, not by threats, not by opposing armies, but by her own voluntary consent. This was, or ought to be, to us, a striking example how impotent were our hopes that the enmity of every people over which France ruled was excited by her tyranny; it ought to show us, also, how impotent were our efforts to check the power of France upon the continent: how impotent our friendship for the protection of our allies—how impotent our money and our subsidies against the gigantic power of France. If we had been told but few years ago, or that it had been possible to foresee that the time was coming, when a vassal, a general, nay a favourite of France, would be introduced into the succession of Sweden, not a soul in the country but would have exclaimed, "The brave Swedes would rise to a man in opposition." Yet now we saw the French general actually in the country, publicly and solemnly recognized as crown prince, and with every prospect of an immediate succession to the throne. We might strain as we chose to save the hostile crown of Russia. The throne of our old ally, our attached friend, our subsidized Sweden, was lost for ever! Let ministers look to this event—it was an aweful and a striking lesson to us, though the Speech thought proper to abstain from noticing it. If the hon. gent., who, in his maiden speech, had seconded the Address with such ability, considered this, could he have hazarded the rash and ill-advised assertion, that we should not expect peace—not only until we diminished the resources of France, but until we had actually made her abate of her pretensions? If this sentiment was once adopted, good God, what a prospect had England before her! He might be told perhaps, as some were told last night who seemed to shudder at the financial misfortunes which hung over us, that his plebeian apprehensions at the diminution of our commerce ought to be repressed. But the right hon. gent. opposite knew well the dangers of our situation; he knew well how critical was the state of our revenues, and he must know also, amidst all his vaunts about our prosperity and our wealth, that if the present lavish expenditure in Spain and Portugal was continued, he, too, must begin to feel those degrading, plebeian apprehensions. Taking these things into his consideration, he confessed he had very little idea of pledging himself to any sanguine view as to the result of our expedition. So far from it, there was a certain point beyond which, in case nothing was achieved, he would never consent that our subsidies should be squandered or our resources exhausted. An experience of four years must have convinced the right hon. gent. opposite, that with a view to an endless war upon the present scale of expenditure, instead of being all powerful we were all feebleness. He was well aware of the resources of the country: they were great; and it was not his wish to undervalue them: but with the lavish profusion which had so long prevailed, he was convinced that great as they unquestionably were they must have some limit. It was upon this ground that though he did not think it desirable that the army should in this instance be recalled from Portugal, in as much as it had been sent thither at all, until it should become decidedly manifest that the object was altogether unattainable, yet, he would not pledge himself to agree to a perseverance in the contest under any unfavourable and unpromising circumstances.

He had also to remark upon another great leading topic, which had been totally omitted in the Speech, a topic of vital importance, and to which every attention ought to be turned—economy. It was the more imperative amidst the distresses of our mercantile interests; distresses which were the consequence of our system, and the result of a desperate but perhaps necessary augmentation of speculation; distresses, as we acted now, unavoidably occasioned by our internal system of commercial finance. These distresses might appear trifling or plebeian to some; but those must feel and complain of their effects who were suffering under them Last night congratulations were offered to the House on the flourishing acquisition to our colonies. There was then, perhaps, little room for such congratulation; and, indeed, in his mind, this day's intelligence had brought us by far the most cheering topic for satisfaction on that subject. As to all our former conquests, they were comparatively of little interest, except, indeed, our momentary distress might be in some degree derived from the glut of colonial commodities in our markets. Unless this was the case, we had little grounds for congratulation; and cheerless, indeed, was the consolation supplied to us by the idea that our enemy participated in our calamities; little comfort could our bankrupt merchants feel from the reflection, that the French trade had also been impoverished and ruined. He had now given his sentiments briefly, as to the omissions and errors in the speech. He had done so, perfectly uninfluenced by the appeal which had been last night made to them for unanimity. Such an appeal, he regarded as all other similar appeals, and should give it similar attention. It appeared to him to say nothing more nor less than simply this:—"You have been wrong; do not oppose in future what I choose, to support; give up your opinion, and adopt mine." Now, as he had supposed that he was hitherto acting right—as he saw nothing whatever in which he was proved to be in error, nor felt any thing like a conviction that his antagonists were superior, he should at once say, that while the same system which he had before thought fit to condemn was continued, he should continue without reserve, relaxation or loss of time, the same systematic, undeviating opposition. He should now conclude; and very happy he felt that he had disburthened his mind, lest he should hereafter, as had often been the case before, be taunted with having given his concurrence to measures to which he felt a most decided repugnance.

then rose and spoke to the following effect.—When I consider, Sir, what passed in this House last night, I own, I feel justified in not entertaining, on coming down this evening, the most distant expectation of any such discussion as that which has already taken place. Indeed, I think, that when the hon. gent. who has just sat down shall come to reflect on the opening part of his speech, he will be as much astonished as any of those who heard him, that he concluded it in the manner he has done. For the right hon. gent. (Mr. Ponsonby,) who seemed to speak the sentiments of the other side of the House, declared last night that when he considered who was at the head of the administration of the country, he should, if obliged at any time to find fault with any of the measures adopted during his administration, in doing so, feel the greatest possible pain and reluctance. When I recollect these circumstances, and when I recollect that the hon. gent. in his outset declared that he perfectly coincided in opinion with that right hon. gent., I own I was not a little astonished, when I heard the hon. gent., who declared his concurrence in this manner, conclude with saying, that he will lose no opportunity of declaring his systematic, undeviating opposition to the measures of the present administration. The hon. gent. has declared, that he was induced to express his opinion on the present occasion, lest I might at any future opportunity taunt him with the observation, that when such an Address was proposed, he appeared to acquiesce in its sentiments. I will say indeed, that however much the spirit and temper of the speech of the hon. gent. may please many of those who are of his way of thinking, it is in direct contradiction to the sentiments of the Address, and to the speech of the right hon. gent., with whom he professed to coincide.

Although there are many topics in the speech of the hon. gent. on which I en- tertain a very different opinion from him, I shall on the present occasion abstain from mentioning many of them, from a wish not to disturb the unanimity that is so desirable on the present occasion; but there are some of these topics which I feel myself under the necessity of adverting to, and which I shall notice with all possible brevity. The hon. gent. has distinctly professed, that the great object of his rising was, lest from his silence he should be considered as implicated in approving the measures which have been carried on in Spain and Portugal. Now, the Address does not call on any person for approbation of any one of the measures which ministers have thought fit to adopt in conducting the war in these countries; and no one can be precluded by his acquiescence in that Address from criticising at any after period, the whole or any part of the conduct of the campaign. There is in reality nothing like a pledge of approbation of any one measure that has been adopted. But when I say this much, and when I own I think it adviseable that on such an occasion as the present, nothing like a pledge should be contained in the Address, I will freely confess at the same time, that in my own mind all the measures which have been adopted in the Peninsula are highly deserving of approbation; and that when the time shall come for the discussion of this subject, it will be found that the skill and ability with which these measures have been conducted, are as conspicuous as the policy by which they were dictated. The hon. gent. has pointed out a number of particulars in the campaign in which he has been disappointed I own I am not astonished, that when the hon. gent. has thought fit to collect opinions from others, and not from the Commander there, of a nature rather too sanguine, he should be disappointed in the event; but I maintain that he could not have collected these opinions from the noble commander. For I think, if there is one thing more conspicuous that another in the character and practice that noble lord, it is the singular' modesty, and simplicity of his official statements, Nothing of a vaunting or arrogant nature is to be found in his dispatches. If disappointment has been experienced in any case where that noble lord has been concerned, it is the disappointment the enemy; but surely there can be no disappointment of the rational hopes that any other person was at liberty to entertain. At one time the hon. gent. towards the close of last session declared it as his wish that every English soldier was back safe in this country from the Peninsula. Does he, indeed now wish that the Peninsula should have been surrendered without the glory of the last campaign? Does he wish that after the instances which we have seen of French cruelty, French treachery, and French insincerity, Britons should have had no share in the late struggle? Does he wish that Britons should not have made a stand in the only corner where it was possible to make a stand against the common enemy of Europe? It is not, indeed, possible to predict what will be the issue of that contest; but on a dispassionate review of all the circumstances of the case, I own I see no cause that we have to despond. We have, however, maintained all that we proposed to maintain; we have maintained Portugal, and in so doing we have rendered the most material assistance to the cause of Spain.

The hon. gent. has, indeed told us that his want of confidence in the cause of Spain arises from the apathy he has observed in the Spaniards in not taking advantage of two occasions, as unlooked for as they were favourable, to make suitable efforts to drive the enemy from their country. Upon this I shall beg leave to say a few words. One of the occasions alluded to by the hon. gent. is that when Buonaparté having been called off to the war in Austria, Spain failed to make any great effort in her own cause—the other occasion is that of the occupation of the whole active disposeable force of France in the Peninsula by the Allied British and Portugese army, of which according to the charge of the hon. gent. no advantage was taken by Spain to call forth her energies and put down her oppressor. In making this last statement, the hon. gent. by his own direct admission acknowledges, that as the whole active. force of the enemy was engaged by the Allied army, a most important diversion must consequently have been made in favour of the cause of Spain; by Great Britain. If England had left Portugal to be overrun by the enemy would the situation of Spain be now what it is? Whilst the hon. gent. has thought proper to state as the ground of his despair of the cause, what Spain has failed to do; he has omitted to state what she actually has done. It may be, indeed, that more might have been done by the Spaniards in the course of this struggle than what they have done; but let us do justice to so much as they have done; let us do justice to that nation which has done more than has been done by all the other nations of Europe since the commencement of the revolutionary war; to that nation which, though now for more than two years overrun by the armies of France, has never yet submitted to her foe, but is still as unconquerable in mind and spirit as ever. It is in these means and this determined spirit of opposition, that our hopes of that country are founded; it is by these means alone that an opposition to France can be maintained; and I trust that while she continues in that spirit, she will remain as invincible to France as ever.

Will the honourable gentleman but consider for a moment, what would have been the consequence, to Great Britain, if the Peninsula had ere this been under complete subjection to France. Let him consider of what consequence Cadiz and Lisbon alone would have been to France if in her possession. He who has always professed such fears for the removal of the battle to our own shores, will he only consider where, to such disadvantage, danger could be so seriously apprehended to this country and to Ireland, as from the ports of Cadiz and Lisbon. And though the Peninsula should ultimately be conquered, when he considers how completely it was under subjection to France before the present war, and the advantages which were drawn from it, he will find it will be less efficient to the conqueror, when it shall be finally subdued, than it was previous to this desolating contest. The hon. gent. has adverted to other topics: he says, that the observations respecting the revenue appear to him perfectly unintelligible; that it is said the revenue has fallen off in Ireland, and fallen off here, and yet is much more now than in any former year. I will tell the hon. gent. that the statement of the Speech is perfectly consistent. I will tell him that the whole revenue of this country, received into the exchequer, before the 5th of January, in this present year, 1811, for the preceding year, was greater than that of any former year—that there are between three and four millions of excess of difference between the last year and the year ending in January 1809, and that without the imposition of any new taxes last year. What do you mean then, says the hon. gent. by your revenue being affected by the dis- astrous state of the commerce of the country? I will tell, him that particular branches of that commerce may have declined towards the latter end of the year, by which the revenue of that part of the year may have been affected; and yet it may be perfectly clear that upon the whole year there may be an abundant increase of revenue. It is true, and cannot be denied, that the enemy has made an impression on the commerce of this country; but this impression, whatever it may be, can be only considered as temporary; and when I take into consideration the skill, industry and capital of this nation, I have the best grounded expectations of our future prosperity, though the application in particular channels of that skill and industry may for a time be affected. I think I may venture to state, therefore, that the general increase of the revenue, which suffered some decrease however towards the latter end of the year, may be expected to continue; though nothing can be said prospectively on such a subject with confidence.

On the subject of America I wish to touch as little as possible. The hon. gent. is, I think, not warranted in saying that a spirit of conciliation which he now affects to hail, did not exist in his Majesty's councils towards that country till the present moment. There is no greater spirit of conciliation manifested now than formerly. The councils of the country were always perfectly conciliatory towards America, and every thing was done which could be done to obtain a renewal of a friendly intercourse with the United States, consistent with our own safety. And I believe that every thing will be done by the Regent in the way of conciliation; but while he is willing to concede every thing that ought to be conceded, he will at the same time keep sight of the preservation of those maritime rights for which this country has always contended. I do think indeed that those rights which have been so long claimed by Great Britain, should not, under the present circumstances of the world, be renounced by her at present. I do not impute to the hon. gent. that he would willingly be inclined to sacrifice any of the just rights of this country. No character could be gained by the nation which would not stand up in the defence of her rights, and no character could be gained by the individual who would advise and consent to their sacrifice.

I will now ask the hon. gent. and the House, if it would be proper that, situated as we are, any notice should be taken of the expectation of peace in the Address? With what propriety could it be stated that peace, at the present moment, was possible to be obtained? No men would be more ready than ministers, if any opportunity should occur when peace could with safety be made, to avail themselves of that opportunity; but they would merely mislead and deceive the country were they to hold out to them that any thing like such an opportunity had yet occurred. I think, indeed, that there are few individuals in the House who would be inclined to go along with an hon. baronet (sir T. Turton), who spoke in the course of the evening, in the sentiments he uttered on that subject. The hon. gent. says and makes it matter of charge that it has been declared in this House, that no peace can be obtained with the present Emperor of France, till he abate in his pretensions. It is but too true that till such an event no peace is to be obtained. What, says the hon. gent. and are you then determined to carry on an interminable war? If these professions be adhered to, what can follow but the inevitable ruin of Great Britain? What a prospect, continues the hon. gent.? If it be the real state of the prospect, however, why should that prospect be disguised to the country? The pretensions of the Ruler of France are nothing less than the ruin of this country; and till he abate from those pretensions, how can peace be obtained? And I will ask the hon. gent. with confidence, whether he sees any thing now in the conduct of that Ruler, which indicates that he has abandoned his hostile views, or that can lead us to believe that we may with safety accede to his demands.

Among the other points of the speech of the hon. gent. he expressed his astonishment that no notice was taken in the speech of the situation of this country with regard to Sweden. Nothing could be more natural than that ministers in the exercise of their discretion on that subject, should not think proper to advert to the situation of Sweden. When we reflect on what our former connection with Sweden was, and the manner in which that country was compelled to enter into subserviency to an enemy, it will, I think, be found, that forbearance with regard to that unhappy country is the principle on which we should act, so long as we can act on for bearing principles without danger to ourselves. The immediate adoption of re- taliative measures could, circumstanced as we are, be of little use to England, and on deliberate consideration therefore it was not thought necessary to make the state of that country pie of the topics of the Speech.

With respect to the omission so much complained of with regard to Ireland, though fully aware of the importance of the subject, I did not conceive it actually necessary to introduce into the speech of the Prince Regent on this occasion any particular mention of the affairs of Ireland. I know that representations have been made, for what purpose they can best tell who made them, that the affairs of the sister kingdom are in the most lamentable condition; my colleagues and myself have been accused this night of treating that important part of the empire with systematic neglect; of never referring to it except in language of a degrading, insulting and contemptuous nature. I put it to the candour of the House if this be a correct statement, or if it can believe that we are such fools and idiots as to treat such grave discussions with an unworthy contempt, much less with that derision and even laughter which has been imputed to us. However my own views of the policy which it would be prudent to adopt respecting that part of the united empire may differ from the opinions entertained by the hon. gent. (Mr. Hutchinson), and the difference is certainly great and obvious, no fair inference, I am confident, is deducible from that circumstance, that I have been at any time disposed to disregard or undervalue any topic connected with Irish affairs. When, however, the hon. gent. goes further, and avers that the Regent could not safely place confidence in the persons who now conduct the administration of the country, and that those persons neither possess nor merit the confidence of the country, then indeed I shall venture to ask, where could the Regent hope to find men who possessed it in a greater degree? I believe no man or set of men enjoy a greater portion of the esteem and confidence of the people, although the hon. gent. (Mr. Whitbread) appears by his laugh to think otherwise. I challenge that hon. gent., by any test or in any place, to controvert my assertions.—The right hon. gent. then, apologized for having so long trespassed on the attention of the House, which he said he had been induced to do by the introduction of the irrelevant matter which had been brought forward on the other side, and which it was impossible for him not to advert to.

asserted that the right hon. gent. had misrepresented his hon. friend (Mr. Hutchinson.) When his hon. friend had stated that the affairs of Ireland were treated by ministers with systematic neglect, it was a statement which he was fully warranted in making. A noble lord, who in his opinion bad always had too much influence in the councils of Ireland, had not hesitated once to say that the less that was said about that country the better. To him it appeared that, as a component part of the empire, it was entitled to respectful attention, an attention proportioned to the extent of its territory and the amount of its resources. It had been stated to them by the right hon. gent. that the revenue of Ireland had been affected; were those terms, he would ask, descriptive of the fact? Did the language fairly represent that a defalcation of between two and three millions had taken place in the revenue, and that it was at the present period unequal to the ordinary exigencies? When he looked also to the other features in the situation of Ireland; when he saw her tranquillity menaced and the military force greatly reduced; when he knew too, that many persons who had a deep stake in the safety of that part of the kingdom, some of whom were in the constant habit of defending and supporting the right hon. gent., entertained the most serious apprehensions on the subject, he could not easily conceive a topic more deserving of the right hon. gent.'s gravity and attention. [Here the Chancellor of the Exchequer appeared to be engaged in conversation.] He was aware that he had no peculiar claim on his attention, and he had just afforded an additional proof of the carelessness of which he had been accused. He did therefore again assert that the regard paid to Ireland by our government was not sufficient to the weight and importance of so large a component part of the empire, and he sincerely believed that much of the mischief that had happened in Ireland, much of that embarrassment and calamity in which she was involved, was owing to the loose and negligent manner in which its business was conducted in that House, and regularly deferred till the close of the session. Anxious as he was to avoid touching on any topic calculated to arouse feelings of irritation, he must be permitted to put in his claim to be heard in parliament as an Irish representative, warmly interested in the welfare of his native country. At such a period as the present, threatened as we were by an enemy far more formidable than had ever hitherto waged hostility against us, it was the bounden duty of that House to attend to every complaint preferred from that quarter, to investigate every alleged grievance, and if they should prove delusive to dispel the delusion by a fair and impartial inquiry. Then instead of a drain and an incumbrance on Great Britain, as Ireland was rendered by the present system, we might proceed to husband her resources and to consolidate her strength, till the fortunate period should arrive when a firm and honourable peace might alleviate her burthens, and no longer retard the natural progress of her prosperity.

said he rose to express his hope, that words would not in future be put into his mouth which had never fallen from him, nor opinions imputed to him, which he had never expressed. He had not said, as the right hon. gent (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) attributed to him, that the Prince Regent should look elsewhere for his ministers, or should confide the guidance of his councils to other men. What he had stated however, was in his judgment the most proper course for the House to pursue, was that they should represent to the Prince Regent their firm determination to support the just authority of the executive and at the same time to express their conviction of the incapacity of his present ministers. In reply to what the right hon. gent. had observed in defence of the respect and attention which he was in the habit of shewing to discussions on Irish affairs, he lamented that he should be under the necessity of repeating the accusation, and of distinctly charging the right hon. gent. with the most blameable and offensive levity.

said, if he had misunderstood or misrepresented the observations of the hon. gent. he should be extremely ready to have his error corrected. He certainly was desirous of vindicating himself from the imputations of the honourable gentleman, who had very erroneously described him as laughing whenever mention was made of Irish affairs. With respect to the honourable gentleman's explanation of his meaning, in his first speech, he most confess he could not very easily see how a declaration of the incapacity of the Regent's ministers could be separated from the expression of a wish that they should be dismissed from the Regent's service. The honourable baronet had likewise charged him with inattention to what he had been saying with respect to the military force in Ireland; but if the honourable baronet would adopt the statements in the Morning Chronicle, he had hardly a right to expect a refutation of them in that House. He could, however, assure him, that no reinforcements had recently been drawn from Ireland, and that, the amount of military force now in that Country was probably greater than it had been at any period which the honourable baronet could mention.

said, that he had not adopted, in what he had observed, the statements of the Morning Chronicle, neither had he adopted the statements of the Morning Post. Deprived as he was of the channels of official communication, his knowledge was of course derived from such sources as were open generally, and from such correspondence as he maintained with persons in Ireland, which fully enabled him to state that many gentlemen of rank and property, and some of them the political friends of the minister, had been under the most serious alarm in consequence of the reduction of the military force in that part of the empire. He believed that large drafts had been made, but that the projected reinforcements had been countermanded.

rose only to notice one point in the speech of the right hon. gent. and it was that, in which he had inferred from his observations on the former night that his honourable friend (Mr. Whitbread) had contradicted himself, in first professing to concur with him, and in following that declaration with his subsequent remarks. Now, he wished to be distinctly understood as having certainly disclaimed any wish or intention of making a systematic opposition to the Regent's government, because though he should be sorry at any time to harrass or impede the administration of the country, he should be particularly so when he reflected on the novelty as well as the difficulties of the Regent's situation. But these considerations were not to preclude him from the discharge of his duty, if he should find occasion for it, in opposing and condemning the measures of his ministers. High as was his veneration for his royal highness, both for his private virtues and his constitutional sentiments, so congenial to those principles which had seated the House of Hanover on the throne of these kingdoms, this veneration would but operate injuriously if it prevented him from steadily resisting the unwise and dangerous policy of those who conducted the administration.

said, he should take the opportunity before the report was read of alluding to what had fallen from an hon. gent. on the subject of the foreigner confined in Cold Bath Fields. He could not help feeling much surprised that an enquiry which might have been made in five minutes, had not been made in the twenty four hours, that had elapsed since the honourable baronet behind him had first mentioned the subject to the House.

thought the hon. gent. behind him had acted prudently in not making a partial or defective statement, but in reserving himself till all the circumstances of the case were ascertained.

said, that it was the necessity of this long and minute enquiry of which he complained. Was there no record kept of such a transaction in the office of the home department? Or was the right hon. gent. to be permitted to shelter the under secretary of state when unable to furnish satisfactory information?

observed, that the hon. bart. (sir F. Burdett) had confessed his own representation to be inaccurate. He had, however, inasmuch as the matter lay in some degree in his department, written to the officer who had brought home the foreigner, but who was at Yarmouth, and from whom he had not of course yet heard. He had learned, however, that the person in question had been apprehended as a spy, and conducted hither from Heligoland by a warrant from lord Liverpool, who was not now in the home department. He did not, however, consider this to be a proper time for enlarging upon this subject.

was pleased to receive at least some information from the right hon. gent. but could not see, that because the head of an office was changed, the business of the office was to stop. He thought it highly creditable to the humanity of the hon. bart. to have brought this subject forward; it was one in which he had no doubt the laws of the country had been wantonly violated, and the freedom of a human being causelessly impaired.

said, it appeared from what had passed this evening, that there was a great deal of truth in what had fallen from the hon. bart. (sir F. Burdett). He hoped, however, that the subject would not be allowed to pass without investigation, and was satisfied, as the House must be, that the hon. bart. was entitled to thanks for the pains he had taken on the occasion.

The Report was then brought up and agreed to, and the Address was ordered to be presented to the Prince Regent by those who were of the privy council.