said, that he was instructed by his constituents to present to the House a Petition, signed by 6,500 most respectable individuals of the town of Liverpool, who in the space of only four days, had stepped forward to affix their signatures, for the purpose of praying the repeal of the Orders in Council as the cause of the commercial distress which affected not that place merely, but the country in general. The majority of the persons whose names now appeared at the fool of the Petition, were those who had signed a Petition against the Orders in Council when those measures first originated, and had then foretold the calamities which the trade of Liverpool had since suffered from the effects of those Orders, and from the closing of the ports of America. The melancholy statement of the actual condition of Liver pool, which was inserted in the Petition, was unwillingly obtruded upon the feel- ings of the House, in consequence of the contradiction given upon this subject to the information which an hon. member (Mr. Creevey) had deemed it right to afford. Upon the general question he would now say nothing, but merely move that the Petition be brought up.—The question having been put,

referred to the 6,560 witnesses who in this Petition bore ample testimony of the perfect truth of the assertions he had made regarding the real miseries of the inhabitants of Liverpool.

observed, that the accounts he had obtained, and which he had communicated to parliament on a former occasion, in opposition to the allegations of the hon. gentleman, were derived from the most respectable authority.

bore witness to the deference due to the quarter to which the hon. general was indebted for his intelligence, and stated that he had himself received letters corroborating the facts formerly brought before the House. The Petition was then brought up and read; setting forth, "That the petitioners are compelled, by the most urgent necessity, to lay their distresses and their grievances before the House; and that the general depression of the commerce and manufactures of the country has been particularly felt by the town and port of Liverpool; that the trade has rapidly declined; and that the more laborious part of the inhabitants, consisting of shipwrights, ropemakers, sail-makers, carpenters, porters, carters, and labourers, with their numerous families, are reduced to a state of unexampled suffering and distress; and that the petitioners have heard, with surprize and indignation, that statements have been made tending to keep the House, and the country at large, in ignorance of the real state of that populous town, and denying facts which are but too grievously notorious to every inhabitant of the place; and that it is not true, as the petitioners understand it has been publicly represented, that there were not more than from 3,000 to 4,000 persons whose necessities entitled them to support and assistance from a public subscription of the inhabitants, entered into for that purpose; and that it is not true that not a single shipwright is out of employ in Liverpool, who is willing to work; and that the fact is, that the distresses of the labouring part of the community and their families having rendered relief indis- pensably necessary, a public subscription was entered into for that object in the month of December last, by which nearly 16,000 persons were in one week relieved and that the petitioners compute the number of persons so receiving relief to have been at least one-sixth part of the present population of the town; and that the falshood of the assertion, that there is no want of employ for those who are willing to work, is apparent through the whole town of Liverpool, amidst all its docks, on all its quays, and in every street, where numbers of industrious mechanics, many of whom are free burgesses of the town, are seen without employment, whilst others are compelled by their necessities to solicit in the vicinity of the town for charitable aid; and that, in addition to the want of employ, the distressed situation of the town is aggravated by the present high and rapidly increasing price of all the necessaries of life, from which evils, if some relief cannot be obtained, by the speedy interference of the House, the petitioners cannot but apprehend the most alarming and fatal consequences; and that it appears to the petitioners to be as impious as it is unjust, to attribute the distresses which affect the country principally to the dispensations of Providence, as to the productions of the soil, or to any other cause which the interference of the House, in conjunction with the other branches of the legislature, may not in a great degree remove; and that the petitioners have heard, with real alarm, that a high and confidential servant of the crow did, in the presence of his Majesty's Chancellor of the Exchequer, and of a respectable deputation from the inhabitants of a large manufacturing town, lately make use of language which appears to the petitioners, from the time and occasion on which it was introduced, to develope the views and intentions of ministers more decisively than thousands of state papers and public documents; and shews that they are prepared to risk the very existence of the country on the further prosecution of measures which have already reduced it to its present unexampled state of suffering; and that the petitioners cannot but avow to the House, their most solemn conviction that the distresses of the country are primarily occasioned by the present ruinous and long protracted war, by the sacrifice of the manufacturing and commercial interests of the country to war, measures injurious only to ourselves, thereby destroying and drying up the very sources of revenue, and, in particular, by the Orders in Council affecting in their operation our trade with neutral states; and that the consequences of these Orders are more particularly felt in the port of Liverpool, where, during the year 1807, being immediately prior to the operation of the Orders in Council, 489 American vessels, independently of other neutral ships, were cleared out, and where, in the course of six months, in the year 1809, when the effect of such Orders was understood to be suspended by negociation, 336 American vessels were cleared out, which ships were laden almost entirely with British manufactures, having afforded in their outfit profitable employment to great numbers of merchants, tradesmen, mechanics, and labourers of the town of Liverpool; and that, in consequence of the Orders in Council of November, 1807, continued in certain of their provisions by another Order in Council of the 2Gth of April, 1809, the shipments from neutral states to that port are become very inconsiderable; and that, in particular, the merchants of the American states, being by local regulations of their own government prevented, during the continuance of the Orders in Council, from importing, in return for their cargoes, the manufactures of this country, are compelled to draw bills of exchange for the proceeds of their shipments, which bills have been for some months last past at a discount in the united States of 15 to 20 percent., and are now nearly unsaleable at any price; a circumstance felt at the present time with particular pressure by this country, from its enhancing the price and greatly diminishing the quantity of grain and flour imported from America; and that, whilst the direct effect of the Orders in Council has been to diminish and injure the revenues, commerce, and manufactures of these kingdoms, they have also compelled neutrals to rely upon their own efforts for those articles which were before supplied by this country, and notoriously to establish manufactories of various kinds, which must eventually lead to an exclusion of British manufactures, and thereby render permanent those evils which are at present experienced; and that the petitioners cannot but contemplate with the most pointed sentiments of disapprobation, the system of a licensed trade with the enemy, by which a power of dispensing with the laws is vested in the minister for the time being, and has been exercised, as the petitioners humbly apprehend, to a most dangerous and alarming extent: that the direct and immediate effect of such measures is the increase of the naval power of our enemies, the transferring the commerce of this country to hostile and foreign traders, and the encouragement of crimes which destroy all confidence amongst civilized states, and which, when limited in their effects to these realms, are punished with the most exemplary severity; the petitioners therefore most humbly, but confidently, call upon the House to vindicate the national character, and to mark with due reprobation a system of intercourse involving the breach of all moral obligation, highly dangerous to the ultimate safety of the country, and supported by perjury, forgery, and fraud; and that the petitioners humbly conceive that these and many other evils would be done away by withdrawing the Orders in Council, that such a measure, by restoring a free intercourse between this country and neutral states, would relieve the nation in general, and the town of Liverpool in particular, from great and increasing distress, would open and restore to our manufacturers the most valuable markets which our country ever possessed, would encourage the shipments and importation of grain and flour, now so indispensably necessary to the supply of these islands, would again afford employment to the laborious part of the community, and would, as the petitioners are fully convinced, be found a speedy and substantial remedy for a great part of our present evils, and a security against those much greater calamines which appear to be rapidly approaching, and which the petitioners cannot contemplate without sentiments too alarming to be expressed; and praying, that the House will take this subject into their immediate consideration, and will afford the petitioners such relief as the House may in its wisdom think fit."

said, that he felt it incumbent upon him to give the most positive contradiction to one paragraph in the Petition which referred immediately to himself, and which was founded on the grossest misrepresentation. It referred to a meeting between him and a committee of gentlemen from Birmingham, at which his right hon. friend (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) was present, and the member for the county of Warwick. Instead of using any language which could lead the gentlemen to think that ministers were insensible to the distresses represented to them, he appealed to all who had been present if the whole of the conversation lid not show that government gave full credit to the statement made; and he (Mr. Rose) expressly allowed, that the iron manufactories of Birmingham were peculiarly injured by the existing obstruction of trade with the United States; and deeply lamented that nothing could be done for their relief. He denied in the most positive manner, that any thing passed which could be construed into an insensibility on his part, and he appealed to any member that heard him, whether throughout his public life, his conduct had not been governed by an extreme anxiety, if possible, to alleviate distresses whenever they were represented to him. He referred with the utmost confidence to his right hon. friend, to state whether a single word had been uttered by him which could afford the slightest foundation for the expressions employed by the petitioners. If he had conducted himself as was represented, he should think that he was unworthy of filling any office in the public, service for the remainder of his existence.

said, that the question was not whether the right hon. gent. was insensible to the miseries presented to his view, but whether he had employed the unfortunate expression referred to. He did not understand that the fact was denied that the right hon. gentleman had said that the two countries were in the situation of two men whose heads were in a bucket of water, and the struggle was, which of the two could remain longer in that situation without suffocation. This kind of metaphorical language might sufficiently express the nature of the mercantile contest produced by the Orders in Council, but it was rather unfortunate when addressed to those whose heads were under water, and suffering all the pains of strangulation.

.—I assert again that I have no recollection of having used such an expression, and I am certain that it was not addressed to any of the gentlemen who waited upon me. I do not undertake to deny it positively; it might have been said by me. All I can undertake to state positively is, that no such phrase was used by me to the deputation generally; but whether I said it to any individual I will not pretend to determine. I deny too that if I used it, it proceeded from any want of feeling on my part for the distresses complained of.

said, that a few days afterwards he met some of the gentlemen of the deputation, who repeated to him the words referred to in the Petition, and certainly it was considered by them as shewing a great degree of insensibility on the part of the right hon. gentleman.

remarked, that the expression had been repeated to him by a member of the House a day or two after it had been used. The Petition was ordered to lie on the table.

said, he held in his hand another Petition from a number of the inhabitants of Liverpool, who had signed it in the course of one hour; and had it not been necessary to send it off, in order that it might accompany the preceding Petition, it would have received a much greater number of signatures. The memorial of the present petitioners was not so much against the Orders in Council, as applicable to the expressions which they had heard ascribed to the right hon. gentleman opposite, (a laugh); and which, however ridiculous they might appear to some gentlemen, were yet calculated to produce any other sensations but those of levity and laughter in the minds of those to whom they were addressed. The petitioners, feeling the multiplied distresses of their situation, had heard with regret and astonishment, the figurative language of the right hon. gentleman; from which they drew, at least, this conclusion, that the commercial measures of ministers were not to be relinquished in the smallest degree. The right hon. gentleman had disclaimed his having treated the deputation with any thing like levity; and he fully believed him, for he was convinced that neither that right hon. gentleman nor the Chancellor of the Exchequer, nor the hon. and learned gentleman, not now in his place, (Mr. Stephen,) who might be considered as the father of the Orders in Council, had now in their minds any feelings of levity or ridicule on this subject, but rather those of a very contrary description. The object of the present petitioners, however, was simply to express, not that the expressions of the right hon. gentleman conveyed insult of insensibility, but merely that they excite in their minds the most melancholy apprehensions, and destroyed all hope of any modification of the Orders in Council. They had imagined, that when so many memorials had been presented to ministers, some modification, at least, of those measures would have been made; but now, instead of these expectations being gratified, they were to understand that this country was finally committed to a contest with the enemy, which of them should bear privations the longer. The petitioners also proceeded to observe with pain and sorrow, that many persons in this country were possessed of sinecures and pensions to a large amount,—men who had fattened on the war which had reduced them to distress. They contrasted the situation of these pensioners with their own deplorable condition, and prayed that these sinecures and pensions might be abolished altogether, and their produce applied to carrying on the war. This sort of language might be called indelicate; but then the House should observe, that they were dealing with hungry men, who were very Utile removed from a starving situation. But whatever might be thought of some parts of this Petition, there was one conclusion which could not fail to strike every man,—namely, that the number of the Petitions which the House had received afforded a melancholy proof of the extent of the distresses, and the pressure under which the manufacturing and commercial interests laboured. Some of them were against the East India monopoly; others against the Orders in Council; and a third class, like the present, against the Orders, and also against Sinecure Places and Pensions. From all this he concluded, that the pressure on the various parts of the country was great, and almost intolerable. It was his opinion, however, that the petitioners would derive at least the most speedy relief from laying the axe to the commercial decrees of ministers.

reprobated the discussion of a question now which might be fully debated at its proper time to-morrow. This at least was neither a usual nor a convenient way of dispatching the business of parliament. He felt himself called upon to say a few words with regard to the expression so much talked of, which was said to have dropped from his right hon. friend. He never was more surprized than when he heard that an injurious impression had been loft upon the minds of some individuals present at the interview, for the deputation from Birmingham appeared perfectly satisfied with the reception afforded them. Taxing his own memory he had not the least trace of such a phrase as had been so often alluded to, although it might have been uttered out of his hearing, or indeed if uttered within his hearing, he might not have noticed it. He positively denied that it could justify any such mischievous impression as that to which it had been distorted. It had been employed to exasperate the public mind, for the purpose of producing mischief; and he was sorry to see that gentlemen in that House thus gave countenance to such disgraceful attempts. It was exciting a still more outrageous spirit in those who were now employing themselves throughout the country in destroying all kinds of machinery. That was indeed laying the axe to the root, and abolishing the very means of future prosperity to the country, by which the pressure now complained of might be alleviated. Such sentiments as had just been listened to encouraged and promoted the feeling which produced these dismal Scenes of devastation. He did not mean to make any charge upon gentlemen, whose duly it was to present Petitions put into their hands, but he would appeal to every man present at the interview alluded to (excepting the individual who had originated the Statement) whether any thing passed which could be perverted into an expression of unkindness, harsh ness, or insensibility on the part of ministers. Whatever might have been the particular words employed, he would not take upon himself to determine, but he would bear positive testimony that in his right hon. friend's mind there was no feeling which could justify the distortion of phrase which had been attributed to him.

observed, that the most convenient mode would be for the right hon. gentleman to state what he really did say. It undoubtedly was fair that the right hon. gentleman should have an opportunity of explaining the construction he put upon the words said to have been employed. A present the sense applied to the metaphor seemed to be that which it bore, without any perversion. It must be admitted, that it conveyed no very pleasant idea to the minds of the petition- ers, when they were told that they were like a man with his head in a bucket of water.

repeated, that he had not the most faint remembrance of having employed the language attributed to him. All he could say was, that in his mind there was nothing at all disrespectful to the gentlemen, or unfeeling to the individuals they represented. He was sorry not to see the hon. member for Warwickshire in his place, who would be able to state his recollection of the transaction. He was happy that the the present opportunity had been afforded him of disclaiming that which had been most unjustly attributed to him, viz. an insensibility to the complaints that had been urged. He thought the case of the manufacturers of Birmingham entitled to peculiar attention.

observed, that the figure of speech in which the right hon. gentleman had indulged, and which remained uncontradicted, had created a most melancholy impression.

felt convinced that the expressions had been used; but from the manner in which the right hon. gentleman received those who waited upon him on business, he was convinced that there was no intention to insult or offend. He expressed his hope that the grievous complaints of the numerous petitioners, who had resorted to the House for redress, would be most seriously considered.

suggested, that if the right hon. gentleman could not deny the precise expression, at least he could disclaim the policy which might be supposed to dictate it.

objected to the words, as containing a comment on the system government intended to pursue with regard to the Orders in Council.

observed, that to-morrow would be the more fit time for the explanation required. The Petition was then brought up, and read; setting forth, "That the petitioners have been credibly informed, and do believe that the right hon. George Rose did lately, in a conference between his Majesty's Chancellor of the Exchequer and certain master manufacturers of the town of Birmingham, compare the situation of the people of England and France to that of two men holding their heads in a vessel of water, and trying which can longest endure the pain of suffocation; and that the petitioners cannot, without great alarm, hear of this type or comparison as illustrating the effects of a war which his Majesty's ministers have from time to time promised to terminate, by the subjugation and restraint of France; and that, though the above-mentioned comparison too aptly typifies the condition of the petitioners, all whose means of livelihood are alarmingly curtailed by the events of war, and by the process of taxation, and many of whom are reduced to the extreme of want, it is by no means applicable to the right hon. George Rose, and divers others similarly circumstanced, who, by the emoluments of the offices which they hold under government, and the possession of considerable pensions and salaries of sinecure places, are much at their ease in the midst of public calamity; and praying the House to pass a Bill for appropriating, during the future continuance of the war, the salaries of all sinecure offices, and all unmerited and extravagant pensions, to public purposes, which Bill, the petitioners humbly conceive, by tending in a degree to equalize the pressure of the times, will at once tranquillize the general feeling, and accelerate to this country the acquisition of the blessings of peace." Ordered to lie upon the table.

said, that he believed the right hon. member was in Ireland.

said, that he did not at all doubt but that the right hon. gentleman was in Ireland, where, during the discussion of the late important question, he ought not to have been. He expressed his hope, that the House would not excuse the absence of the right hon. gentleman.

thought the hon. general might have been a little more lenient in his observations.

did not understand why the right hon. gentleman should have been allowed to fight shy of the Catholic question. Notwithstanding what had been said by the hon. gentleman opposite, he still hoped the right hon. member would not be excused.

did not see there was even a pretence laid before the House for the absence of the right hon. member. He should move. That he be taken into the custody of the Serjeant at Arms.

rose again and said, he was absolutely certain that the right hon. gentleman would have been in his place had he not met with some unforeseen accident. However, he confessed that he had received no letter from the right hon. member.

urged the propriety of the motion.

deprecated the harshness with which the gentlemen opposite seemed to wish to have the right hon. member treated. He should move an amendment to the motion, That the right hon. gentleman be ordered to attend in his place on this day se'nnight.

opposed the amendment. The right hon. member had appeared in his place almost every day until the approach of the Catholic question.

expected that the right hon. gentleman opposite, who had moved the call of the House, would have been the first to move the right hon. member into custody. As to the amendment, there was not the least doubt but that the right hon. member would be in his place on that day se'nnight. He was one of the lords of the Treasury, and materially connected with Ireland; and he certainly knew not why the presence of such a member should not have been enforced on the important question lately under consideration. If the House had the least regard for its dignity, it must order the right hon. member into custody.

then put the question, and as the House was about to divide, Mr. Ward withdrew his amendment, and the original motion was carried in the affirmative.

rose to move the Thanks of the House to the earl of Wellington, and the army under his command——

spoke to order; he wished to know from the chair, whether this was not a day in which orders took precedence of notices?

said, that questions of thanks to our fleets or armies always were allowed to take precedence of every other business.

then spoke to the following effect:—Sir, from the opportunity which on former occasions I have had of collecting the sentiments of the House on the course of proceeding with respect to questions similar to that which I am about to submit to their consideration, I agree with you. Sir, that the House will always be disposed to give to them an undoubted priority. It gratifies me, however, to be enabled to assure the noble lord, that in my view of the present subject, it will not be necessary for me to detain the House at any considerable length; anticipating as I do, the unanimous concurrence of all who hear me, in the motion with which I shall have the honour to conclude. Sir, I have so frequently, during the short period of the last eighteen months, had the happiness to submit to this House a motion similar to the present, that I am justified, from my experience on those occasions, in confidently expecting that not a single dissenting voice will be raised against my present proposition. We may differ in opinion. Sir, on the general question of the manner in which the war on the peninsula has been conducted; we may even differ in opinion on the probable effect of the late or of any other splendid achievement of our brave troops—but it is impossible that we should differ in opinion on the able conduct of our general, and on the gallantry of our officers and men, with reference to the recent occurrrence, in which these qualities have been so successfully and so gloriously exhibited. The House will recollect that at no great distance of time antecedent to the late distinguished achievement, the capture of Ciudad Rodrigo took place. Immediately after that capture, lord Wellington meditated the direction of his forces toward" that fortress, the acquisition of which it is now our object to acknowledge. The arrangements for that purpose were made with great expedition by the noble and gallant lord during the time that he kept his head-quarters; and so completely were the enemy deceived by the celerity and the secrecy of those arrangements, that they were evidently unapprized of the intended movement until it was too late for them to entertain any hope that they might be able to collect a force adequate to the defeat of the object which the British army had in view. As soon as his preparations were complete, lord Wellington proceeded to Badajoz. He arrived at Elras on the 11th of March. On the 16th he invested Badajoz. On the 17th he broke ground, and pushed forward his operations with all the rapidity which the utmost exertions of the officers and soldiers of his brave army enabled him to do. The House are in possession of the details immediately subsequent, from the pen of the noble and gallant officer himself; and I am sure that any attempt of mine to re-state them, will but tend to weaken the effect which they are calculated to produce. It appears, however, that the fire from the second parallel opened on the 31st of March; and that practicable breaches having been effected in two of the bastions of the fortress, on the 6th, at night, lord Wellington gave orders to proceed to the storm. The plan on that occasion was, that lieutenant general Picton should attack the castle by escalade with the 3d division—that major Wilson, with a guard from the 4th division, should attack the ravelin of St. Roque; and that the hon. major general Colville at the head of the 4th division, and the light division under lieutenant colonel Barnard, should attack the breaches in the bastions. Lieutenant general Leith, with the left brigade of the division under major general Walker, was to make a false attack upon two of the out-works. This feigned attack was not expected to take effect, but directions were given to turn it into a real attack, if circumstances should prove favourable. At ten o'clock at night, the attack commenced. The exertions of the troops on that occasion were never exceeded. They had to contend against an able general, who commanded a powerful garrison, not exhausted by the casualties and privations of a long siege, but capable of making a determined resistance to their assailants, and prepared by every means to give to that resistance the best chance of success. The conflict continued for above two hours, during which period the enemy resisted with a gallantry which it is due to them to say, was as glorious as that of their assailants. It is undoubtedly true, that the assailants were exposed to infinitely greater danger; but we owe it to the enemy to acknowledge that they de- fended themselves with the utmost spirit and determination, and in such a manner as to produce no inconsiderable effect. While this dreadful conflict was going on in the breaches, general Picton succeeded in his escalade, and established himself in the castle Major Wilson carried the ravelin of St. Roque. Major-general Leith pushed forward major-general Walker's brigade, which converting the feigned into a real attack, and aided by the 38th regiment, and the 15th Portuguese regiment, forced the barrier on the road of Olivença, and escaladed the bastion of St. Vicente. Our troops being thus established in the castle, which commands all the works of the town, and the 4th light division being formed again for the attack of the breaches, all resistance ceased, and at day-light next morning, an unconditional surrender took place. Sir, in calling the attention of the House to these gallant and distinguished exploits, it is impossible for me not to advert to the loss which our brave army sustained. The House must be aware, however, that in the attack by storm of such a fortress as Badajoz, the loss must certainly be severe. The House must also be aware, how important it was to lose no time in the achievement of the object. If we consider the advance of Soult, with a view to attempt the relief of Badajoz, we may easily conceive, that had the assault been delayed, in order to render the breaches more practicable, a much heavier loss might have been sustained by the double effort that would then have been necessary to repel the advancing army on the one hand, and to reduce the fortress on the other. Sir, I shall forbear from dwelling, with particular distinction, on the names of any of the gallant officers who acquitted themselves so nobly in this most brilliant affair, because they are so numerous, the instances of heroic gallantry were so general (as, indeed, the list of casualties but too sufficiently testifies), that it would be in vain for me to attempt to do justice to all, and I am unwilling, by omitting any, to expose myself to the charge of invidiousness. I conceive that the House must be fully impressed with the importance of this operation. What the ultimate result may be, it is impossible accurately to predict; but there is every reason to believe that the British movement towards Badajoz, attracting the notice of marshal Soult, gave to the Spaniards in the south of Spain, the means of approaching Seville, and there can be little doubt but to this circumstance, general Ballasleros is indebted for the opportunity of marching into Seville, in consequence of the destitute state of defence into which it necessarily fell. I repeat, Sir, that it is impossible to anticipate the consequences of all these proceedings, but I feel justified in auguring most favourably from them, and in cherishing the expectation that they will be productive in the south of Spain of events in the highest degree auspicious to the common cause. The House and the country will, I trust, find some consolation for the severe loss which this glorious acquisition has occasioned, in the important effect which it is calculated to produce on the character, and probable result, of the awful contest in which we are engaged. It is but just that we should express the gratitude which we feel to those by whom such great national advantages have been obtained; and I therefore move you, Sir, in the first instance, "That the Thanks of this House be given to general the earl of Wellington, for the great ability and military skill manifested by him in the recent siege of Badajoz, by which that important fortress has been wrested from the possession of the enemy."

rose to set himself right with the House. When he got up before, his intention was by no means to oppose the vote of thanks.

was of opinion that this last exploit of lord Wellington had done great honour to himself and the British army. Under all the circumstances, he believed that no general in the universe but himself would have attempted the capture of Badajoz; and that no troops in the universe but British, would have succeeded in that attempt.

was a little apprehensive that the results in the south of Spain expected from the capture of Badajoz might not come to pass so easily as was expected.

did not think that the motion went far enough in rewarding the illustrious commander of the army in Spain. He was of opinion, that the highest dignity the country had to bestow would fall short of rewarding his merits. Why should not the gallant commander have a marshall's staff, and be put at the head of the military administration of the country?

said, that he scarcely ever offered himself to the House with more pleasure than on the present occa- sion, concurring as he did for the first time, and probably for the last, with the right hon. gentleman who made the motion. He had also to offer his humble thanks to the right hon. gentleman the Speaker, for permitting him to speak on this occasion; a permission, by the bye, which he was unfortunate enough to be unable to obtain during a late important debate, when he was most anxious to deliver his sentiments. He repeated that he was most happy to concur in the present motion of the right hon. gentleman, because it was a grateful duty to add his weak praises to the general voice of applause, because nothing could give him more pleasure than to speak the eulogy of many dear friends and countrymen who had fallen on this glorious occasion. He agreed with the gallant admiral that the motion did not go far enough. He would not attempt to recapitulate the exploits, or to count the glories of lord Wellington: they were known to his country—they were felt by Europe—they were bright before the world, and would retain a splendour lasting to all time. It was sufficient to say, that he had been victorious wherever honour and his country called him; and that, like Marlborough, he had never been beaten. To no general was lord Wellington second, and almost all had he surpassed. Was it not therefore right, that this conspicuous man,—this man so gifted by nature, and so favoured by fortune—should by his country be pre-eminently distinguished? Was it not right that his gallant array, of whom he was not more the commander, than the father and the friend, should through him be magnificently rewarded? To this army, which so adored and idolized their "commander, the country owed much; and how could that debt better be discharged than by dignifying to the utmost extent that commander? He would recommend the same measures to be adopted towards lord Wellington, as had been taken with respect to lord Nelson. The navy felt itself identified with lord Nelson; and the army would, he was sure, feel itself raised by every elevation of their chief. It was a source of considerable satisfaction to himself, that about 20 years ago, he had served in the same regiment with lord Wellington; and the noble lord had since gained no victory in which he did not sympathise, nor gathered a laurel for his brow which he did not delight to see him wear. But there was a trait in the character of lord Wellington which ought not to be hidden from the public sight. When he quitted his military pursuits, and retired to his native country in a civil capacity, it was highly to his honour to say, that though he differed in politics from the majority of his countrymen, he was universally beloved. The frankness of his disposition, and the openness of his heart, recommended him to the unsophisticated simplicity and the generous feelings of his countrymen; and when he gave up his civil situation, it ought to be remembered, that he did not load himself with sinecures as the price of his services,—that he had no 1,500l. a year bestowed upon him,—that he never got places abolished while others possessed them, and afterwards had these places re-established for the purpose of filling them himself. It ought to be remembered, that he did none of these things; but be knew a Secretary of Ireland who was not altogether so scrupulous,—a Secretary whose whole life had been a scene of political servility;—a Secretary, who—

here called the hon. general to order; and insisted, that in deviating to the abuse of any member, he was departing from the motion before the House.

acknowledged he had been a little out of order. All he had to say further, and indeed it was for that he rose, was, that he considered the motion did not go far enough. His opinions were those of the gallant admiral.

spoke in favour of the motion. and dwelt particularly on the merits of lord Wellington in the commissariat department of his army.

then moved, "That the Thanks of this House be given to lieut.-general sir William Carr Beresford, K. B., lieut.-gen. James Leith, lieut.-general Thomas Picton, major-gen. the hon. Charles Stewart, major-general the hon. Charles Colville, major-general Barnard ford Bowes, major-general Andrew Hay, major-general George Townshend Walker, and major-general James Kempt, and likewise to brigadier-general William Maundy Harvey, brigadier-general Champlemond, and brigadier-general Manley Power, of the Portuguese service, for their distinguished exertions during the recent siege of Badajoz, which was so gloriously terminated by the successful assault of that important fortress in the night of the 6th instant."

did not rise for the purpose of disturbing the unanimity of the vote upon this occasion. He wished merely to remark, that a practice had been lately, since the battle of Talavera, adopted, of not publishing the list of killed and wounded officers sufficiently early after receiving the dispatches. He conceived it was only necessary to state this circumstance to have it redressed. The general opinion, he believed, was, that the publication of the Extraordinary Gazette was purposely postponed to a late hour, to prevent its being copied into the evening papers. However it might happen, in his opinion the list of killed and wounded officers should be immediately struck off, at least as soon after receiving the dispatch as possible, that those persons who had relations in the engagement might receive the earliest information of their fate. On the late occasion the Extraordinary Gazette was published at so late an hour that many persons could not send it by the post that evening.

said he would make every enquiry into the circumstance mentioned by the hon. and learned gentleman, It was, in his opinion, desirable that the lists of killed and wounded officers should be made out with all possible accuracy, which necessarily required some considerable time.

observed, that the Gazette was ill the hands of many persons in public offices so early as half past two and three o'clock: the public, however, had great difficulty in getting it at seven o'clock. Some unaccountable delay must have taken place in the publication.

believed, that the list of killed and wounded was made up long before the printing of the Gazette, he had seen that list in a public room at twelve o'clock of the night on which the dispatches arrived. This circumstance, however, was probably not generally known.

observed, that the list was published only in one evening paper; the Pilot. The thanks were than carried, nem. con.

next moved the Thanks of the House to the officers of the British and Portuguese forces, which was also carried nem. con.

said, in rising to move That the House did highly approve and acknowledge the zeal, bravery, discipline, and humanity displayed by the non-commissioned officers and soldiers of the army under lord Wellington, he could not help taking notice of one circumstance which had taken place, as well at the capture of Ciudad Rodrigo, as on the late occasion, and that was the small number of killed and wounded of the enemy, and the great number of prisoners. He confessed, it did appear to him a distinguished circumstance in proof of the humanity, as well as bravery of our army, that after so bloody and obstinate a resistance, so small a number of the enemy should be killed, while upwards of 4,000 prisoners were taken.