presented a Petition from several weavers and other inhabitants of the town and neighbourhood of Chow Bent, in the county of Lancaster; setting forth,

"That the petitioners have been, for a long time, labouring under a state of unexampled distress, as the House will easily conceive, on being informed, that whereas the price of the necessaries of life is nearly doubled since the commencement of hostilities with France, the wages of the petitioners are reduced three fourths; and that, in these afflicting circumstances, the feelings of the petitioners are greatly aggravated by their knowledge that, whilst their utmost exertions in labour cannot save them from starving, vast sums of the public money are bestowed upon individuals as the salaries of sinecure places, that is to say, of places the holders of which receive wages without performing any work: and that, in proof of the fact, that vast sums of the public money are thus bestowed, selecting a few instances out of a great variety of the same nature they beg leave to remind the House, that the right hon. George Rose holds the office of Clerk of the Parliament, with a salary of 3,278l. per annum; that the right hon. Charles George lord Arden holds the offices of Register of the High Court of Admiralty, and of Register of the High Court of Appeals for Prizes, for which he receives, clear of deductions, 12,554l. per annum; and, finally, that the marquis of Bucking- ham and earl Camden hold the offices of Tellers of the Exchequer, for which offices they receive, the former 23,093l. the latter 23,117l. per annum; the duties of all which offices above-mentioned are executed by deputies receiving comparatively trifling allowances; and that the petitioners have, from time to time, been informed of large sums of money being paid out of the public funds to distressed foreigners, on which head, passing by the sums paid as subsidies to the Sicilians and Portuguese, to the duchess of Brunswick, and divers other German refugees, they beg leave to call to the recollection of the House the sums paid to the exiled Catholic clergy and laity of France, which amounted, in the year 1794, to 99,548l. 7s. 6d.; in 1795, to 135,890l.; in 1796, to 199,890l.; in 1797, to 177,480l. 9s.7d.; in 1798, to 161,333l.7s.; 1799, to 187,886l. 10s. 11d.; in 1800, to 105,713l.5s, 1d.; in 1801, to 180,772l.; and that, though the petitioners presume to be of opinion, that, in the season of their distress, they have as strong a claim upon the public funds of the nation as any foreigners whatever; and though they are apprised that the precedent of the special distribution of 24,226l. to the parishes where the weaving of silk is carried on in London in the year 1801, would justify them in applying to the House for direct pecuniary relief, they deem it more becoming them, as Englishmen, to declare to the House that they would far prefer, to the receipt of any assistance, a dependence upon their own unimpeded industry; and that they therefore do respectfully, but earnestly, call upon the House well to consider the premises, and, by the powers which are by the constitution vested in them, to check and restrain the extravagant expenditure of the public money, which, by occasioning the imposition of enormous taxes, increases the price of the necessaries of life, and to compel his Majesty's ministers to adopt a line of policy which, by conciliating neutral nations, may effect the revival of trade, which alone, by renovating the energies of the nation, can, under the Divine Providence, finally secure to it the blessings of an honourable and permanent peace."

Ordered to lie upon the table.

, in laying before the House a Petition from the gentlemen, clergy, mer- chants, and traders of Liverpool, observed, that it was signed by three-fourths of the ship owners of that town, and that although the former Petition against the Orders in Council was more numerously and very respectably signed, the names were not so respectable as those which appeared to the instrument he was now commissioned to lay upon the table. The Petition was then read; setting forth,

"That the petitioners, deeply impressed by a sense of the danger to which the public peace and order are exposed by the promulgation of opinions tending to weaken, in the minds of the people of these realms, that reverence for the British constitution, so essentially necessary to the maintenance of social order and good government; and, fully convinced that every measure calculated to arraign the wisdom of the legislature, and bring into contempt the dignity of parliament, can only pave the way for the subversion of all true allegiance, feel themselves imperiously called upon to express their fullest confidence in the wisdom and integrity of the House; and that the petitioners feel, with gratitude and respect, that, during the long and auspicious reign of their beloved monarch, those privileges, so dear to Britons, and which they exclusively enjoy, have not only been protected, but increased, by the wisdom of the representatives of the people; and they implicitly rely on the House, which has hitherto watched over their interests with ceaseless anxiety, for the adoption of such measures as are calculated to promote their commercial prosperity, under the partial depression inseparable from the prosecution of a just and necessary war; and that the petitioners cannot refrain from expressing their confidence in the indefatigable exertions and unblemished integrity of his Majesty's ministers; and they venture to express an earnest hope, and firm conviction, that the illustrious prince, to whom, during the lamented malady of their beloved King, the sovereign power is entrusted, will never have occasion to regret his adherence to men so eminently qualified for the trusts reposed in them by his royal father; and the petitioners humbly hope that the House, in the consideration of the great commercial question now before them, relative to the Orders in Council, will take into their consideration the effects those measures have produced in the dominions of an implacable enemy, and should it appear, after due examination, that they have tended to the general good of the British empire, that the House will not be induced to rescind them by the efforts of party, or by the more dangerous influence of popular clamour."

said, that had he been on inhabitant of Liverpool, he could have objected only to the sentence expressive of a "confidence in the indefatigable exertions and unblemished integrity of ministers," and would cheerfully have affixed his signature to all the rest, but mainly to the last clause, which entreated parliament not to repeal the Orders in Council "if it should appear, after due examination, that they have tended to the general good of the empire."—With regard to the names affixed to the Petition, he had been informed by a person of high respectability, that apprentices, clerks, and other subordinate characters had been persuaded to sign it in order to swell its numbers. The assertion might be erroneous; he hoped it was so; but he apprehended another fact, which he should state, could not be met with the same denial; namely, that the Petition was not subscribed by persons of wealth and consequence only, who had flourished under the present system, but that names to it had been sought even from the borough jail of Liverpool. He mentioned these circumstances, that the hon. general might, if he had it in his power, afford to the House some explanation.

apprehended, that when the hon. and learned gentleman was mentioning the signatures of clerks, menials, and prisoners, he had mistaken the Petition now upon the table in favour of the Orders in Council, for that which had been obtained from the same place against them. He had been credibly informed, that names to the latter had been sought and obtained from the borough jail. He had too much respect for those who now instructed him, to imagine, whatever others might have done, that they had condescended to such practices.

called the attention of the House to the fact, that the Petition now offered was signed by three-fourths of those who were immediately concerned in the American trade, and who must therefore, according to the arguments employed on the other side, above all be anxious that the Orders in Council should be abrogated. With regard to the Petitions from other places being produced by the spontaneous impression of commercial distress, it ought to be known, that they had been solicited by men who added to their other claims to respectability, what would be deemed by the hon. and learned gentleman, an undeniable claim to that character, a uniform and determined opposition to the measures of government, whatever they might be, and who were always foremost in demanding a change, or, what he would rather call, a revolution, both in Church and State. The hon. and learned gentleman had said, that he concurred in all the sentiments contained in the Petition but one: he thought there was another to which the hon. and learned gentleman would not give his assent; namely, that in which the petitioners expressed a hope that the House would not be intimidated by popular clamour, for, according to his own confession, some of the Petitions presented against the Orders in Council were obtained at the hon. and learned gentleman's own suggestion—at his own request—the letter which had been given in evidence could bear testimony to the fact.

insisted, that the hon. and learned gentleman had no right to bring it against him as a criminal charge, that he had written a letter regarding petitioning the House of Commons, on the subject of the Orders in Council. His advice had been applied for, and he had recommended that the utmost precaution should be used to prevent popular disturbances, and that parliament should be applied to as the proper source from whence to claim redress. Was this a matter on which was to be founded a criminal charge?—And was it above all to be brought forward at a time when the arguments on the other side were so distorted, and deformed by the meanest arts; by scattering among the vulgar, dark, ambiguous, and vague insinuations of crime.

here put in his claim, to as great a latitude of explanation as was allowed to the hon. and learned gentleman.

observed, that the hon. and learned gentleman (Mr. Brougham) was, certainly out of order.

merely added, that the meeting for the adoption of a Petition at Birmingham, was not held in consequence of his letter, but pursuant to the advice of a magistrate in the neighbourhood.

expressed his sorrow, that this angry altercation had occurred, when the feelings of the House were so little able to bear it.—At the same time he must remark, that the hon. gentleman was always foremost in personal attacks.

put it to the House, whether it would not be more becoming now to drop the subject, considering the great business of the evening?

resigned his right of reply, out of respect to the painful feelings with which all breasts must, after recent events, be pervaded. He had very unwillingly taken part in the discussion.

The Petition was then laid upon the table.

A message was received from the Lords, with the Plate Drawback Bill, and the Vauxhall Bridge Bill, the latter with some amendments.

presented a Petition, signed by four witnesses, now in London, waiting to be examined on the subject of the Orders in Council, praying that the House would proceed with the enquiry, as their stay for so long a period from their manufactories was extremely inconvenient, and might, in the present state of the interior, be dangerous.

took this opportunity of stating what he conceived, in concurrence with the hon. gentleman, would be the more convenient and proper mode of proceeding in the present defective state of the government of the country, which rendered it desirable not to go into any public business that could without inconvenience be postponed, and more particularly not to go into any subject on which a strong difference of opinion might be expected. He agreed, that if the subject of the Orders in Council were postponed, and the witnesses were allowed to return home unexamined, in the minds of the uninformed, a false, and perhaps an injurious and dangerous impression might be created. He therefore was of opinion, that the more prudent and convenient mode would be that the examination of witnesses should proceed, and that if any question of grave doubt or difficulty occurred, it should be deferred for decision at a future period, and that the testimony as to the general facts wished to be established should be continued. He should only claim that two or three witnesses, now in London, on the other side of the question, for personal convenience, should be examined before the matter was postponed, and the main body of evidence in favour of the Orders in Council adduced.

observed, that the noble lord had correctly stated what had been agreed upon in a communication on the subject.

The Petition was ordered to lie on the table.

moved for the appointment of a committee to frame an Answer to the Message of the Prince Regent, respecting the murder of Mr. Perceval, pursuant to the Resolution of the preceding day, which Resolution he proposed should be referred to the committee.

said he had no opportunity, on the preceding day, to express those feelings in which he participated in common with every member of that House. On such an occasion, he rose, not to oppose the motion of the noble lord, but merely to express his abhorrence of, and horror at, the assassination of the late Chancellor of the Exchequer. There was no room for any feeling but one on such an occasion; and that feeling all must wish should be conveyed to the sovereign, unallayed by any other. It was impossible that this feeling, on a subject which concerned the safety of every man in the nation, should not be carried with unanimity to the throne; it would in his opinion, be an unworthy act to mix any other feeling of personality or politics with it. It was natural, and indeed it ought to be so, for such a feeling to put an end, for a time, to every difference of opinion. Saying this, however, he by no means precluded himself from taking any line of conduct which he might feel it to be his duty to take, after they got into the committee, when he heard the amount of the grant to be proposed. That he might not be so precluded from doing that which hereafter he might conceive it to be his duty, by concurring as strongly as any man in the motion, and as sincerely lamenting and abhorring the atrocious transaction which had led to it, was the object he had in view, in thus offering his sentiments to the House.

The motion was then agreed to, and a Committee appointed accordingly.

brought up the Report of the committee, which merely embodied the Resolutions of the preceding day, and was as follows:

"The humble ADDRESS of the House of Commons to his Royal Highness the Prince Regent.

"May it please your Royal Highness:

"We, his Majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects, the Commons of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, in parliament assembled, beg leave to return your Royal Highness our grateful thanks for your Royal Highness's most gracious Message.

"We assure your Royal Highness, that we deeply participate in the severe loss your Royal Highness and the country have sustained in consequence of the murder of the right hon. Spencer Perceval, first Commissioner of his Majesty's Treasury and Chancellor of the Exchequer, of which most atrocious act, committed within the walls of parliament, we cannot in terms sufficiently strong express our abhorrence; and, being desirous of marking our sense of the public and private virtues of Mr. Perceval, and of affording relief and assistance to his numerous and afflicted family, we beg leave humbly to assure your Royal Highness, that we shall feel it a grateful act of public duty, under the melancholy circumstances of this afflicting case, to enable your Royal Highness, in the name and on the behalf of his Majesty, to make such provision for the widow and family of the right hon. Spencer Perceval as may be consistent with the justice and the liberality of parliament."

appeared at the bar, and stated to the House, that having waited on the Prince Regent, pursuant to the Resolution of the House, to know when his Royal Highness would be pleased to receive their Address, he was authorised to say that it was the pleasure of his Royal Highness to receive it to-morrow, at Carlton House, at three o'clock in the afternoon.

said it might now be proper to consider at what time the House should assemble to wait upon his royal highness with the Address. The previous arrangements would necessarily occupy some time. He should think that to proceed from the House to Carlton House would not take up less than half an hour. He therefore proposed to come down to the House by two o'clock, and to take the chair at that hour, if enabled so to do by the attendance of the House.

having yesterday ascertained the sense of the House on the considerations growing out of the late melancholy event, felt it would now be unnecessary for him to take up the time of the committee by going into the subject at any great length. It was only necessary to submit to their consideration the regulations necessary for carrying into effect what they had yesterday unanimously resolved to do, with an expression of feeling which would never be forgot by those who were present, and which was as creditable to that House as it was honourable to the country. In the course of what he had said yesterday, he had abstained from suggesting any amount of grant, because he thought it would be premature at that time; and had only endeavoured to draw the attention of the House to one consideration—that of making the grant of such a nature, that the advantages resulting from it should not go from the family on the death of one or two individuals of that family. It could hardly be necessary to state, that in addition to the widow of Mr. Perceval, there were twelve children left under the protection of the House and the public. The House would feel that such a provision ought to be made as would enable those to whom their education was entrusted, to provide for them in some measure according to the rank, talents, character and pre-eminent services of their father. It had been thought by his majesty's government, that in making the proposed provision, it would be desirable, in the first instance, to vote a grant of a substantive sum of money for the children, as if no provision were made but by an annuity, the death of the individual on whom the annuity should be settled, might leave the children unprovided for, before they attained years of maturity. He should, therefore, first propose the grant of a sum of money for the support and education of the children, meaning afterwards to move a grant by way of annuity to their disconsolate mother. When they contemplated the family which Mr. Perceval had left, it was evident that the sum necessary to place the individuals of it in that situation which could be wished must be very ample; but it might be doubted if this could be done consistently with that economy which it was necessary should be consulted by government in the present situation of the country. On this point government were controuled, not only by the considerations of economy . to which he had referred, but by the family of Mr. Perceval, whose wish it was, that whatever was done on the subject might not be excessive or inordinate, but might be framed on a Scale calculated to conciliate the approbation of all parties. The House, while making a provision for Mr. Perceval's family, would feel that though bound to consult economy, they ought not to make a grant that was wholly inadequate to the purpose for which it was proposed, as it would not mark the act which they deplored with that sense of public feeling which it was desirable should be expressed, to convey due sense of the detestation and horror in which the crime was held, or to vindicate the national character from the stain with which it was polluted. The amount of the sum which it had occurred to government it might be proper to grant in money, was 50,000l. to be appropriated to the use of Mrs. Perceval in the first instance, and afterwards to be divided among the children, under such regulations as the House might think necessary. With respect to the provision to be made for Mrs. Perceval exclusively, he conceived that a smaller annuity than 2000l. per annum, would not be suitable to the situation of life in which she was placed, or consistent with the rank and merits of her lamented husband. These were the propositions which he had to submit to the committee. He thought it unnecessary to detain them longer, and should therefore move, "That it is the opinion of the committee that a sum not exceeding 50,000l. be granted to his Majesty, to be vested in trustees, for the use of the twelve children of the late right hon. Spencer Perceval, in such manner as his majesty, or his royal highness the Prince Regent, acting in the name and on behalf of his majesty, shall direct."

suggested to the noble lord the propriety of stating to the House the circumstances in which Mr. Perceval had left his family.

thanked the right hon. gentleman for calling his attention to a point which he had inadvertently omitted. He was not minutely in possession of the circumstances of the family, but he was able to state, that the provision which Mr. Perceval had left for his family, was so moderate, as not to leave a possibility of their living in a style suited to their rank. Nearly all the property that remained was the jointure settled on Mrs. Perceval out, of her own fortune, on her marriage. There was no income whatever arising out of the long and arduous efforts of the bus band in the public service,—so liberally had Mr. Perceval dispensed the fruits of his labours, and so little calculated was his generous disposition to the task of laying up wealth for his successors. Those who were acquainted with him knew that his whole time had been devoted of late years to the political concerns of his country. He had forsaken a lucrative profession, in which he had attained the highest eminence, and had not left behind him even the means of introducing his children into any profession suitable to their rank in life.

, said, that he thought it would be only reasonable and proper if 10,000l. were granted to the eldest son of Mr. Perceval, beside the share he would receive of the provision made for his brothers and sisters. He would move an amendment to that effect.

declared, that the sum of little more than 4,000l. each to the children was wholly inadequate, He appealed to every father who heard him whether it was possible to educate a child for that comparatively trifling sum?—The very expences of clothing and nutriment at home from his infancy would exceed that amount. Such a grant would really be putting the children barely above want. Was such the situation in which Mr. Perceval's labours would have left them if he had pursued his profession? Had he not for the service of his country, deserted the service of his family, at a time when he had attained the loftiest eminence in the law, by continuing in which he might have died possessed of a large fortune? He held the high office of Attorney General, and had a vacancy occurred, he would have been exalted to the high station of a chief justice or a chancellor.—Was it to be believed, that in such a case the situation of his family would not have been incomparably more affluent than under the present circumstances he had left them? By the vote proposed, the House was not acquitting the debt it owed to Mr. Perceval. He would long live in the affectionate and grateful remembrance of every man, and his family ought not to, fall. Instead of this paltry proposal he would have wished to see the House, with a warmth of feeling that became it, address the throne, praying the Prince Regent to exalt in rank the representative of Mr. Perceval. He should have thought it but justice that the same provision should have been in this case made, which parliament had recommended in other instances of signal public services; that an annuity should be given for one or two lives. The least that could be done, he should think, was to appropriate 6, or 7,000l. to each of his children. The House was not called upon to do an act of generosity, but of justice, and it would degrade itself in the eyes of the world, if it were guilty of unworthy parsimony.

, while he entirely participated in the feeling which dictated the last speech, differed from the opinion it expressed. He admitted that it was not possible to consider the vote suggested an adequate remuneration: in point of value it was not, perhaps, one millionth part of the worth of Mr. Perceval. However opposite might be the political opinions of many, none ever refused to pay a merited tribute to the private character of that great man: they acknowledged the rectitude of his motives, however erroneous they might deem his views. In considering a subject of this nature, another subject was to be taken into view—the necessity of sheaving in what estimation virtue was held, that others, seeing the reward it received, might be induced to walk in the paths his late right hon. friend had so long trodden. No man was more disposed to allow that differences of sentiment in his adversaries arose from the purest conviction; and no man was disposed to step further to reach the hand of conciliation. But it was highly desirable that a vote of this kind should be unanimous; and he trusted that gentlemen would abstain from resistance on that ground, although on others the delicacy of their conscientious scruples might lead them to dissent. However unanimous the House might be in the propriety of most amply providing for Mr. Perceval's family, it should be recollected that in the country his political opinions had many strenuous opponents, who might think too large a sum wholly misapplied. When the noble lord was censured for proposing the vote in question, the difficult and painful situation in which he was placed ought not to be forgotten. He had to consider, on the one hand, their reverence for the public measures of his deceased friend, and the private attachment to his person and family, and on the other, he was to pay regard to the general sense of the nation, and to the propriety of obtaining an unanimous vote. All things taken into view, he thought that the just medium had been discovered. Having long known, and as long valued and admired Mr. Perceval, he wished to bear his public testimony to his virtues. Although he had frequently felt it necessary to differ from him, he could declare, with perfect sincerity, that of all the men he had ever known, he had never been acquainted with a single individual who appeared so instinctively to obey the impulse of duty. He had known him nearly 35 years, and he had often said in private what he would now repeat in public, that he never saw an individual placed in such a high and dignified situation who so instinctively obeyed the impulse of duty and, conscience. One of the highest tributes that could be paid to man had been given him last night by an hon. gentleman (Mr. Whitbread). It did equal honour to the individual who spoke it, and to the individual of whom it was uttered. With natural liveliness of temper, and a great flow of wit, he never had said any thing that could give the slightest sensation of pain, beyond the moment. He had heard Mr. Perceval frequently speak of those who had treated him with unkindness or injustice, but any other person was willing to go further in their censure than Mr. Perceval was inclined to go; he seemed to be ever on his guard in that particular by the spontaneous result of nature, and not by the forced contrivances of art. A man of more real sweetness of temper; a man more highly blest by nature, was never known, or one in whom goodness of disposition was more deeply rooted. On the whole, as the sum recommended by the noble lord was most likely to ensure the approbation of all, he thought it better that a little violence should be done to the feelings, rather than object to it; it was, in truth, a higher question than any that concerned a few thousands. The family would doubtless be much more highly gratified in obtaining a smaller, frank, warm, and unanimous vote, than in receiving a larger amount, which might be deemed, even by a few, unnecessary and improper extravagance.

reminded the House that Mr. Perceval had declined receiving his salary as Chancellor of the Exchequer, which was 2,800l. If he had received this, his family might have been better off by twelve or fourteen thousand pounds. While all around him were living upon his generous bounty, Mr. Perceval was regardless of himself; and though disposing of millions weekly, remained in comparative poverty. He therefore thought the grant ought to be extended, and that they ought, at least, to give his children 5,000l. each.

would confine himself to stating the conclusion to which he had come, without stating the reasons which had brought him to that conclusion. He thought with the member for Yorkshire, that the unanimity of the House was of more importance to the family of Mr. Perceval than a sum something larger than that proposed, if voted with reluctance. He felt himself bound to say, that entirely concurring with that which, after due consultation, had been proposed by the noble lord, if any thing beyond that sum were proposed, the vote of the House would not be unanimous.

, though he could have wished a larger grant had been proposed, was in favour of the original proposition for the sake of unanimity.

was of the same opinion. It was the bounden duty of parliament to make a provision for the family of Mr. Perceval, not only on account of his individual merits; but because he had suffered in the execution of his public functions. He certainly could have wished the House had been favourable to a larger grant, but at the same time he must observe, that the vote of that committee was not all the patrimony the children of Mr. Perceval would derive from their father. They had the inheritance of his virtues, and those, whatever situation his offspring might be placed in, would ensure them the respect and assistance when practicable from persons of all parties.

, declared that he could not enter into much of the reasoning which had been urged against his amendment. It was not only a matter of duty but of policy, to pass a vote for an ample sum. He said now, as he had before urged, that the great officers of state were not adequately remunerated for their services; men who spent their lives in the service of their country ought not to remain unrewarded and to die in poverty.—He would, however, withdraw his amendment, in the hope that some honourable gentleman would move that the annuity to Mrs. Perceval be 3,000 instead of 2,000l.

moved, that the following words should be added to the motion: "The said sum to be paid without fee or deduction."

proposed making the grant 60,000l. and moved to that effect, but the motion was not seconded.

The question on the original motion, with the addition proposed by Mr. Bankes, was then put, and carried nem. con.

said, that as it was his wish this business should be settled with as little delay as possible, and as the House had universally agreed to meet to-morrow for the purpose of going up with the Address; he hoped they would give an early attendance, that the Report might be brought up and agreed to, before they left the House. He then moved a resolution for granting 2,000l. a year to his Majesty out of the consolidated fund, in order to enable bins to grant an annuity to that amount to Mrs. Jane Perceval, widow of the right hon. Spencer Perceval deceased, for the term of her natural life, to commence from the 11th day of May, 1812, and that the same be paid without any fee or deduction whatever.

felt it to be a duty he owed to his constituents to move an amendment to continue the annuity to Mr. Perceval's eldest son. If doing this he sacrificed unanimity, he felt that he sacrificed but a form, as he had no doubt of his motion being carried, if it did not meet with unanimous support. He therefore moved, that after the words 'Jane Perceval' there be inserted, 'and at her decease, to the next heir being a male descendant, and having attained the age of 21 years.'

suggested to the hon. member whether it would not be better to let the resolution of the noble lord be first agreed to; and afterwards to propose his amendment as a distinct resolution, By adopting this course two of the resolutions would pass unanimously, whatever might be the fate of the third.

recommended it to the hon. gentleman to avail himself of this suggestion.

agreed to this, and the original motion was put and carried, nem. con. Mr. Sumner then moved, "That the annuity of 2,000l. payable to the honourable Jane Perceval for her life, shall, after her decease, be paid to such male descendant of the right hon. Spencer Perceval, as shall be at that time his heir, for the term of his natural life."

professed his unfeigned regret that the hon. gentleman had pressed his motion. He wished to say nothing against the political memory of the dead, but his opinions on the policy of Mr. Perceval he had, when living, expressed to his face. If he concurred with that which was proposed, he should think that by doing so, he concurred in approbation of his political measures. He spoke for himself and for no one else, and if the Resolution should be pressed, he should certainly divide the committee.

reminded the committee that their proceedings would be considered by posterity, and would become matter of history. They ought therefore to be dictated by views of sound national policy. If there was any one thing which the committee ought particularly to guard against, it was the imputation that the majority who voted with the minister while living, had voted a large sum after his death in support of their own political opinion. Any division on this question would but sully the high testimony of approbation which his late right hon. friend had received even from those who were hostile to him in politics. Surely a grant of 2,000l. a year to a branch of Mr. Perceval's family for a few years longer, was not to be put in competition with unanimity in their proceedings.

could not help admiring the conflict of generous feelings displayed on this occasion. He would assure the hon. mover of the present proposition, that had he calculated the proposed remuneration by his own sense of the character and public services of his late right hon. friend, it would have been of a much higher description; but he thought that he should best perform his duty, and act most consonantly to the feelings of Mr. Perceval's family and connections, by framing his resolutions in such a manner, as to conciliate all parts of the House. He confessed that he extremely lamented, that the zeal and affection of any individual should endanger unanimity on the present occasion; and to prevent the House, if possible, from being put into the awkward situation of directly affirming, or disaffirming the proposition of the hon. gentleman, he should move, as an amendment, to leave out all the words after the word "that" in the hon. gentleman's motion, for the purpose of substituting the following:—"I report the said resolution to the House."

said, that had the motion of the hon. gentleman formed a part of the original proposition submitted to the House, he could have felt no difficulty in giving it his entire and cordial concurrence. But he must say, that he thought the honourable gentleman ought in candour to have communicated his intentions to the noble lord, and even to have ensured the support of others previous to his laying before their consideration in the House an unexpected proposition on an occasion when it was so peculiarly desirable that there should be entertained and manifested but one common and universal feeling. Had the object of the honourable gentleman been submitted to their original option, he, for one, would have given it his unqualified support. He felt, however, that government had had in this instance, a difficult as well as a painful task to perform. They had so to devise and frame the measure which they offered to the consideration of parliament, as to make it subservient to two different ends; the first in consulting the national feelings and just claims of individuals, and the second in procuring the cordial and unanimous suffrage of the House. But he felt, that if he himself were now to become a party to the proposition of the honourable gentleman, he should render himself equally liable, with others, to the imputation of having taken an unfair advantage. It was therefore his intention to vote for the noble lord's amendment; but in the event of that amendment being negatived, he did not consider himself precluded from exercising his discretion with respect to the motion of the hon. gentleman, under the circumstances in which it would then come before them.

expressed great personal feelings of regard for the memory of Mr. Perceval, a feeling which was certainly not diminished from the circumstance of his having received almost his last breath. He thought, however, that after the proposition of ministers on the subject had been unanimously acceded to by the committee, it would be unwise to overset it by alterations which appeared to him to have no specific limit. For if it were once allowed to any hon. member to disturb the original proposition, others might be disposed to follow the example, and he who proposed the largest grant might probably meet with the greatest support. It would be wiser for the committee to be satisfied with what they have already done.

declared that he did not think the House would redeem the pledge which they had given in the Address to the Prince Regent if they satisfied themselves with what had already been done. After all their acknowledgments of the services rendered to the public by Mr. Perceval, how could they entertain the probability that the representative of his family might be turned out into the world with not a shilling more than 4,000l. in his pocket? Although he had generally supported Mr. Perceval's measures, he had never been personally obliged to him; but he should think himself deficient in duty, and negligent of the pledge which he had already given on the subject, if he did not concur in a proposition, the object of which was simply to keep Mr. Perceval's eldest son from the danger of want.

opposed the additional resolution, although by no means on the ground taken by an hon. gentleman, that to adopt it, would be to imply the approbation of the House of the political opinions of his lamented friend, but for the purpose of securing unanimity.

declared, that all must concur in lamenting the loss which tae country had sustained in the talents and virtues of Mr. Perceval. He must however, support the amendment of the noble lord. If it were possible to obtain Mr. Perceval's own opinion on the subject, did the House suppose that he would hesitate for a moment in preferring the smaller grant with unanimity to the larger with a division? He would stand up to plead the cause of Mr. Perceval's children, as he would stand up to plead the cause of his own; but he would be sorry, if by perseverance in the motion before the committee, the hon. gentleman should endanger that unanimity which would be so truly honourable to them.

observed, that the question of the honourable baronet ought to have been not how Mr. Perceval would have proposed to remunerate his own services, but how he would have proposed to remunerate the services of others. However desirable unanimity might be, he could not forget that unanimity would not give bread. Notwithstanding all that had been said, he was persuaded that those who voted against his proposition, would one day have the painful reflection of not having liberally done their duty. He certainly must allow he had not been an individual of sufficient consequence to consult on the arrangement that had been made out of the House, but really he did not see why the committee were bound to receive a cut and dried proposition, and to say nothing but "yes" to it. He entertained a great respect for those by whom the arrangement to which he alluded had been made; but there were two ways of considering the question, and his view of it happening to be different from theirs, he should certainly press the adoption of his resolution on the committee.

was anxious that the annuity of 2,000l. to Mr. Perceval's eldest son, should commence not on the death of his mother, but when be should attain the age of twenty-one.

declined varying the form of his resolution, as so many honourable gentlemen had expressed their determination to support it in its present shape.

observed, that Mr. Perceval had died in the prime of life. If he had lived twenty or thirty years longer, he would have left his eldest son in a situation that might have enabled him to transmit to posterity the name of Perceval, with all the dignity that ought to belong to it. He would vote for the resolution.

assented to every syllable of praise that had been uttered in commendation of the private and public merits of Mr. Perceval, whom he had long known and sincerely esteemed. He agreed too with the hon. gentleman (Mr. Sumner) that it was the duty as well as the privilege of a member of parliament, to consider every proposition entirely on its intrinsic merits, and not in the light of from what quarter it proceeded. He thought, however, that the resolutions of the noble lord were in this instance rendered acceptable by its being understood that they were in unison with the wishes and feelings of the unfortunate individuals whose interests were concerned. He sincerely hoped that there would be no division, for he begged to remind gentlemen, that if it were unpleasant now, they might be yet in a more unpleasant predicament hereafter. Many members had left the House under the persuasion that they had voted all which they would be called upon to vote, and might naturally be disposed to dispute the progress of the additional grant in every stage. He confessed he thought the House had already done enough to signify their abhorrence of the atrocity committed, and as much as in the present circumstances of the country they ought to give to any individual whatever. It appeared to him that one resource had been entirely overlooked, he meant the pension list, and he could entertain no doubt that the Prince Regent would feel every disposition to promote the interests of Mr. Perceval's family.

supported the amendment, on the ground that the resolution opposed the former general understanding on the subject.

supported the resolution.

stated that he would vote for the amendment.

asked, if any accident were soon to happen to Mrs. Perceval, what would be the situation of Mr. Perceval's eldest son? He would actually be without the means of obtaining such an education as would qualify him for a liberal profession. He must vote for the additional grant.

The Committee then divided—

Mr. Sumner's resolution was then put, on which the Committee again divided—

The House then resumed.

On the question that the Report be brought up to-morrow, a desultory conversation took place with respect to the probability of a discussion on the third resolution, which might extend to such a length as to encroach on the time at which the House were to wait on the Regent with the Address.

suggested, that in that case the two first Resolutions might be agreed to, and the Report ordered to be taken into further consideration at a subsequent period. It was consequently ordered that the Report should be brought up to-morrow.