House of Commons
Wednesday, May 20, 1812.
New writs were moved for Northampton, in the room of the right hon. Spencer Perceval, deceased, and for the borough of Old Sarum, in the room of the right hon. Nicholas Vansittart, who since his election had accepted the offices of Chancellor and Under Treasurer of the Exchequer.
Address for a Strong and Efficient Administration
gave notice, that he would to-morrow move, "That an humble Address be presented to his royal highness the Prince Regent, humbly praying, that he will be pleased to take such measures as will enable him, under the present circumstances of the country, to form a strong and efficient administration."
Petition from Provost, &c. of Burnt-Island, Respecting the Renewal of the East India Company's Charter
A Petition of the provost, magistrates and town council of the royal burgh of Burnt-island, was presented and read; setting forth,
"That in the present limited state of the commerce and manufactures of this country, owing to the continental restrictions laid thereon of late, the trading and manufacturing interests of Great Britain and Ireland have suffered greatly; and that many thousands of workmen employed in our manufactories are reduced to a state of poverty and idleness, without any immediate prospect of being restored to their former situation; and that the private trade to the settlements of the East India Company, under the regulations of 1793, is laid under so many restraints as tend to deter many people, especially those who are at present unacquainted with India, and who reside at home, from engaging in it, while foreigners, who pay no part of the taxes imposed on the subjects of the United Kingdom, are entirely relieved from the restraint of these regulations, by which means they are enabled to carry on the trade to the East Indies with considerable advantage; and that, were the trade laid open to the subjects of the United Kingdom at large, it would afford employment to many thousands, who are at present in a state of idleness and poverty, it would create an additional nursery for seamen, and at the same time prove the means of adding to the riches, revenue, and national prosperity of the British empire; and praying the House to grant such relief as to them may seem necessary in a matter of such great national concern, and to allow the petitioners to be heard, by themselves or counsel, in support of the objects of this Petition."
Ordered to lie upon the table.
Petitions From the Merchants of Dunfermline and Paisley, and the Ship Owners of South Shields, Respecting the Orders in Council
A Petition of several merchants, manufacturers, and other inhabitants of the town of Dunfermline, and the neighbourhood thereof, was presented and read; setting forth,
"That the petitioners, who have parti- cipated largely of the general distress occasioned by the present ruinous and long-protracted war, are fully convinced that the commerce and manufactures of these kingdoms have been much injured and diminished by an erroneous and pernicious system of policy adopted by government, affecting our trade with neutral states; and that the petitioners have humbly to represent, in particular, that the town of Dunfermline, where the manufacture of diapers, or table linen, has long been established and carried on to a greater extent than in any other district of Great Britain, has suffered very considerably in its trade from the interruption of the accustomed intercourse with the United States of America, in consequence of the British Orders in Council; and that, from the great and increasing accumulation of manufactured goods for which there is no adequate market, the petitioners apprehend the most disastrous effects, unless some remedy be provided; and that, under these circumstances, they have learned with much satisfaction the resolution of the House to go into a committee on the subject of the Orders in Council, the injustice and impolicy of which the petitioners humbly trust will be made manifest to the House in the course of the enquiry; and praying, that the House will adopt such measures as it may in its wisdom think fit, for speedily and effectually withdrawing the Orders in Council, and obtaining an amicable adjustment of differences with America, and, above all, for restoring to the subjects of these kingdoms the inestimable blessings of a general peace."
A Petition of several merchants, manufacturers, operatives, and other inhabitants of the town of Paisley and the neighbouring villages, was also presented and read; setting forth,
"That the petitioners flattered themselves, that, on the commencement of the New Æra, many of the sufferings under which they laboured, would have been alleviated; but, instead of any redress, the daily increasing calamities with which they are surrounded, impel them again to lay their grievances before the House; and that the long continuance of the war in which we are now engaged has brought the country almost to the verge of ruin; and that the unprecedented expenditure, occasioned by the great length of time that the war has been continued, and the manner and extent to which it has been carried on, has increased the burdens of the people to a degree which, even in the most flourishing state of commerce and manufactures, would ultimately have ruined the country; and that the greatness of the national expenditure, and the introduction of the paper system, has driven gold out of circulation, depreciated the value of money, introduced a base and spurious currency, and encreased the price of all kinds of provisions, whilst the wages of the operatives have been reduced gradually to a small pittance of what they received before the commencement of the war, when the prices of the necessaries of life were considerably more than one half cheaper than they are at present; and these, while our merchants cannot freely import the produce of other nations in exchange for our manufactures, prevent the petitioners, even with all their capital skill and industry, from so effectually competing with other nations in the foreign market whose burdens are less, and rate of living is so much cheaper than ours; and that some of the measures resorted to in the prosecution of the war have been peculiarly impolitic and ruinous, especially for commercial and manufacturing countries like Great Britain and Ireland, particularly the Orders in Council; such a measure of commercial retaliation, in such circumstances, appears to the petitioners as being at best but the sacrificing of the vital interests of the nation to the will and prejudices of a few; and that, in consequence of these Orders in Council, not only has the revenue of the country been considerably reduced, though the taxes have been levied within the last three years to an extent before unknown, but neutral nations have been forced to establish manufactures of their own, or to open new channels of commerce to supply the want of our manufactures; which makes it very doubtful whether this country will ever be able to resume its commercial intercourse with them to nearly the same amount, or with the same advantages; and, if the same line of conduct be long persisted in, this effect must become certain and irremediable; and that the utility of the repeal of the Orders in Council appears so obvious, that, in the opinion of the petitioners, nothing but the most blind infatuation or false pride, could for so long have delayed a measure which would have tended more than any other to promote the harmony which ought to be fondly cherished towards the United States of America, and at the same time have given such immediate relief to the languishing manufactures of this country; and that the inexpediency of these Orders in Council has been virtually acknowledged by the system of granting licences, a measure partial and wicked in its nature, and, in the opinion of the petitioners, tending in its operation to degrade the national character in the esteem of all mankind; and that the restrictions on commercial intercourse with other countries, the consumpt of provisions by the mode and extent of carrying on the war, joined to some deficiencies in the crop of last year, have raised the price of provisions to an exorbitant and alarmingly high extent, which, in the low state of trade, lowness of wages, and want of employment, without a speedy alleviation, leave the petitioners little to hope, and much to fear, especially as the labouring classes have already very generally exhausted the savings of better times, and suffered severely from extraordinary exertions to support their famishing families; and that that manufacturing district has suffered much from the want of the American market, where a considerable part of the goods manufactured here, found a vent, and from which that district, which does not produce corn sufficient to support the inhabitants for one third of the year, derived a considerable quantity of that most necessary article, and other produce, in return for goods; and that the want of a foreign market has reduced the capital of the manufacturers, produced an overstock of goods, and lowered the price of those wanted at home, so that the manufacturer has not been able to give any thing like an adequate compensation for the labour of the operatives; and, unless some measures be adopted that will give immediate relief, they will be under the necessity of throwing the greater part of their workmen out of employment; and that the petitioners humbly conceive that the rescinding of the Orders in Council, and the opening of a free intercourse with neutral nations, and the giving of all possible facility to commerce, and to the importation of grain and flour, would give a vent to our manufactures, employment and subsistence to the operatives employed by the petitioners, and thus greatly alleviate the calamities under which they groan, and prevent consequences which are painful to contemplate; and praying the House to take these grievances into consideration, and address the Prince Regent to rescind the Orders in Council, to open a free intercourse with neutral nations, and to allow and encourage the importation of grain, flour, and other provisions; and the petitioners further pray, that if the war must be continued, that the national expenditure may be retrenched, as far as the honour and safety of these kingdoms will permit, or that such relief may be afforded to the petitioners as the House in its wisdom shall deem most effectual for the melioration of the condition of the people."
A Petition of several owners of ships of the town of South Shields, was also presented and read; setting forth,
"That the ships of the petitioners were heretofore chiefly engaged in the coal and Baltic trades, but since the ports of the Baltic have been shut, their chief resource has been, and now is, in the coat trade, and in bringing timber from the British colonies in North America; and that the petitioners are deeply impressed with a sense of the magnitude and extent of the evils arising from the present system of granting licences to foreign vessels to import timber, deals, staves, and other kinds of wood into this country, to the manifest disadvantage of the British shipping interest, such importations not only interfering most fatally with our trade to the British American colonies, but are also highly injurious to the colonists themselves; and that the House is well aware of the confined trade and depressed state of the shipping interest from the present unfortunate state of Europe, but the encouragement given to foreign vessels, and even to those belonging to our enemies, by granting them licences to import wood into this country, has not only increased the depression, but is likely to annihilate the shipping trade to British North America, and, if the present system of granting licences is continued, the petitioners are apprehensive it will become ruinous to them and to the shipping interest at large; and that the petitioners have, with deep regret, foreseen, for some time, the baneful effect the granting of licences so extensively would produce upon the wise and venerable maritime laws of this country, upon the faith of which they embarked their capitals, in hopes of acquiring a maintenance by their honest exertions in their profession; and they cannot behold, with indifference, the encouragement given to foreigners, by aid of British licences, to supply the place of British capital and British industry; and that in the humble opinion of the petitioners, licences have been granted without any emergency, for it is a notorious fact, that they have been issued so profusely, that they have been offered for public sale upon the continent; and that, besides the evil tendency of the licence system, striking at the very root of our navigation laws, the petitioners most deeply deplore that it is the occasion of such systematic falshood, perjury, and depravity, as is highly reprehensible in a moral point of view, and may eventually prove the ruin of the general mercantile interests of the world; and that the petitioners beg leave to state, that the English merchants and ship owners have made every effort in their power to support themselves in a trading competition with those licenced foreigners, by importing timber, deals, &c. from our colonies in America; but the foreigners being fully employed in the Baltic and Norway trades, have shorter voyages to perform, and, being navigated at a less expence than British ships, have such a decided advantage, that neither the English merchant or ship owner can contend against such unfavourable and unnatural circumstances; and that the petitioners most humbly submit to the House, that, if necessity renders it indispensable that any part of the licence system should be tolerated, it ought to be confined exclusively to articles of the first necessity, and, in their humble opinion, should not be extended to such commodities as may be procured from our own possessions, or even from any foreign port to which British ships can safely navigate; and that the petitioners view, with amazement and concern, the extensive and flourishing trade of the northern powers to this kingdom by the indulgence of licences; and that, in almost every British port, the petitioners see the Danes, Swedes, Russians, and other northern states, display their flags in commercial prosperity, while the commercial flag of Great Britain is never shewn in their ports, except indeed when it is shewn underneath the flag of a belligerent to denote the triumph of capturing a British vessel; and that the rapid improvement in the appearance and skill of foreign seamen, since the granting of those licences, is evident to the petitioners and to all persons who are acquainted with nautical affairs; a hardy and able race of mariners is thus reared, and, whilst our enemies are putting forth all their strength, Great Britain, by the continuance of the system of which the petitioners complain, is virtually suspending that power which has hitherto contributed so essentially to her superiority as a nation; and the petitioners further beg leave to state, that they are well aware of the difficult and critical circumstances of the times, and they would most willingly submit to any privation for the general good of the British empire; but they cannot consider the present system of granting licences so extensively to be for the general good; on the contrary, they are apprehensive, if it is continued, that it will not only sap the navigation laws of this country, but will also prove highly injurious to the whole commercial interest of this kingdom; and praying, that the House will be pleased to take into consideration the infringement of the British navigation laws, so far as relates to the granting of licences to foreign vessels to import all sorts of wood into this country, and that the petitioners may be allowed to state and prove their grievances, by counsel or otherwise, as to the House shall seem meet."
Another Petition of ship owners of the town of South Shields was also presented and read; setting forth,
"That the petitioners have perceived, from the votes of the House, that various Petitions have been presented, praying a repeal of his Majesty's Orders in Council of the 7th of January, 1807, and the 26th of April, 1809, and that a committee of the whole House have been appointed to consider these Petitions, feel that they would be wanting in duty to their country if they omitted humbly to express to the House the opinion which they entertain upon that most important subject; and that they most respectfully beg leave to state to the House, that they have, from the first promulgation of these Orders, viewed with approbation the just and necessary retaliating measures which have been opposed by his Majesty to the lawless and unprecedented system adopted by the enemy for the destruction of the commerce and manufactures of the British empire; and that, in the humble opinion of the petitioners, the repeal of the Orders in Council would, at best, only afford a temporary relief to some of the British manufacturers, while their repeal would give a decided advantage to our enemies, by opening the trade to the continent to neutrals, whereby France, and the countries under her controul, would be relieved from their present difficulties, without alleviating the depressed state of the commerce of this country, but, on the contrary, it is the unbiassed opinion of the petitioners, that, if this indulgence be granted to neutral states, it will give our enemies greater facilities to carry on the war, and afford them better hopes of overwhelming the British navigation laws, whose destruction they frequently declare to be their principal object; and that the petitioners further beg leave to state, that they are sensible of the difficulties which the commercial interests of this kingdom labour under at present, and they also feel the pressure of the times as much as any of their fellow subjects, the shipping trade being much limited and confined, yet, notwithstanding those difficulties, they are willing to submit to any privations which the continuance of the Orders in Council may cause, as they are confident it is the best means of ultimately removing the distress, by compelling the mitigation or the repeal of the French Decrees, and the restoration of the ancient system of commerce and warfare, and that the petitioners have seen, with great concern, the attempts which have been too successfully made to mislead great numbers of industrious and meritorious workmen in different manufactories, by persuading them to ascribe their sufferings to those necessary and indispensable measures of his Majesty's government; but the petitioners have full reliance in the wisdom of the House, and persuade themselves they will weigh with due attention the interests of every part of the empire; and praying, that the House will not adopt any measures for the purpose of inducing his Majesty to rescind the Orders in Council, until the enemy shall have effectually repealed his hostile Decrees, and suffered the trade of neutral nations to resume its legitimate source."
Ordered to be referred to the Committee on the Petitions against the Orders in Council.
Letter From Lord G. L. Gower to Lord Castlereagh, Respecting Bellingham the Assassin.]
rose to move that there be laid before that House, a Copy of a Letter which he had written to a noble lord, the Secretary of State for the Home Department, containing all the circumstances relating to the case of John Bellingham. He hoped the House would feel with him the delicate situation in which he stood, and permit him to make this motion without any previous notice. After the manner in which the conduct of sir S. Shairp in Russia had been arraigned by the prisoner, he thought the present proceeding one that was highly proper. Sir S. Shairp he described as a most faithful servant of government, and as a man ready to relieve the distresses of others, while in that country, even out of his own pocket. The explanation was due not only to sir Stephen, but to himself, to the memory of Mr. Perceval, and to the character of the government. In the paper for which he should move, he had confined himself simply to a relation of facts, such as hs memory had enabled him to do, assisted by the recollection of others. He concluded by moving, "That an humble Address be presented to his royal highness the Prince Regent, that he will be graciously pleased to give directions that there be laid before this House, copy of a Letter from the right hon. lord Granville Leveson Gower (late ambassador at the court of St. Petersburgh) to lord viscount Castlereagh, his Majesty's principal Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, dated 17th May, 1812."
expressed his assent to the motion, which was unanimously agreed to. The said Letter is as follows:
LETTER from LORD GRANVILLE LEVESON GOWER to VISCOUNT CASTLEREAGH.
Stanhope Street, May 17th, 1812.
"My lord; it appears upon the trial of John Bellingham for the murder of Mr. Perceval, that the prisoner in his defence endeavoured to justify that atrocious act on the ground of his Majesty's government having refused to compensate him for the injuries and oppression he states himself to have suffered in Russia, during the time I had the honour of representing his Majesty in that country. He complained particularly of my conduct, and that of sir Stephen Shairp, his Majesty's consul general, as having sanctioned, by our silence and neglect to interfere in his behalf, the unjust treatment, as he considered it, of the Russian government.
"I was subpœnaed by the prisoner to attend the trial; I did attend, and expected anxiously to be called upon, to state, upon oath, all I could recollect of the circumstances of his case in Russia. In this expectation, however, I was disap- pointed; my testimony was not called for; and after having heard the most serious accusations of gross neglect of duty and want of common humanity, brought forward by the prisoner, against myself and sir Stephen Shairp, I had not the opportunity afforded me of publicly refuting those charges. Although I am perfectly aware that the assertions of a man, standing in the situation of Bellingham, can, unsupported by any other testimony, have no weight whatever with the sober and reflecting part of the public, yet I should be wanting, I think, to the interests and honour of the government of this country, as well as to my own character and reputation, if I did not endeavour to do away any possible misapprehension upon this subject, by as ample a statement of the circumstances, as my memory, of transactions which passed some years ago, will allow me to furnish.
"As you, my lord, are at the head of that department, under which I was employed, I conceive it to be my duty to address this Statement to your lordship.
"In the year 1805, I remember receiving a Letter from John Bellingham, complaining of his being detained in prison at Archangel, and claiming my protection, against what he conceived to be the injustice of the constituted authorities of that port: I remember that immediately upon the receipt of this Letter, I consulted with sir Stephen Shairp, who agreed not only to write a letter to the governor general, requiring an explanation of the circumstances of which Bellingham complained, but also to his own mercantile correspondents, British residents at Archangel, for their opinion of the conduct of the Russian government towards the complainant.
"It appeared from these enquiries, that Bellingham having been engaged in commercial business with the house of Dorbecker and Co. pecuniary claims were made by each party against the other, and that these claims had been by the governor general referred for decision to four merchants, two British merchants being appointed on the part of Bellingham, and two other persons on the part of Dorbecker: by the award of those arbitrators, Bellingham was declared to be indebted to the assignees of Dorbecker the sum of 2,000 roubles. This sum Bellingham, notwithstanding this decision, refused to pay.
"It also appeared from the communications received from Archangel, that a criminal suit had been instituted against Bellingham, by the owners of a Russian ship which had been lost in the White sea. They accused him of having written an anonymous letter that had been received by the underwriters in London, in which letter it was stated that the insurance of that ship was a fraudulent transaction; and payment for the loss of her had been in consequence resisted. No satisfactory proof was adduced against Bellingham, and he was acquitted of this charge. But before the termination of this suit, he attempted to quit Archangel, and being stopped by the police, whom he resisted, he was taken to prison; but was soon after liberated, in consequence, I believe, of a second application to the governor from sir Stephen Shairp.
"About this period I quitted Russia; and I have no recollection of hearing any thing more of John Bellingham, till after my arrival at St. Petersburgh upon my second embassy. He came running into my house one evening, and solicited me to allow him to remain all night in order to avoid being retaken into custody by the police, from whom he had escaped. I complied with this request, though I could not, upon any ground, assume to myself the power of protecting him from legal arrest. It appeared that the award of the arbitrators of Archangel had been confirmed by the senate, to which body Bellingham had appealed; and he was in consequence delivered over to the custody of the College of Commerce (a tribunal established for the especial purpose of taking cognizance of commercial matters relating to British subjects, and whose authority was recognized in the commercial treaty between the two countries) there to remain till he discharged the debt of the two thousand roubles. This custody was not very strict, for he was allowed to walk wherever he pleased, attended by a police officer belonging to the College. He came frequently to my house, and at various times received from my private secretary small sums of money, to support him during his confinement. Confined as he was by the legal authorities of the country, I could on no pretence make any application for his release; but I remember well, in conversation with the minister for foreign affairs, expressing my personal wish that the Russian government, seeing no prospect of recovering the sum of money required from him, would liberate him from prison, on condition of his immediately returning to England.
"Very soon after this conversation, all diplomatic intercourse ceased between the two courts; and the course of public events necessitated my quitting Russia in the abrupt manner with which your lordship is well acquainted. I am, my lord, with great respect, &c.
"GRANVILLE LEVESON GOWER."
Prince Regent's Message Respecting the Family of Mr. Perceval
reported from the committee of the whole House, to whom it was referred to consider further of his royal highness the Prince Regent's Message of the 12th instant, the following Resolution:
"Resolved, That it is the opinion of this committee, that the annuity of 2,000l. payable to the hon. Jane Perceval, be from and after her decease payable to such son or grandson of the late right hon. Spencer Perceval as shall be his heir at the time of her decease, during the natural life of such son or grandson; and that until the said annuity shall by the decease of the hon. Jane Perceval so devolve, there shall be granted to his Majesty a sum not exceeding 1,000l. to commence from the 11th day of May last, and to be paid annually out of the consolidated fund to such son or grandson of the late right hon. Spencer Perceval as shall be his heir, and that the same shall be paid without any fee or deduction whatsoever." On the motion that this Resolution be read a second time,
rose. He said he was extremely unwilling to oppose a proposition like that then before the House; but as it did appear to him that the House had gone to the full extent of remuneration for Mr. Perceval's family, and as every thing beyond remuneration would appear like a reward of his public services, [No, no, from various parts of the House,] which services he utterly denied, he could not permit himself to vote in favour of the question. The hon. gentleman who moved the Resolution, had put it to him, whether 200l. a year was sufficient provision for the eldest son of Mr. Perceval; but he wished to remind that hon. gentleman of what the fact really was. The income of Mrs. Perceval, arising from her own private fortune, and the sums voted by parliament for herself and children, would amount to 6,500l. a year; and would any person say, that a gentleman's widow, with twelve children to bring up, could be considered as inadequately pro- vided for, with such an income? Now, too, that the House had cooled from the influence of those feelings, the existence of which was truly honourable to every man in it, be would beg leave to advert to one or two other particulars. He understood that there were family expectations, derivable from persons far advanced in life, and whom, therefore, it was highly probable, Mrs. Perceval would survive. That was an additional reason for limiting the bounty of parliament to what had been already done. He would view the case in another light. What did they do for the widows of those who died in the military or naval service of their country? A pension of 500l. a year was reckoned an ample provision. In the present year even, under Mr. Perceval's administration, the widow of a gallant officer who fell in the breach before Ciudad Rodrigo (he meant general Craufurd)—was recommended by the right hon. gentleman himself, he believed, to the crown, as a fit object of its bounty, and she received 300l. a year, with 100l. to each of the children. Upon all these grounds he should feel it his unpleasant and painful duty not only to oppose the question, but to divide the House upon it.
said, that the House had been called upon to appeal to their judgments, and not to their feelings; and the more they had appealed to their judgments, the more they appeared convinced the first proposition did not go far enough. When the House were unanimous in expressing their sense of Mr. Perceval's public as well as private virtues, they of course did not pledge themselves to approve of all his public measures, or public principles. His diligence in the public service, his temper, manliness, and sincerity, were public virtues, which every body had allowed. In his opinion, so far from a liberal reward, the House bad hardly come up to the measure of cold justice. He had quitted, for the public service, one of the most lucrative situations in a lucrative profession: he had given up the grant made to him of the duchy of Lancaster; he had given up for many years the emoluments of the office of Chancellor of the Exchequer, and he had given to the public service places which he might have kept for the provision of his own family. When such a man had been assassinated within the walls of parliament, he thought a full remuneration was due to his family for all the sacrifices he had made. He did not know from what quarter those great expectations which had been stated by the hon. gentleman were to proceed. Lord Arden had a large family of his own to educate and provide for. Indeed it appeared to him that the country should adopt the family of Mr. Perceval, and not require any interference from any other quarter. It would hold out a lesson to such wretches as might in future meditate the assassination of ministers, that the nation would take care of the families and of the memories of such ministers, and that their views to injure them would be thus in a great measure disappointed. An hon. gentleman had compared this to the case of naval and military commanders. He saw no analogy. They knew at least, when they entered their professions, they were exposed to a death of that nature: but how could Mr. Perceval, in relinquishing the bar for the public service as minister, conceive himself to be liable to be assassinated at the door of that House, while in the faithful discharge of his duty? In such a case he thought a full remuneration was due.
said, that he felt ready to agree to what was first proposed, with the view of marking the abhorrence of the House at the atrocious act which had been committed, and of giving a suitable relief to Mr. Perceval's afflicted family. He thought, however, if more was done, it must appear like a recognition of public services. The House had, at first, been unanimous in agreeing to what had been proposed to them. He did not see what new light had broken in upon them since, to make them extend the grant. All the circumstances of the case, and that of the family, had been taken into consideration at the first, and he did not see why that unanimity was now to be avoided, which then appeared so desirable.
thought that the family of Mr. Perceval was entitled to a liberal provision, inasmuch as he had lost his life In the discharge of his public duty. He thought that on this account a liberal grant ought to be made, independent of the nature of the public measures which he had recommended. If he had placed any man as steward over his estate, and that man was murdered in his house, while faithfully discharging his duty, he should feel himself bound to give the family of that man a full remuneration for their loss, without considering his system of managing the estate. The same course appeared to him to be the duty of the House towards Mr. Perceval's family.
felt great reluctance in being obliged to oppose the grant, as being a grant of public money not resting on the ground of public services. If he were bound to speak of Mr. Perceval as a minister, he must say that he saw no claims to approbation or remuneration, but, on the contrary, strong grounds of reprobation. As to his private virtues, he had not an opportunity of knowing them as well as some other gentlemen; but he did not think that private virtues were sufficient to justify a large grant of public money, especially in times of such distress as the present. He would much rather that their compassion for Mr. Perceval's family should be testified by a private subscription to a larger amount even than what had been proposed to parliament; and if such a measure were set on foot, he should feel great pleasure in subscribing largely to it. As a guardian, however, of the public purse, and recollecting the numbers of families now in the most bitter distress, he could not feel justitied, in voting any more of their money, upon such an occasion as that now before them.—It had been stated, as he thought somewhat unfairly, that Mr. Perceval's life had been devoted to the public service, for which he had sacrificed other pursuits. Could it be forgotten, however, how much of the public money Mr. Perceval had received throughout the greater part of his life? Could the public forget what very large sums had been received from sinecure places by other members of his family? In his political career, he might have been actuated by a laudable ambition, but it was too much to say, that he had entirely sacrificed himself to the public service. He saw strong reasons for doing what compassion to his family required, and in that the House had been unanimous; but he was obliged to oppose any thing farther.
supported the motion that he had originally proposed of an additional grant of 1,000l. per annum to the eldest son of Mr. Perceval. He was now just of an age to enter into the university; and if he were reduced to a pittance of 4,000l. which, after deducting the property-tax, would give him but 180l. per annum, it would be most evident, that neither at the university, the bar, or the senate, could he support himself at all in the manner that he would have done if his father had not been cut off. Under those circumstances, he thought it but justice to the eldest son of Mr. Perceval, to enable him to pursue that course of life that had been marked out for him by his father.
supported the Resolution. He pledged himself that if Mr. Perceval's accounts were looked into, it would be found that he was a poorer man than when he went into office. Surely the provision could not be thought too large, when, in the Bill of his hon. friend (Mr. Bankes), which had received the support of gentlemen on the other side, it was provided that every future Chancellor of the Exchequer, after the framing of that Bill, should receive 5,000l. a year after he had been five years in office; a remuneration which Mr. Perceval might have enjoyed had he lived, and had the Prince Regent thought fit to dismiss him from the situation he held; and which indeed, it might be therefore said he had fairly earned.
The House then divided, when the numbers were:—
For the Resolution 171 Against it 16 Majority —155