House of Commons
Tuesday, May 26, 1812.
Memorial From Huddersfield Respecting the Riot Act
Mr. Wilberforce presented a Memorial from several merchants and manufacturers residing in and near the town of Huddersfield, in the West Riding of Yorkshire; setting forth,
"That, by the Act of the 1st Geo. 1, commonly called the Riot Act, it is declared, "that if any persons unlawfully, riotously, and tumultuously assembled together, to the disturbance of the public peace, should unlawfully, and with force, demolish or pull down, or begin to demolish or pull down, any church or chapel, or any building for religious worship, certified and registered as therein mentioned, or any dwelling-house, barn, stable, or other out-house, the same shall be judged felony, without benefit of clergy;" and the inhabitants of the hundred in which such damage should be done, should be liable to yield damages to the persons damnified thereby; and that, by the Act of the 9th of his present Majesty, reciting the above Act; and that some doubts had arisen, whether the same extended to the pulling down and demolishing of mills, it is enacted, that, if any person should, in like manner, demolish or pull down any wind saw-mill or other wind-mill, or any water-mill or other mill, which had been or should be erected, or any of the works thereto respectively belonging, the same should be adjudged felony without benefit of clergy; and that, if any person should wilfully and maliciously burn or set fire to any such mill, he should be adjudged guilty of felony without benefit of clergy; and that, by the Act of the 41st of his present Majesty, reciting these two Acts; and that no provision had been made by the latter for the indemnification of the persons so damnified, it is enacted, that such persons so damnified should be reimbursed in the manner provided by the first-mentioned Act; and that the wisdom and policy of the first-mentioned Act have been fully proved by the experience of nearly a century; and the memorialists hereby suggest to the consideration of parliament the expediency and necessity that the protection and indemnity given by the first-mentioned Act, with respect to churches, chapels, places of worship, dwelling-houses, barns, stables, and other out-houses, should be extended to warehouses, cotton factories, and all other buildings of every description, and all steam-engines, machinery, and utensils, and all goods, wares, and merchandizes therein, and to all property of every description, which shall be burned, destroyed, or injured by any persons being unlawfully, riotously, and tumultuously assembled together, to the disturbance of the public peace; and the memorialists submit to the consideration of parliament the propriety and necessity of such a law, in the disjointed state of affairs in the neighbourhood of Huddersfield and in some adjoining counties, where all sorts of persons, and all species of property, call loudly for protection against the machinations of lawless and desperate men."
Ordered to lie upon the table.
Orders in Council—Chance of Administration
rose to move for an Account of the Duties collected in the London Docks for the last five years. To this motion he understood there would be no objection. The right hon. the President of the Board of Trade last night stated, as an objection to the production of some papers moved for, that there was no administration in effect, or in other words, that it was in a sort of abeyance. That objection to-day could not apply, for he understood, and he believed his information to be correct, that the same vigorous and efficient government as guided the councils of the country during the last week, possessed again the confidence of the Prince Regent, and expected to regain the confidence of the House of Commons. If this was true, and his Royal Highness was determined to continue his confidence to those persons, it really became a matter of much alarm. He was also informed, that there was an intention of moving an adjournment of the House this day. In the present state of the government and of the country, such an adjournment was most lamentable. He deprecated it altogether. If there was any thing that more imperiously called for an opposition to such adjournment, it was what came out on the last evening in the examination before the committee on the Orders in Council. It was there stated by an American merchant, that in consequence of the embargo laid on in America, flour had risen in the Lisbon market from 15 to 22 dollars per barrel, and that, in consequence of this rise, he was obliged to purchase 6,000 quarters in our market, to supply the scarcity there. Now, such a proceeding, at a time when, without wishing to create alarm, there was not an over-abundant supply for our own consumption, was of the most serious import. Under these circumstances he must enter his protest against any adjournment.
was not aware how the production of a paper of the kind moved for could bear upon the subsistence of our armies in Portugal. He should therefore not offer a word upon it. At the same time he could not imagine where his hon. and learned friend had made the discovery with respect to the government. He himself had made enquiries of his friends around him, and he could assure the House that they were totally ignorant of any such intention in the head of the executive. It was, however, an instance of pure benevolence in his hon. and learned friend to take upon himself the trouble of collecting information, for the gratification of the House and of himself. The information also, respecting an adjournment, was equally unfounded. But supposing that the causes for laying on the embargo were still in existence, it was not in the power of any new government to raise that embargo.
said that there undoubtedly prevailed, not only in the House, but in the country, a most painful anxiety with respect to those steps which were to be taken in consequence of the vote of the House of Commons on Thursday last. He was sorry that the hon. and learned gentleman, sitting where he did, had not been pleased or able to afford them any information on this subject. He now rose however, to ask of the noble lord opposite an explicit answer as to his situation, and the situation of his colleagues in office. That noble lord had intimated on Friday last, that the present government was in fact, dissolved; it appeared, notwithstanding, that they still enjoyed, in some degree, the confidence of the Prince Regent, that they still assembled, and deliberated, and advised. It was certainly impossible that any man could approach his Royal Highness without acquainting him with the perilous situation in which he and the country stood. It was impossible, whatever the hon. and learned gentleman might say as to the immediate effects of the embargo, that when we were on the eve of that last calamity,—(a war with America)—any person admitted to the royal presence, should neglect to inform the sovereign of the internal situation of this country, and of the disturbance, discontent, and dissatisfaction that pervaded every part of that empire which the Regent now governed, either without the aid of ministers, or with the aid of ministers whose incapacity had been proclaimed by parliament. He begged from the noble lord, therefore, some distinct information, respecting his own situation, and the progress made in forming an efficient administration?
said, that the hon. and learned gentleman who had first spoken, was in the habit of making so many erroneous assumptions, and commenting upon them in so irregular a way, that it was difficult to give any direct answer to his questions. He knew of no intention of moving an adjournment, and as to his own situation, he had only to say, that it was now precisely what it was last Friday, he and his colleagues still retaining their offices, during the interim occupied in concerting arrangements, on an extended basis. The hon. gentleman who spoke last, had mingled also some irregular observations with his question, and for his own part, he begged leave totally to disclaim any knowledge whatever, that this country was on the eve of a war with America. The situation of the country was undoubtedly alarming, but he was happy to state that every post furnished intelligence of the most agreeable nature, and that through the exertions of the magistracy, and the uniform good conduct and regularity of the local militia, the spirit of disturbance was daily decreasing. He hoped the hon. gentleman would endeavour to derive the information on which he relied, from more authentic sources than those of his hon. and learned friend. With respect to the surprise of the hon. gentleman at the time that the new arrangement had occupied, the hon. gentleman must be aware that it was much easier to destroy than to create a government. As the hon. gentleman had been a little instrumental in overturning the present, he ought to have rather more patience in waiting for the establishment of its successor.
explained, that his information was derived from public documents and the acts of the American government.
observed, that there had been an embargo on the American ports three years ago, which however had not yet produced a war.
replied, that the act of laying the embargo was not the only cause from which he deduced the probable and calamitous effect of a rupture between the two countries.
alluded to a recent declaration of earl Bathurst, that there was a faint prospect of conciliation with America.
deprecated an adjournment at so momentous a period, but was not of opinion that too much time had been yet taken in accomplishing the object of a new and more efficient arrangement.
said, that no motion for adjournment had been made, nor had the House therefore cognizance of any such intention.
Here the conversation dropped.
Publicans' Bill
moved that this Bill be committed.
said, it was one of the most foolish and absurd Bills that was ever brought into the House; it was unprecedented except in one instance, when Mr. Fox had, at the instigation of his constituents, brought in a similar Bill, though he laughed at it in every private company.—The hon. gentleman further observed, that pewter pots were supposed to give a greater relish to porter; and, indeed, it had been lately discovered by his countryman and friend, sir H. Davy, that a galvanic influence was produced by drinking beer out of pewter; and it was right, that those who drank this beverage should have as many agreeable sensations excited as possible.
denied that Mr. Fox had ever treated the subject with levity, when he introduced a Bill similar to the present. The real substance of the hon. gentleman's argument was, that he was a Cornish man, and thererore felt it incumbent on him to defend and promote the use of pewter but then it was right to consider, that as things stood at present, the publicans not only sustained a great annual loss by pot-stealing, but were placed in the ridiculous and irritating situation of buying their own pots three or four times a year, or as often as they were stolen, melted, and re-manufactured. They now applied not only to protect themselves from loss, but to eradicate this nursery of petty thievery. No agreement among themselves would be effectual; for if one man sent out pots to please his customers, all the rest would be obliged to conform. He confessed, he was strongly prejudiced in favour of this appeal of the publicans: through them he enjoyed most of the advantages which be possessed, and therefore he felt as much interested for them as the hon. gentleman did for the tin mines; but really it was the first time he had ever heard of the galvanic sensations supposed to be communicated by drinking porter out of pewter; he trusted that able chemist, sir H. Davy, would shortly discover that roast beef acquired a peculiar relish from being served up on pewter plates—as this would still more increase the produce of the Cornish mines. He should be the last man who wished to diminish the consumption of porter; and he hoped the new information as to the best mode of drinking it, would increase the consumption next week; if it were only by way of experiment.
declared, that the principal object of his Bill was to prevent imposition in country places, where the measures were in general shamefully deficient. The Bill, therefore, provided that regular measures should be deposited in the vestry of every parish; and when the publicans heard of his intention, they applied to him, and stated their grievance. It was a fact, which he had from good authority, that not less than 20,000 boys and girls were employed in the stealing of pots throughout the metropolis, and every old woman who had a frying pan could easily prevent detection. Were the Bill to pass, every family would have a pewter-pot, and the Pewterers' Company would have have no reason to complain.
expressed some surprise at the unusual tone and manner of the hon. gent., who spoke first on this occasion, and who had attempted to laugh the measure out of the House. But with all his respect for the hon. gentleman, he would at any time rather listen to his arguments than his wit. Mr. Fox had supported a similar measure, as much out of the House as he did in it; not as the hon. gentleman seemed to allege, because his constituents were publicans. The consumers must always of course outnumber the venders of beer, and have formed the majority of his electors. Mr. Fox was incapable of any duplicity; and no doubt the hon. gentleman would feel himself affronted, were it said of him, that he ridiculed the Bill in the House, and declared it admirable when he went into company. He had no fear of the consumption of pewter falling off. Having the honour to be receiver-general for Cornwall, the emoluments of which office chiefly arose from the produce of tin, he must be allowed to be perfectly impartial in his support of the measure.
The gallery was then cleared for a division, when there not being 40 members in the House, an adjournment took place.