expressed a wish that the right hon. the Chancellor of the Exchequer would agree to postpone it, as he intended to object to the tax on leather, as well as to that imposed on servants employed in husbandry.

said he had no objection to postpone so much of it as related to the resolutions alluded to by the hon. and learned gentleman; but as much as related to the loan, it was of importance to the contractors that they should agree to it immediately.

The Report was then brought up, and ordered to be taken into further consideration on Monday.

moved that the order of the day for the Call of the House should be read, for the purpose of its being discharged, when

rose and said, that after what had passed on Tuesday night, he little thought it would be necessary for him again to trouble the House upon the subject of the Orders of Council. He little thought that, in so short a space as three days, any thing could have taken place on that point which could make it requisite for him to persist in hanging over the heads of members, many of whom were remaining in town to the great injury of their affairs, the necessary measure of a Call of the House. Little did he imagine, indeed, after what had occurred on Tuesday night last, after what was then said by a noble lord opposite, and in the confidence of which he had withdrawn his motion, though, had he persisted in it, he was sure every object of it would have been obtained upon a division—little did he imagine that there would have existed any subsequent cause, imposing upon him the painful necessity of again standing up in that House, upon the question of the Orders in Council. He did hope from the explanations of the noble lord, from the various interrogatories that were put to him, which interrogatories were followed up by other statements on the part of the noble lord, that there was an end of the question. Those hopes he shared with all the great mercantile persons in London, and with all the great trading and manufacturing districts: he had received letters from various parts of England, where the happy tidings had arrived, all teeming with expressions of joy and exultation at the event; a joy and exultation so honest, so sincere, so gratifying, that if the House could hear them they would rejoice in what they had done, even if their labours produced no greater extension of happiness. But how bitter would be their disappointment, to find that they had been juggled; that in substance, there was to be no conciliation with America; that the Orders in Council were not in fact, to be given up; and that nothing was to be done by which one tittle of benefit would be obtained for this country? It was distinctly understood in the House on Tuesday—at least he so understood it, and he was sure many of his hon. friends did—that they were to be immediately suspended; but now they would not be suspended until the expiration of six weeks, or at least until some negociator could be shipped off for America, and a communication from the government of the United States returned. A limited time, also, for the suspension was now talked of; but he understood no such thing on Tuesday: now, however, they were to be revived at the expiration of six months, unless a certain something was done. And what was that certain something? Why, unless France revoked her Berlin and Milan Decrees; or, in the event of her not revoking them, unless America made common cause with us against France. Was that a revocation of the Orders in Council? Was that a suspension? The merchants of the country were fooled, and that House was fooled, by what he would pronounce a mere mockery on the part of government. Every hour since last Tuesday had produced some new retractation by the ministers, of what was then understood to be their intention. It now appeared that during that suspension—so to call a thing which he knew not how to name—every American vessel sailing to England would be equally brought into England, not indeed for adjudication, but till it should be known whether America would act as we wished her. If she did so act, then they would be at liberty to pursue their voyage after such delay and difficulty and inconvenience; but if America should not accede to our proposals, then they were to be proceeded against in our prize courts, And could that be called conciliation? Could that be considered as an open, frank, and manly proceeding, or as a niggardly, stingy, shuffling, and prevaricating measure? And were not the dignity and honour of the country more compromised by the manner of the concession, than by the concession itself? His object in calling upon the attention of ministers, was to implore them not to commit themselves by issuing any act, which should be just strong enough to do mischief, and to sacrifice principle, without producing one particle of good to the country. There was yet time to retract, and he had good hopes they would, for it was evident they would give up any thing rather than their places. (Hear, hear, and laughing!) He and his friends were only asking them to give up a measure—and they had been doing nothing else the last week but giving up measures. First, there was colonel M'Mahon, then the Barracks at Mary-le-bone, and afterwards those at Bristol and Liverpool, and next, as he thought, the Orders in Council; and really all those measures were exactly such as they should have recommended, so that the country was going on now precisely the same as if the two sides of the House had changed places, with this remarkable feature in favour of the noble lord and his colleagues, and most consolatory to their feelings, that they were not banished to the dark and dreary night of opposition. (Hear, and laughter!) He did not wish, however, to wander into any thing like gaiety. He felt, too deeply, that by the measures, the prevaricating measures, which it was intended to adopt, they were only sowing the seeds of new contention, new retaliations, and increased misery for the country. How different from the manner in which it was supposed the question was carried on Tuesday! As soon as it was known that the Orders in Council were to be suspended immediately, new life and vigour were infused into the commercial world—haste and activity prevailed on all sides, and nothing was witnessed but joy. He had seen and conversed with merchants who had large and extensive dealings with America. One of them had transactions to the amount of one million sterling; and another had actually prepared to export to that amount, which exportation alone would have given employment to 100,000 individuals in the manufacturing districts of Yorkshire. Today, however, every act of trade was suspended; not a shipment was going on, and all in consequence of the explanation which had taken place last night, on the part of the ministers, to a body of the witnesses who were in town, and who waited upon them for that purpose. The proposition which was now to be made to America was, as he understood it, that the Orders in Council should be revived unless France abolished her Berlin and Milan Decrees, or, unless America made common cause with England against France, if she did not abolish them. Surely such a proposition was enough to justify him in calling upon the noble lord and his colleagues, so to conduct their measures, that they might at least carry with them a decisive character. But what would be the effect of the one they now proposed? It was making it rest altogether upon the will of Buonaparté. This, however, he could tell them, that if they hung the opening of the American market upon any thing which Buonaparté would do, it would never be opened. France would rather perish than do that which might benefit us. What, in fact, was the substance of such a measure? we were afraid of France; we dreaded her power; but she was beyond our reach to injure: America, however, we could touch; she was a weaker power, and her we were resolved to touch: we called upon her to intercede for us, with respect to France, and if she refused, we were determined to make her the sufferer. Was that the way in which a great nation like this should proceed? He called upon the noble lord and his colleagues to pursue a different course; one that was frank, manly, and dignified, and one that might accomplish the necessary object, that of an immediate relief to the thousands of starving manufacturers, who hung in breathless expectation upon the event of their conduct. He should conclude by giving a notice of a motion on Wednesday next, upon the subject of the Orders in Council, unless, before that time, any act of the government should appear which might substantially accomplish the suspension of those Orders. The hon. and learned gentleman also moved, that the order for the call of the House should stand for Thursday next.

observed, that he had never listened to an argument more founded upon misrepresentation than the one which had been used by the hon. and learned gentleman, towards whom he could safely assert, that neither he nor his colleagues felt the slightest sentiment of gratitude for his forbearance in not dividing the House on Tuesday last, confident as he was, that had a division taken place, the result would not have been what the hon. and learned member so certainly anticipated; in fact, had he not felt that it would have been an unworthy triumph, he himself should have pressed the subject to a division. (Hear, hear! and laughter from the Opposition!) He was not at all disposed to discuss the arguments of the hon. and learned gentleman, grounded, as they were, wholly upon the most extraordinary misconception and misrepresentation. He thought any discussion of the subject would come much better after the authentic act of the government was in the possession of the House; but at the same time he could not but reprobate that system of persons who were admitted to interviews with official men going immediately to members of parliament to communicate the result of such interviews, that their loose and vague accounts might be afterwards seriously brought forward in that House. Such a practice could only tend to make persons in office decline, altogether, any conferences of that description. He would assert also, that what had been said by the hon. and learned gentleman was not an accurate representation of what government intended to do. He should wave all further discussion till the act of the government appeared, and he would let that act speak for itself.

wished to know from the noble lord, when it was probable the document to which he alluded would be laid before the House?

replied, that, in the first place, it was necessary to have the document in existence, before it could be produced: and next, that it should be called for by parliament. He believed, however, that it would be published either in the Gazette of Saturday or Tuesday.

begged to assure the noble lord, that he never meant to ask for the production of any document which was not in existence.

said, that whatever doubt might exist on the revocation of the Orders in Council, there could be none on the necessity for a clear understanding upon the subject. He therefore called on his Majesty's ministers to inform the manufacturing interests what their intentions were, before they became further implicated in making any exports.

said, that no man was justified in acting on what passed in that House, until an act of government gave it an authentic shape.

, adverting to what had fallen from Mr. Brougham, relative to the awakened hopes of the merchants in London, said, that he had never seen a greater gloom in the city than upon that occasion. (A laugh.)

said, the gloom observed by the right hon. gentleman must have arisen from the largeness of the new loan, and not the expected revocation of the Orders in Council.

said, that though a certain proportion of the London merchants might have had their hopes raised, yet, it was well known, that the great majority of them, as well as those of Liverpool and Bristol, were against annulling the Orders in Council.

said, that if any gloom did exist, the right hon. gentleman should charge it upon his colleagues, whose measure it was. He dwelt upon the importance of coming to a specific decision, and determining either to support the Orders in Council, or to give them up immediately. He disapproved of the House interfering with the negotiation by any discussion, if it could with propriety be avoided.

thought, that if any concession was made, it should be made in such a form as would induce America to open her ports to us at once. Nothing could be more injurious than to take a measure which would create great expectations without fulfilling them, or which would lead the President to doubt the spirit by which they were dictated. Many conditional orders were given for the shipment of goods in which a misunderstanding might produce the worst consequences.

expressed a hope that a case would never occur to require the instrument to be brought before the House, as the tendency of such a proceeding might be to injure the negociations. He knew that there was great evil in uncertainty, and that almost any decision was better. If they gave up the principle, they should give it up in a way to produce the greatest possible advantage to the manufacturers, and if they could conceive that the President would omit to do what the Congress had enabled him, it was necessary that our terms should be clear, that it might appear the fault was on his side, not ours.

The call of the House was then fixed for Thursday next.

, after congratulating the right hon. gentleman (Mr. Sheridan) on his recovery, informed the House, that he had been empowered by a noble earl (Yarmouth) to express his sincere regret, that he was precluded by a severe indisposition, which confined him to his bed, from attending his duty in his place that day. He (lord Yarmouth) could have wished to have been present, from the nature of the discussion, to answer any questions which might have been put to him, and he did express a hope that the question might be deferred, but the right hon. gentleman seeming anxious to persevere, he deemed it due to his own honour, and due to the House, to express the regret he felt at being absent, an absence which nothing but inevitable necessity could have caused. It might appear extraordinary that he (Mr. W. Fitzgerald) who was not concerned in the transaction, should be the bearer of this message; but as he happened to be present at a conversation between the right hon. gentleman (Mr. Sheridan) and the noble lord, the noble lord was desirous that he should make this statement.

.—I can vouch, Sir, for the precise truth of all which the hon. gentleman has stated; I called upon the noble lord in my way down to the House, and I saw, with regret, that it was impossible he could be present. I did also state to him, that as I considered that part of the question which related to our conversation, as a mere marginal thing, nothing but an episode, in respect to what I was most anxious to lay before the House, I would abstain from it altogether; and having said thus much, I shall proceed to explain my motives for the motion which I intend to make. The House will probably indulge me with a greater latitude, as I understand that in another place which it is not regular to name, persons have been excluded from the expected discussion, and thus one of the usual channels closed to the information of the public.

Sir, passing by with a single word this fact, that whatever misapprehension may have arisen in the public mind upon my conduct, there has been none between me and the noble lord, I shall hasten to the assertion of my right hon. friend, that I utterly disbelieved any such resignation as that of the houshold was in contemplation; and that in addition, as a clencher, I offered to make a bet with him.—[Here Mr. Tierney said No, it was not with him.]—Well then, that I offered to make a bet with somebody, or with any body, of five hundred guineas upon the subject. Now, Sir, there is something unlikely upon the face of this story, of this offer of mine to bet with him, with every body, or with any body; I, who never bet with any body, nor ever play for a single guinea. I wish he had said that I offered to stake the money, and then I am sure nobody would have believed it. However, I'll not cavil about it: I'll give him this 500l. bet, that is, I'll not give him the money, but I'll give him the bet. At the same time, if every loose word that is uttered at the moment—as for example—a friend says to me, the houshold are going to resign—I reply, I'll bet you five hundred guineas they do not—if every casual expression like that is to be brought down to the House, and made a subject of grave accusation, I protest I shall take care how I answer to a friend who meets me in St. James's street, and says, How do you do?—I will take three minutes to consider of my reply; and even then, shall be shy of answering, unless a witness is by, who can minute down my words, exactly as they fall from my lips. However, I will concede to him the fact, that I did say, I'll bet you five hundred pounds the houshold will not resign—five shillings would have been more likely—but why did I say it? My right hon. friend said to me, I hear the houshold are going to resign; I replied, I did not believe it. And why did I not believe it? I had never heard a syllable about the intention of the houshold, till the noble lord himself told it to me; and when my right hon. friend spoke to me, I knew that resignation was contingent upon a circumstance which, at the moment of the bet, was more remote from taking place than ever. Is that an intelligible answer?

But now, having answered him, let me ask a question, in my turn, of the right hon. gentleman? Did I not express my surprise to him, that any thing could have arisen to interrupt the negociations that were then taking place?—And the answer of my right hon. friend was, that the noble lords required that earl Moira should obtain from the Prince Regent lull power to consult with them individually in the formation of a new administration. Earl Moira wrote to the noble lords a letter, dated June 3d, in which he offered a re- newal of the negociations, and on the evening of that day, I had the honour of meeting my right hon. friend (Mr. Ponsonby) at the duke of Bedford's. He said to me, "We hear, Sheridan, that you are of opinion the negociation can be renewed between earl Moira and lords Grey and Grenville:—We do not think so." I answered, perhaps the difference of opinion arises from lord Moira's letter being inaccurately worded; but that there was one thing which I knew, and which they could not dispute with me, and that was the sincere intention of lord Moira to renew the negociations. For next day but one after that, lord Moira wrote a minute in the presence of the duke of Bedford, which he sent to lords Grey and Grenville, and in the evening when I met the duke of Bedford, he told me I was right in my assertion, as to the sincere intention of lord Moira to renew the negociations. On the 5th, I certainly did communicate to lord Moira what lords Grey and Grenville expected, which the noble earl thought conclusive, and broke off the business.

I sincerely regretted this termination of the affair, and immediately sent an express into the country to my hon. friend on my right (Mr. Whitbread). When he came to town, I communicated upon the subject with my lord Erskine, stating that I did not think the answer of the noble lords conclusive, as to breaking off the negociation altogether. We met at lord Erskine's: lord Erskine put the question to my hon. friend, if he thought the negociation was conclusively broken off by the answer of the noble lords. He replied he did not; and that instant the noble earl wrote to the Prince Regent to obtain the power required by the noble lords. By this statement it appears, that from first to last I never omitted an ops portunity of exerting myself in favour of the noble lords; and I must add, that I found, with the deepest regret, next day, that the negociation had been once more broken off upon that sine qua non, the dismissal of the houshold. I did not conceive it possible, when they did meet, but that the negociation would have been brought to a successful issue, and the first I heard of its failure was on Monday the 8th of June, when a friend asking me what was to be done in the House? I replied, nothing, I supposed, but moving for a new writ in the place of Mr. Canning; and he told me that lord Liverpool was appointed prime minister.

Now, Sir, I wish to offer a few words upon what I said the other night, that if my advice had been followed, not one of the right hon. and hon. gentlemen opposite, would be sitting in their places. I hope they did not consider that as springing from any personal animosity towards them: I protest to God, it was no such thing, for I have a personal respect and esteem for them all—neither was I influenced by the vote of this House, by which they had, as it were, been cashiered. I said what I did say in the same sense as that which I said of Mr. Perceval when it fell to my lot to announce his death in the town-hall at Stafford, where I am glad by the way to observe the knowledge of that event was received in a very different and in a much more generous manner than in some other places. I said it in the same sense as I then said of Mr. Perceval, that had he lived I could scarcely have expected ever to give him a vote. My objection to them is, that they are avowedly arrayed and embodied against a principle, that of concession to the Catholics of Ireland, which I think, and must always think, essential to the safety of this empire. I will never give my vote to any administration that opposes the question of Catholic Emancipation; I will not consent to receive a furlough upon that particular question, even though a ministry were carrying every other that I wished. I will not support an administration merely upon theunderstanding that the Catholic question is to be taken into consideration; for it may be taken into consideration with no other view than that of proving it not to be the way to benefit Ireland. I wish to see negociation entered upon with fairness and sincerity towards the Catholics, with concessions on both sides, so as to make it popular in this country, and that no alarm may be created. I am not one of those who would grant absolute unconditional concession to the Catholics; let proper guards and securities be provided, and let negociation be commenced with them upon a basis of sincerity; but my doubt is, that this negociation cannot be carried on by those, who in their hearts are hostile to the cause. Proposals from such will never be adequately received by the Catholics; but if they proceeded from persons, whose intentions they knew to be fair and open, without any trick or fraud, then we should see them met with corresponding fairness and integrity.

In fine, I think the situation of Ireland a paramount consideration. If they were to be the last words I should ever utter in this House, I should say, "Be just to Ireland as you value your own honour—be just to Ireland as you value your own peace." I repeat my assurance to the right hon. gentlemen opposite, that in using the expression alluded to, I meant no disrespect or incivility to them. I address myself more particularly to the noble lord (Castlereagh), and trust that he will agree with me that the sooner the claims of the Irish Catholics can now be granted the better. When it is seen that ministers are giving up other things to which they were as much pledged, as they ever were to resistance the Catholic claims—that they have conceded the point relative to the barracks—that they have abandoned the Orders in Council—For abandoned they are; although in a sloping, confused, and unintelligible manner—when they were seen to have yielded in these respects, I hope they will not make the Catholic question the only exception, but will give it up also. If the noble lord and his colleagues are content to do all the paltry and minute business of office, to undertake the journeywork of the state, and to adopt all the suggestions of those who are generally described as their opponents, I confess that I, for one, cannot figure a more complete coalition, or one more likely to be advantageous to the country. It is impossible that my right hon. friends on the side of the House on which I sit can object to such a mode of proceeding; and the country must surely at length confess, that they have got a most broad-bottomed administration. When gentlemen talk of a strong and vigorous administration, I conceive that they must mean an administration composed of men who draw together, and concur in great leading principles; but when an administration is composed of persons who entertain contradictory opinions, however able the individuals may be, I cannot look for strength or public confidence in such an administration. I do not like coalitions between men of conflicting opinions. Looking to a man whom I loved more than I ever loved, or ever can love any other political character—one of the greatest and best men whom this country ever saw, and whose loss the country has now so much cause to deplore—I mean Mr. Fox; I cannot but regret more than any other act of that right hon. gentleman's life, his coalition with lord North, believing, as I do, that the mind of the country has never recovered from that shock, as far as my right hon. friend was concerned. I am of opinion, that another coalition, which it was attempted to bring about between the same right hon. gentleman and another of his political opponents (Mr. Pitt), would also have done much mischief; and impressed with this idea, I did all in my power to support the noble lord (Sidmouth) against their united attacks. I did so, from finding in all the measures and conduct of that noble lord, and from what I had uniformly observed in him, that he was impressed with a firm determination to do that which he conceived to be right. (A laugh.) I am sorry to see what I have said as to this noble lord received with a sneer. That noble lord did more to re-establish the finances—more to increase the force of the country—and more to revivify the constitution, then in a most exhausted state, than any minister we had had for many years. (A laugh.) I should like to hear what I have stated disproved, rather than answered by a sneer. That in the course which I pursued in giving my humble support, to lord Sidmouth's administration I was actuated by no personal or selfish motives is obvious from one simple fact. While that administration was in power, a very valuable situation was offered to me through a noble earl, lord St. Vincent, for my son. This, though offered more than once, my son refused, on the ground that his accepting it might seem to cast a stain on the support which I had been in the habit of giving to government. For the correctness of this statement I can appeal to the noble lord himself, and I can appeal to my right hon. friend near me (Mr. Tierney). In speaking of the formation of the administration, I cannot help remarking, that the House of Commons on one day, by a majority of two, found that the then administration was not fit, and then on a subsequent day, declared their competency by a majority of 125; yet these ministers during the interval, acquired no new strength. To what then can I attribute this change of sentiment, if it be not owing to the opinion of the House and the country being against the conduct of those with whom the negociation has been going on? I think the House might have been satisfied with one vote On such a subject. Even one interference in a question of that kind is a strong measure. There is but a thin partition between negativing and nominating in such cases as these; and I think that the second attempt had, too, the appearance of the wish to usurp the power of nominating to the Prince Regent the individual persons who should be his ministers. I feel regret that the negociation for the formation of an efficient administration, comprehending the two noble lords alluded to, has failed; but having so failed, I do wish that an attempt had been made to form an administration without them, but still without resorting to the former men. I wish that an attempt may be made to save the country, after what we have seen, without applying either to that party which rejected power, or to that which has accepted or retained it, by bringing forward a party new to the public, of whom the public can approve; for I will never endure that such a libel shall be cast on the present state of society, on the nobility, gentry, and commoners of the country, that there is such a dearth of talent in the land, that this great country must be suffered to go drooping to perdition, because there are none but those two parties competent to direct its, energies. All I can say of those papers which have been printed, and which I hold in my hand, is that I cannot look upon them but with feelings of sincere regret, that such changes as I have lived to witness, should take place. I think that the publication of the proceedings of a negotiation such as that which has just taken place, are most injurious. Sir, I can remember the time when two honourable men could go into a room to confer on the formation of a government without deeming such a precaution necessary, as appears of late to be thought indispensible. What is the consequence of the premature publication of the negociation? What, but to set all classes to the discussion of them in every private and public house, and by such discussions to divide those who ought to be more firmly united, and thus increase our difficulties at home, while our divisions encourage the enemies of the country abroad. I wish an embargo could be enforced, which would keep these things from going abroad, to let the nations of Europe know, that while we ought to be all concord and harmony among ourselves such divisions exist among us. Sir, I conclude by moving—"That an humble Address be presented to his royal highness the Prince Regent, praying, that he will be graciously pleased to give directions, that there be laid before this House any documents addressed to his Royal Highness relating to the late Negociations for the formation of an Administration, in consequence of the Address of this House of the 21st of May, as far as his Royal Highness may judge such documents may, with propriety, be communicated to parliament."

stated, that not only were his noble relatives and himself determined to have resigned their situations in the houshold, but they took the greatest pains to publish their determination. He assured the House he might greatly strengthen this declaration if he were to appeal to gentlemen to whom this determination had been communicated. He entered his protest against quoting members of that House for opinions or expressions loosely given by them in conversation out of it. It was not by such means as these that gentlemen were likely to improve either the debates in that House, or private conversation. No man felt greater pleasure than he did in the speeches of the right hon. gentleman (Mr. Tierney) but that pleasure must be greatly diminished if the subject was to be the conversation of two brothers, of whom he was one, as to the conduct of their third brother. If the right hon. gentleman had had such information as that with which he had favoured the House, communicated to him by him (lord R. Seymour) personally, he was certain he would not have thought it fit that he should make it a subject of discussion in the House; and hearing it, as he did, at second hand, he thought the right hon. gentleman might have doubted the truth of it. In establishing his main point, however, the right hon. gentleman had forgotten what was due to him (lord R. Seymour) and his brother.

observed, that after the manner in which he had been alluded to, it would be impossible for him to remain silent. The situation in which he stood he felt extremely unpleasant, inasmuch as imputations were thrown out against him, which he could not contemplate without considerable pain. The noble lord who had just sat down, seemed to have arisen with an impression on his mind, that in something which had fallen from him (Mr. Tierney) in the course of debate, he had travelled out of the usual line of discussion, and improperly introduced what he had gathered in conversation with individuals without doors. He begged to assure the noble lord, that in whatever he had been induced to say of him, or of the conversations which he had had with him, he did not mean any personal disrespect, nor indeed did he feel that he had transgressed that line of conduct which every gentleman was at liberty to adopt, under the peculiar circumstances attending the situation in which he stood. What he had said had been forced from him by the language which had been uttered by the noble lord, the vice chamberlain (lord Yarmouth.) In the course of the speech which that noble lord had delivered to the House, on the night of the motion of an hon. friend of his (Mr. Wortley), he made a statement which produced a very considerable effect, and gave rise to a triumphant party cry from gentlemen on the opposite side of the House, as if he had established the overthrow of all those pretensions to public confidence, which the noble earls Grey and Grenville, to whom he had alluded, were most anxious never to lose; in the course of that statement, insinuating that when the noble lords shad stipulated for the dismissal of the household, they had shewn a disposition to humiliate his Royal Highness; and assuming as a reason, that at the time they made that stipulation, they were perfectly well acquainted with the fact of the houshold having asked permission to resign, but were determined not to receive that resignation as a matter of accommodation, but a matter of right; and that they therefore thought proper, with the view of humiliating the Prince, to demand that which had already been conceded. In all this he personally had nothing to do; but feeling, as he did, the strongest sentiments of respect and attachment to the noble lords whose conduct had thus unworthily been called in question, with one of whom he had lived in the closest intimacy from his early youth, he conceived he should not be fulfilling his duty were he not to use every exertion in his power to repel a charge so inconsistent with the known characters and high honour of those noble lords. This it was which brought him in contact with his right hon. friend (Mr. Sheridan), and this it was which induced him to recapitulate conversations, which, under any other circumstances, he should have abstained from alluding to. He mentioned the names of the noble lord and his brother, merely with a view of shewing the manner in which the conversation commenced, being anxious that the facts might be clearly and perfectly understood. He certainly did feel himself under considerable embarrassment on applying to one brother, and finding, from his information, that the third brother (the marquis of Hertford) had not resigned, while the other brother, the noble lord (lord Seymour), stated, that he had resigned. But even supposing one brother did think the marquis had resigned, and the other did not, he hoped there was no imputation against either, and he was certainly unconscious of any breach of private confidence in having mentioned the conversation which he had had with them.—He did wish to ascertain whether the household had resigned or not, and in applying to the two brothers, he thought he was likely to obtain the information he required; but, from the contrariety of their statements, he was reduced to the state of embarrassment which afterwards led to his conversation with his right hon. friend (Mr. Sheridan.) Previous to the negociation commenced by the earl of Moira, he explained to his right hon. friend the situation in which he stood, and asked him whether he could tell him if any resignation had taken place? The answer he received, though much played with by his right hon. friend, was not denied. His right hon. friend had treated the subject with a considerable degree of pleasantry and good humour, but he had not gainsayed one single syllable of what he (Mr. Tierney) had on a former night stated to have been his answer, which was, in substance, "that so far from resigning, they had no such thing in contemplation." If the right honourable gentleman said he did not say so, then he (Mr. Tierney) must suppose that he was mistaken. From the best of his recollection, however, these were the words which were uttered, and to which, as far as he at present felt, he was ready to pledge himself. As to the bet of 500 guineas, he mentioned that fact, not from any importance that he could attach to the circumstance itself, but with a view to shew the accuracy with which he called to mind the whole of the conversation. He was satisfied that the right hon. gentleman could not have meant to offer him a bet of that description, but simply said in the ordinary language of conversation that he would lay a wager with any body, that the representation he had made was founded in fact. With these impressions on his mind, and hearing the observations which fell from the vice-chamberlain, he could not refrain from stating to the House, with a view of doing justice to his two noble friends, what he conceived to be the precise state of facts, and that statement he believed his right hon. friend would not deny—(Here Mr. Sheridan expressed dissent.) Since his right honourable friend totally denied the correctness of his statement, he must, of course, conclude that he had completely mistaken what he had said, and must apologize to several honourable gentlemen, to whom he had communicated the impression on his mind, that no resignation was intended. As, however, his right hon. friend had admitted that he offered a wager, he would be glad to ask him upon what, or with reference to what, he had made that offer?—He hoped his right honourable friend would acquit him of any intention to misquote him designedly, and begged to assure him, that but for what had fallen from the vice chamberlain, he would never have mentioned one word of their conversation. Feeling, however, he was almost inclined to say the clamour which the speech of that noble lord had created, he felt himself called upon to state what he conceived to be a just view of the facts, from his anxiety to rescue the character of his noble friends from an imputation as foul as it was unjust. He would now advert to the conversation which had been alluded to by his right hon. friend. His right hon. friend had stated, that he (Mr. Tierney) had asked him whether or not lord Moira had recieved a distinct authority to concert with lords Grey and Grenville for the formation of an administration? He denied that the statement of his right honourable friend was correct, and begged leave to relate what actually did pass. He did not mention the names of lords Grey and Grenville, in the way which was represented, but said, that it would be right to have the ministry constituted in the old established way—by the crown confiding to some one individual the power of effecting that object; and this he illustrated, by mentioning the case of lord Grenville at the death of Mr. Pitt, who received instructions to form an administration, to prepare a sketch of his plan, and to consult with any persons he might think proper, as on all former occasions.—This was distinctly what he said, and this was the language which he held on other occasions, when alluding to the same subject. The fact charged against the noble lords, of having known that it was the intention of the houshold to resign, he firmly believed, indeed, he could positively assert, was not consistent with truth, any more than the charge that they had insisted as a sine qua non, and as a preliminary stipulation, that the houshold should be dismissed. There was no such stipulation, nor was the subject ever agitated in that form. A preliminary question was put to the noble lord by lord Moira, which having been answered in the negative, the negociation was immediately broken off. If lord Moira had said he had authority to treat on the subject then the negociation would have proceeded. As for the speech of his right hon. friend, generally, he confessed that he could not distinctly understand it. The first branch of it on a former night treated upon the liberty of the press, for which his right hon. friend declared himself to be the most disinterested advocate, and of this the House had heard much before. He seemed anxious, however, that there should be one exception to this said liberty, and that was when it went to affect himself. Let who might feel the lash, his right hon. friend must stand exempt. A great deal had also been said by his right hon. friend about coalition, to which he by no means declared himself partial. If his partialities were not very strong, he certainly was not averse to such a course, a circumstance which was very evident, from his being desirous at that moment to form a coalition in a most extraordinary way; that was, between an hon. friend near him (Mr. Whitbread) and a right hon. gent who had just left his place opposite (Mr. Canning). His right hon. friend had then entertained the House with the most marked eulogiums on the administration of lord Sidmouth; and yet it was a well known fact, that during the whole of that administration, of which he spoke in such high terms, they never had to thank him for one single vote on any one measure which they had brought forward. His right hon. friend had talked a great deal of the impropriety of sneers, but he (Mr. Tierney) thought, if his memory had not misled him, or if he had not mistaken the Case, his right hon. friend had frequently kept the House in convulsions for half an hour together, by a series of sneers of the most humorous description. Amongst other circumstances of this description, he recollected his right hon. friend on a particular transaction, having afforded considerable amusement to the House by a translation of an epigram from Martial, which he had applied, with the happiest effect, to the very noble lord to whose various qualifications he had borne such ample testimony that day. These, however, were collateral topics which his right hon. friend had introduced, for what purpose he knew not, except for the purpose of taking the same opportunity of expressing distinctly how much he disapproved of the conduct of the two noble lords for having suffered the negociation to go off on account of the question respecting the houshold. With respect to the question of his right hon. friend, as to the course pursued by his son Mr. Thomas Sheridan, on a place being offered to him by lord St. Vincent, he (Mr. Tierney) was the bearer of the message to Mr. T. Sheridan, and was ready to admit, that, in the most honourable way, he refused the offer in question, until he consulted his father; and, finally, by the advice of his father, declined accepting the office altogether. Thus far he was ready to admit, more he would not say, unless his right hon. friend desired it. If he did not wish him to say more, he would not, and all that passed subsequently should remain buried in his breast. As to the conduct of his noble friends, he was satisfied if the thing was to do over again, knowing no more than what they then did, that they would not be justified in adopting any course other than what they had adopted. If the possession of certain powers was held up to the public as a manifestation of the confidence of the court, it was but fair that those powers should be vested in them, in order, at least, that it might be seen, that they possessed the confidence of the illustrious character under whom they were about to act. Upon the whole, he felt, that if he had not made the statements which he had made, and detailed the conversations which he had detailed, he should not have done justice to his noble friends. The result, however, of their conduct had been, for want of better, to have the right hon. gentlemen opposite continued in the administration; whose situation had not been inaptly described by one of themselves, with whom he had conversed on the night of the discussion relative to the Orders in Council, and who said, "we shall go on very happily and contentedly together; you carry all the measures; we keep all the places."

declined replying to the observation of his right hon. friend at that moment, hoping that the House would indulge him with a few minutes hereafter, when he would have an opportunity of answering any further remarks which might be made in the course of the discussion.

said, that the memory of his right hon. friend who had just sat down had not served him accurately in detailing the conversation which he had had with him (Mr. Ponsonby.) The circumstances of the last conversation were these:—they were in the same room together, along with many other persons, some of whom stated to him (Mr. Ponsonby) that a report had gone abroad that lord Moira had made a proposition to lords Grey and Grenville to form an administration, which they had peremptorily rejected. He immediately observed, that he knew of no such occurrence, and, understanding that his right hon. friend (Mr. Sheridan) had said so, he went to him, told him what was reported, and asked him whether he had said so or not? To which his right hon. friend answered in the negative. Upon which he (Mr. Ponsonby) said he was quite satisfied, for he knew it was not the case. His right hon. friend then said, in allusion to what had passed at his (Mr. Ponsonby's) house, that lord Moira had expressed a wish that a certain letter which he had written, had been read along with the other papers; to which he (Mr. Ponsonby) answered, that even if he had known his wishes he should have taken the liberty to decline complying with them, on the ground of the letter in question not being sanctioned by the illustrious individual at whose instance the negociation commenced. His right hon. friend then went on to say that the noble lord had considered that letter as a continuation of the negociation. To this he replied, it might be so, but if the noble lord wished to continue the negociation by that letter, he had not executed his purpose well. He then stated to him that the marquis Wellesley had written on the same subject, and had distinctly expressed a desire that his letter should not be acted upon, inasmuch as he did not consider it authentic. This was what passed on that occasion, and it was upon this ground he felt himself justified in not reading that letter to the House. He hoped now, that this matter was clear to the House, and that they were satisfied that his right hon. friend, at the time of this communication, knew nothing of those circumstances which had since been explained. Whatever change might have been in contemplation, there would not alone have been a change of administration, but a general change of measures, such as a revocation of the Orders in Council, and concession to the Catholics. Under such a complete alteration in system, and indeed under any circumstances, it had been admitted by the ablest statesmen, that it was essential to shew to the country, that the new ministers were placed in the same situation with the old ministers, in point of confidence with the crown, and power in the cabinet; and also that the officers of the court, and the officers of the state, were on the same footing, as to political sentiment. It was upon that principle that his noble friends had differed from lord Moira, and in that principle no man more entirely concurred with them than he did. He concurred so strongly, that if his noble friends had acquiesced in the proposition to form an administration without receiving those marks of confidence from the crown for which they had originally so properly stipulated, as one humble individual, he would not have held office with or under them—a determination which was formed upon the most deliberate consideration of the subject.

, was desirous of making one or two observations upon what had fallen from the right hon. gentleman opposite. With regard to what had been said of the Roman Catholics, he could not help thinking feelings had been attributed to them, which neither their former conduct, nor the anticipation of their future proceedings could justify. Would it be contended, that the Catholics of Ireland would be less content to receive emancipation from the hands of the present ministers, than from the hands of gentlemen selected from the other side of the House? He had the honour of being in the confidence of a very respectable body of those individuals, and he could assure the House that no such sentiments prevailed in their hearts, or were likely to come into their heads. In his opinion, when he considered the opposition which had hitherto been given by the present administration to the grant of the Catholic Claims, and the fact of their having become converts to the expediency of a measure which they had so long and so strenuously combated; the measure of emancipation appeared to him to be more likely to be received with satisfaction and with confidence from their hands, than if it came from the hands of men whose every nerve had been hitherto strained to gain an object so long desired by the people of Ireland. The nation would feel satisfied, that a concession, under such circumstances, must have been made under mature deliberation, and those who had hitherto felt inclined to resist the Catholic Claims, would rest satisfied, that before the measure was conceded, every caution would be taken to preserve the Protestant ascendancy, and the interests of religion at large. Adverting to the terms which had been proposed by lords Grey and Grenville, as the grounds upon which they would be disposed to take office, he contended that their demands were of an unreasonable and unjustifiable nature, and bore more the features of a disposition to humiliate and affront the Prince Regent, than a desire to consult the welfare of their country by a cordial co-operation in such an administration as was calculated in these times to meet the public exigencies, and to uphold that independence which had hitherto marked the career of Great Britain. To impute to any individuals, whether in or out of office, either directly or indirectly, the practice of using a private influence over the mind of their sovereign, so as to counteract the effects of the advice of his sworn counsellors, and to demand the dismissal of those individuals in consequence, was not alone a direct insult, but, in plain terms, signified that the illustrious person, whose feelings seemed so little to be regarded, was so weak, that he had not the power to judge between right and wrong.

was almost at a loss how to address the House on the present occasion, his share, if it could be called so, or rather his knowledge of the late negociations had been so very trifling.—When they commenced, he was absent in the country on public duty. He had there received letters from one of the noble lords so often alluded to, acquainting him with some of the particulars of what had taken place, and he hastened to town to do what good he could on the occasion. In doing this he was convinced he was serving his country—for the services of the two noble lords in the present critical circumstances, he considered as necessary to the salvation of the empire. With their principles he had been long acquainted, and entirely approved of them; at the same time he admired their talents and their integrity— nor was his opinion biassed in the present instance, by his near connection with one of the noble lords, although strengthened by all the endearments of private friendship. On his arrival in town he had the honour, for the first time in his life, of an interview with lord Moira at his lordship's house, in the presence of his right hon. friend (Mr. Sheridan) and of lord Erskine. After some conversation in which he stated his superficial knowledge of what had already taken place, lord Moira condescendingly placed into his hands all the papers which had passed on both sides, and which were already before the public by some unaccountable means, which he could not sufficiently disapprove. After perusing those papers he intimated to lord Moira his opinion, that lords Grey and Grenville's note, declining further verbal communication, unless officially authorized by his royal highness the Prince Regent, did not amount to a refusal to listen to overtures, and that they appeared to him perfectly justified in adopting that line of conduct. In this opinion he was supported by his right hon. friend, and by lord Erskine; and lord Moira, acquiescing in their sentiments, wrote in their presence to his Royal Highness, applying for that official authority. During his stay at lord Moira's, not a word was said about the houshold, or houshold officers; and when the application to the Prince had been written, he took his leave of lord Moira, observing, that as he had a secrets for lord Grey, he should acquaint him with what had taken place in his Presence. It was, however, too late to go to lord Grey's, and he therefore wrote a short note to let him know what had occurred. He felt himseif bound to bear his testimony to the anxious wishes expressed by lord Moira to give the country the advantage of such talents as those of lord Grey and lord Grenvile; and his right hon. friend (Mr. Sheridan) had also expressed the greatest solicitude, and used his utmost forts for the same purpose. He then returned to the country to complete the public duty which had occasioned his first absence. There he learned on the suceeding sunday that the negociations had been broken off; but as he was not called up to express his opinion on that failure, he hoped that the House would allow him to retain his private sentiments on the subject.

replied to the observations which had been made in the course of the debate. The House, no doubt, would duly appreciate the honourable testimony which his hon. friend had just borne to the whole of his conduct—which conduct had, as his hon. friend had stated, been authorised by the earl of Moira. It would be seen, from what had passed, that his character was not that of an intriguing caballer, endeavouring to keep certain persons from the administration; but that, on the contrary, he had acted a consistent part; that part had been an eager and anxious effort to the utmost of his humble power to produce that extended and efficient administration which the country was desirous of having. He could not avoid expressing his indignation at the attempts which had been made to injure his fame and reputation in the country, by the circulation of reports as infamous as they were false; and he had taken the earliest opportunity of coming down to the House to move for those papers which would effectually remove all injurious impressions against him. The first intimation which he had of the charges, was on Thursday, and on the Friday he intended to move for the papers, but there being no House, he came down on the Saturday, and gave notice of his intention. His right hon. friend must have known that his real motive in making the observations which he had made, was the vindication of his own honour and character, and not with any view of maligning the characters of the two noble lords. His motives, therefore, must have been misunderstood. His right hon. friend; surely, did not set so little value upon character as not to be anxious, if his character had been grossly attacked, to vindicate it from any foul aspersions which might be cast upon it. Was it that extraordinary that he should be alive to the value of character—that he should he extremely anxious not to suffer any stigma to remain upon it? Surely his right hon. friend did not hold his own public character so cheap, as not to be aware that it became necessary to disavow any improper or insidious interference on the instant the knowledge of such imputations was conveyed to him. Instead of his object being to traduce and malign the characters of the two noble lords, he had only in view the vindication of his own. He had never said, nor did he believe, that their conduct had not been the most honourable—he had given them full credit for the purity of their motives— he felt the necessity which urged one of the noble lords to redeem that pledge which he had given in another place; but the adherence to that pledge he at the time thought would lose him the esteem of the country. With respect to the conversation which had passed between his right hon. friend and him, a great part of the House must have imagined, that after the declaration made by the noble lord (lord Yarmouth) on Monday (whose illness and absence he this night regretted) no conversation had actually taken place. What he had stated to his right hon. friend, as to the resignation of the houshold, was, as he had already informed the House, that their going out of office depended on a contingency, and so he had told his right hon. friend. The communication was made to him (Mr. S.), not as the channel which was to convey the intelligence to the noble lords, for the noble lord (lord Yarmouth) knew that he (Mr. S.) was one of the last persons to whom the authority for making such a communication would have been given. The noble lord knew that he was not in the habit of having political communications with lord Grey, much less with lord Grenville. A message of that nature he would not have taken, for such a message would in effect have amounted to a menace, or, in other words, it was converting the houshold officers into a cabinet upon the occasion. Was it an office proper that his noble friend earl Moira and himself should fill? Was it right that the noble lord (lord Yarmouth) should ask and expect that the noble earl and himself should stand for ten minutes at the pleasure of the houshold lords, as a species of centinels, watching the precise point of time when the ten minutes should expire, to carry the intelligence to the two noble lords who were to form the new cabinet? He trusted he had proved, in what he had stated, that it was an unmanly and ungrateful mode of proceeding to attempt to injure him in the estimation of the country, by representing him in the journal over which his friends had the controul, as a person who was playing au insidious game—as a person who, in order to obtain some private end, was endeavouring to prevent the accession to office of some of his nearest and oldest connections. Such conduct was furthest from his view—such conduct was alien to his heart; in all his public life, he had never sacrificed either his private or public feelings to unworthy objects. The House would do him justice in believing, that no base motive influenced his conduct; he had no interested views. Men who played a double part had some object to gain. What had he gained? Where could any man point at the places he had obtained for his friends; the pensions he had burthened the country with, or the sinecures he had secured for himself? Under these considerations, he hoped the House would see that it was necessary he should vindicate his honour and character, and that he had so done. Nothing could have given him more satisfaction than to have united his friends in the service of the country, so that in the moment of danger they might have presented a bold and fair front against the common enemy. He did not believe the fact of the resignation of the officers of the household; because the contingency on which alone it was understood their resignation would be necessary, was at that period more distant than ever.

.—Then my right hon. friend admits he did saw that there was no conception of their resigning.

apprehended, that as the right hon. gentleman had made the motion with a view to give an explanation to some parts of his conduct, and that explanation having been afforded, he would not press it to a division. He thought there had been quite enough of discussion upon it. He should have been disposed to accede to the motion, if any thing could thereby have been furnished to lead to any practical benefit to the right hon. gentleman's character. In disposing of the motion, therefore, by a direct negative, he was anxious the House should express their opinion of the manner of bringing questions of such a nature before parliament. Confidential communications in respect to the formation of an administration were not fit subjects for discussion in parliament—and, he hoped, would not receive its sanction. The present subject had gone the length of a discussion, which, if tolerated on future occasions, might threaten the existence of the best interests of the country.

was not disposed to press his motion. It conveyed the strongest censure upon the charges against him, which it was possible to convey—for it went to call for official documents, when, in fact, there were none to lay before the House.

rose, merely to observe with satisfaction, which he had no doubt would be felt by the country, that every thing had been done by his royal highness the Prince Regent to carry into effect the wishes expressed in the Address of the 1st of May. As to those wishes, he was convinced, that a change of men, without a change of measures, would not lead to any beneficial result; at the same time, he thought the House would not, be doing amiss, if they returned thanks to his Royal Highness for his candid conduct upon the trying occasion.

thought the wishes and expectations, and still more, the wants of the country, had not been attended to in the formation of the present administration. He should not say in what quarter the blame lay. But if he had only one day to live, he should say, that he was certain there had been bad faith in the negociation somewhere; and he had no hesitation in saying, that he believed in his conscience that lords Grey and Grenville had not been fairly dealt by.

The motion was then negatived.

rose to bring in his promised Bill for the purpose of regulating the office of Registrar of the High Court of Admiralty. The hon. and learned gentleman stated the grounds on which he rested the introduction of this Bill, and recommended it to the adoption of the House, The professed object of it was to secure to the suitors in the courts of Admiralty that property which, on their behalf, was entrusted to the custody of the Registrar. A Bill of a similar character had passed into a law, in the reign of George I, to regulate the funds in the Court of Chancery. It was in the recollection of the House, that he had recently submitted various motions, the end of which had been to lay before the House all possible information as to the nature of the office in question, and the emoluments of whatever kind, accruing to the present holder—a noble lord, a member of the other House. The production of some of these documents had been agreed to, while others had been refused. From what was actually before the House, it appeared that the fees payable to lord Arden amount to 30,000l. per annum, and that a sum of 200,000l. belonging to suitors was the average sum in his hands, which he employed to his own private advantage, and from which it also appeared that he had been in the practice of deriving no less a sum than 7,000l. per annum. In addition to all this he had to state what had not been allowed to be authentically laid before them, that there was a sum vested in Exchequer bills, producing an interest of 44,000l. the distribution and destination of which he had not been able to ascertain. The hon. and learned gentleman then entered into a minute detail of the provisions of his Bill, and concluded by moving that it be read a first time.

objected to the principle of the Bill as unnecessary, no grounds having been laid on any examples of fraud in the administration of the property, which it was the pretended purpose of the Bill to secure. The persons referred to in the character of sureties were chiefly foreigners, who might be injured by having their property vested in the funds and subjected to all their fluctuations. With respect to the detailed provisions of the Bill, he could see no other result likely to be produced except that of inconvenience to the court. He should move, therefore, as an amendment, that the Bill be read that day six months.

rose to defend the principle of the Bill, not to enter into those details which would be better reserved for the consideration of that committee, which he had heard no argument from the right hon. and learned gentleman, to induce him to think that it was not their solemn duty to go into. It was most important that a just decision should be had on the question whether a public officer, appointed to guard the property of suitors in a court of justice, was justified in applying that property to his own private advantage. He had been told indeed that these suitors were foreigners, but he considered this as only forming an additional argument, an argument founded on the dignity and character of the country, for giving to the property of those individuals all the protection and security which it was in their power to bestow. In his judgment it certainly was an illegal use of the money, and in his opinion a suit might be maintained for the recovery of all the profits derived from that use. The hon. and learned gentleman quoted a decision in Chancery, on a Bill filed by lord Lonsdale against a person who held a lucrative office, that of receiver at the harbour of Whitehaven, in which it had been expressly laid down, that such use of monies was contrary to law. He then referred to the case of lord Macclesfield, who had been impeached for practices not very dissimilar; and asked the House if they would now sanction what they had once declared to be a high crime and misdemeanour?

contended that the question of illegality ought to be decided in a court of law, as his hon. and learned friend had admitted it might be, when he gave it as his opinion, that a suit might be maintained for the recovery of the interest out of the hands of the officers of the Admiralty Court. Supposing it necessary, however, for the House to decide the question, this Bill did not effect that object. Upon this point, too, he well remembered that a question had been put to the twelve judges, in the case of lord Melville—whether the making use of public money, even after an act passed regulating the appropriation of that money, was or was not a high crime and misdemeanor, who all answered unanimously in the negative. He conceived the Bill to be perfectly unnecessary.

explained, that he had not said the making use of money in the way described, was a criminal offence, but merely that it was illegal, and that a civil suit might be maintained for the recovery of all the profits derived therefrom.

maintained that no greater difficulty could exist in sending money to, and drawing it from the Bank, than in depositing it at any other place. He reminded the hon. and learned gentleman, that if lord Melville had been proceeded against for restitution, by a civil process, no defence could have availed, but that this proceeding merged in the criminal prosecution.

opposed the Bill on two grounds, first, because there was no existing evil, which called for the interposition of parliament; and next, because the remedy proposed for that which was apprehended, was improper and inconvenient.

said, the object of the Bill was not to do away the functions of the Registrar of the Court of Admiralty, but merely to make the Bank of England his banker.

observed, that in a return made a few years ago by the Registrar of the Admiralty of the profits of his office, nothing was stated as arising from the interests of the property of suitors, which looked like an admission that he did not consider this a source of legal profit. He would move the adjournment of this debate to that day se'nnight.

asked if the profit from interest of monies of suitors was legal, why it was not included in the return?

said, the object of the Bill was to assimilate the practice of the Court of Admiralty as much as possible to that of the Court of Chancery. The Bill was copied from another brought in in 1810, by the late Chancellor of the Exchequer, which never passed, and, what was singular enough, it seemed then quite unexceptionable in principle to the three learned gentlemen who had expressed themselves so differently that night.

said, if his objection to the Bill rested on its enactments, it would then, in parliamentary fairness, be proper that it should go to a committee, where the necessary alterations might be made; but his objection, which was of a preliminary nature, was this, that, if the House proceeded to legislate on this subject, in the way proposed, they would interfere with the rights of an individual, under a vested patent.

supported the Bill, and stated, that the abuses in the courts of Admiralty entailed on the country an expence of between five and six millions, which he was ready to prove at the bar.

defended the conduct of the Courts of Admiralty.

The House divided on Mr. Wilberforce's amendment—

They then divided on sir W. Scott's Amendment—

The Bill was consequently lost.