—This Paper, I apprehend, may be open to great misconstruction, and will have the effect I have already stated, of alarming the natives into an idea that an intention is entertained in this country to interfere with their religious tenets; in short, to make proselytes and converts; and that, supposing it to come from any authority, will have, in my opinion, the most dangerous consequences.

Does not this paper, upon the face of it, propose to refer the opinions of the per- sons there met, to parliament, for their decision; proposing only to them, what in their wisdom shall seem fit upon the subject?—It certainly does.

Can a paper of this import, going only to the proposition of the subject to parliament, supposing it were to circulate in India, be supposed to be the act of any set of beings on the face of the earth, but only a proposition?—Undoubtedly such a proposition, would, in my opinion, tend to create the greatest possible alarm among the native Hindoos.

Before the opinion of parliament could be passed upon it?—Certainly; ignorant as they are, they might suppose it to come from authority, or at all events that something was in agitation which went to interfere with their religion.

Does not this very paper quote a Resolution of this House in 1793, purporting the very same object which this meeting proposed; and do you know of any agitation created in India by that Resolution?—It remained a dead letter, at least as long as I was in India. It was, I apprehend, absolutely unknown that any such clause or resolution ever had been taken. I believe events have taken place in the interval, between the passing of the first Resolution, the Resolution of 1793, calculated to alarm the Hindoo population of India, and to create in their minds suspicions that there is an intention to interfere with respect to their religious rites. I principally allude to the events that took place at the mutiny of the troops at Vellore.

How do you understand that that has any connection with the propagation of Christianity? I do not mean to put any such construction upon those events; but I understand (I may have been misinformed) that that mutiny originated in some offence given to the Hindoo troops with respect to the marks of their casts.

[The further examination of Mr. Cowper was postponed.]

The right hon. lord TEIGNMOUTH attending, was called in, at his own request, and a chair placed for him within the bar.

.—I would beg leave, with the permission of the House, to explain an inaccuracy in my testimony yesterday. I will first read the question that was proposed to me, and the answer which I gave; and then the answer which I would propose to substitute for it. The question proposed to me was, "Has not your lordship heard that one of the chief causes of the mutiny at Vellore, in which a British regiment was massacred, was an opinion of that kind, that is of an intention to force the Christian religion upon the natives?" The answer which I gave was, "I certainly did see it asserted in print in this country; but I look some pains to clear up that point, and cleared it up completely to my own satisfaction, that the assertion was totally without foundation. I would beg leave to mention, that my opinion upon the subject is in print, in a pamphlet that does not bear my name, but was very well known to be written by myself, entitled, Considerations on the Practicability, Policy, and Obligation of communicating the Knowledge of Christianity to the Natives of India. I refer to that pamphlet, as containing an answer to the question put to me." The explanation I would wish to give upon the point is this: "That I did hear that an intention, imputed to the English government, of forcing Christianity upon the native troops, was the cause of the mutiny at Vellore; that it had been so explained by some designing persons to the troops; and that, being at the same time coupled with a public order, from which it derived weight and plausibility, it had had an effect in producing that mutiny, I can explain to the Committee, if they will allow me, the cause of the mistake; my recollection was carried back to that pamphlet, to which I referred, in which I had endeavoured to refute an opinion, that the great increase of missionaries on the coast of Coromandel, with the publication of the Scriptures and other tracts, have been a concurrent cause in producing the mutiny at Vellore; but my recollection not being clear on the subject, I transferred the refutation to the other part of the argument, instead of confining it to that which I have now stated."

Does your lordship think it would be advisable to allow persons to take upon them the character of preachers and teachers of Christianity in India, without some previous examination as to their fitness for the undertaking, in respect to religious knowledge and discretion?—I think they should not be allowed, without testimonies to their fitness for the business.

Does your lordship think that any qualification could justify sending preachers to preach the Christian religion in that country; that it could be done with safety to the government of the country?—Cer- tainly I do; I think upon that subject I may appeal to experience; there have been missionaries now in Bengal, from this country, 17 years; they have circulated among the natives various copies of the Scriptures in the dialects of India, with many other pamphlets; and I have not heard that any thing that they have done has been the cause of alarm among the natives in India. [His lordship withdrew.]

The chairman was directed to report progress, and ask leave to sit again.

assured the House that it was with great pain and reluctance, that he now came forward to call the attention of the House to a circumstance connected with a subject which he had hoped would never have been necessary again to discuss or allude to in that House. Nevertheless, some circumstances had occurred since he last obtruded himself upon their attention, so novel, and so important in their nature, that he felt himself obliged by his public duty to submit them to their consideration. On Saturday last, a letter, purporting to be from the earl of Moira, to a member of the Grand Lodge of Freemasons, appeared in many of the public papers. There was every reason to believe that the letter did really come from the noble lord, and he understood that his lordship avowed it. Upon a most extraordinary paragraph which appeared in that letter he now wished to offer a few remarks. The public had lately been told, or at least induced by genera! rumour and by what had passed in that House on a former occasion to believe, that all farther investigation had been stopped; and they had heard with great satisfaction that the Princess Charlotte had visited her royal mother. They had hoped that this unhappy business was on the point of being favourably terminated in a manner satisfactory to all parties. The letter, however, which had been published under the sanction of the high name of lord Moira, contained matter of which he thought an explanation absolutely necessary; and as the noble lord was upon the point of leaving this country to execute the high duties with which he was entrusted in India, it appeared to him absolutely necessary, that before his departure he should explain the meaning of certain paragraphs (of which he alone could explain the meaning), but which, according to the obvious construction of them, were consi- dered by the public as reflecting upon her royal highness the Princess of Wales. Nothing indeed, under all the circumstances of the case, could be more indispensably necessary than to bring the subject thus under parliamentary notice, for the purpose of giving to the noble earl an opportunity either of substantiating the charge which that paragraph conveyed, or of publicly stating what his meaning was by the language therein contained. The urgency of the case had induced him to forego the ordinary practice of giving regular notice, a circumstance which he was sure the House would do him the justice to believe arose only from necessity.—He should now point out the paragraphs which, as he thought, his lordship should be called upon to explain before he left England. In that letter there was the following sentence:—

"When the Prince did me the honour of relating to me this representation of lord Eardley's, expressing great uneasiness that the asserted notoriety of the interviews at Belvidere, and the comments of the neighbours should force him to take any public steps, I suggested the possibility that there might be misapprehension of the circumstances; and I entreated that, before any other procedure should be determined upon, I might send for the steward (Kenny) and the porter (Jonathan Partridge) to examine them. This was permitted. I sent for the servants, and questioned them. My report to the Prince was, that the matter had occasioned very little observation in the house, none at all in the neighbourhood, and that it was entirely unnecessary for his Royal Highness to notice it in any shape. The servants had been desired by me never to talk upon the subject; lord Eardley was informed, that his conception of what had been stated by the servants was found to be inaccurate; no mention was ever made to any one, not even to the lords who conducted the enquiry, three years afterwards, of the particulars related by the servants; and the circumstance never would have been known at all, had not the legal advisers of the Princess, for the sake of putting a false colour on that investigation, indiscreetly brought it forward. The death of Kenny, in the interval, tempted them to risk this procedure. Jonathan Partridge having been known at the time when he was questioned to be devoted to the Princess, from his own declaration to the steward, no one can doubt but that her Royal Highness would the next day be informed by him of his having been examined. The measure was most offensive, if not justified by some uncommon peculiarity of circumstance. Yet absolute silence is preserved upon it for so long a period by her Royal Highness's advisers; a forbearance only to be solved by their being too cautious to touch upon the point while Kenny was alive."

When first he read the paragraph, he could not avoid putting the same construction upon it, which he found, by the public papers, had been put upon it out of doors. He did conceive it to mean, that there was something in the evidence of Kenny which made the advisers of the Princess afraid to advert to it during his lifetime; and with this impression on his mind, he had intended to have brought the matter before the House last Monday, in order that an impression should not go abroad injurious to the Princess, after the earl of Moira should have left the country, and explanation was impossible. Upon reading the paragraph, however, over and over again, to try whether he could find out another meaning, it did occur to him that perhaps his lordship only meant, that Kenny, if alive, could have contradicted any person who said that his lordship examined the witnesses in any manner that was improper or unbecoming his dignity. Thinking that this might possibly be the meaning of the noble lord, he did not conceive it necessary to bring the business before the House; but finding by some observations in one of the public papers of this day, that the subject was viewed in another light out of doors, and that the public understood that part of the noble lord's letter, according to its plain and obvious construction, he thought it now of the greatest importance, that lord Moira should have an opportunity of explaining his meaning, before he left the country. As any assertion which came from a man so high in rank, and so high in character as lord Moira, must carry with it great weight, he thought that an impression ought not to be suffered to remain on the public mind, that either the Princess, or her advisers, were ever afraid that her honour would have been in danger from any evidence which Kenny might have given. There was another paragaph, which lord Moira, and none but he, could explain.

When it was stated in the letter, that Partridge, lord Eardley's porter, was known to be entirely devoted to the Prin- cess, he thought it ought to be explained, what was meant by the devotion of one of lord Eardley's menial servants to the Princess of Wales? How or from what reason it could be supposed that a person in that station of life would communicate to the Princess of Wales any examination which he might have undergone, was a matter capable of explanation only by the noble earl, and if not explained by him, how it was possible for any other person to explain it, he knew not. Finding that this part of the noble earl's letter, as well as that to which he had first directed the attention of the House, had been comment upon in a public print, and a surprise expressed equal to that which he himself felt, he could not be content to suffer the matter to pass without making some observations, or without pointing out the expediency, as well as the absolute necessity, of requiring a full and satisfactory explanation from the noble earl before he quitted Great Britain. When the exalted rank of the earl of Moira was considered, and when it was known that every thing which came from him would be received by the country with that degree of weight to which his lordship's opinions and remarks were entitled, he apprehended that a feeling of justice as well towards the earl of Moira himself, as towards the Princess of Wales, called for an explicit declaration of the real meaning of the words in the noble lord's letter.—Knowing the important subjects which were coming before the House that evening, he had ventured, at that early period, to direct their views to this topic, which he did the more willingly, as he was sure the House would feel pleasure in putting the noble lord in a situation most congenial to his own heart, that of explaining unequivocally and clearly, a matter which was at present involved in doubt, and which might lead to conclusions and inferences which the noble earl would himself be the first to lament. He had hoped from time to time, that this most heart-rending subject would have been set at rest. New matter, however, seemed daily to be brought before the public, and he now almost began to despair that the subject would ever be brought to a satisfactory conclusion, unless some decided act of recognition was either advised by his Majesty's ministers to be adopted, or that that House would place their seal upon the matter, and close it for ever. How this was to be done, could best be pointed out at the proper season. He most sincerely wished, however, that the question might be concluded by any other means than through the medium of that House, and anxiously hoped, that without considerable delay, his royal highness the Prince Regent's ministers would advise him to give to her Royal Highness an establishment out of his civil list, adequate to the elevated situation which she held in this country. Some mode or other, he was satisfied, must ere long be had recourse to, for the purpose of dissipating all conflicting opinions, and he trusted it would be such as to place her Royal Highness in a sphere adequate to her merits. The hon. gentleman concluded by observing, that, for the present, he should content himself by moving—"That a message be sent to the Lords, requesting their lordships to grant permission to the earl of Moira to attend at the bar of this House, for the purpose of being examined as to his knowledge of certain circumstances connected with the conduct of her royal highness the Princess of Wales."

said, that before he put the question, he felt it his duty to state to the House, that a grave consideration arose in his mind as to the parliamentary usage with respect to such a motion. The House was not in the habit of desiring the attendance of any noble lord, unless upon some investigation or matter pending in that House. If it was not stated to their lordships that there was some matter pending in the House, on which the evidence of a noble lord was required, he thought that their lordships would undoubtedly reject the application. If such an enquiry or investigation were resolved upon, then it would be regular to make such an application; but his memory could not furnish him with a single precedent in the history of parliament, of such an application having been made, unless on a matter pending in the House.

said, that he thought the House must feel, that, according to the custom of parliament, the present motion could not be received, and that it would be very improper to take the step proposed by the hon. gentleman. He should, however, not confine himself merely to the forms of the House, but would say upon the substance of it, that he was surprised that the hon. gentleman should (after six times that the subject had been brought forward in different shapes, and the feeling of the House well known upon it) think it necessary again to bring the subject before them. He could conceive no other purpose which this could answer, but to agitate the public mind, and wound the delicacy of the House. This was merely a collateral point of a subject, into which the hon. gentleman well knew that the House did not wish to enter. He was also surprized that at the close of his speech, instead of calling upon them to pronounce upon the question of guilt or innocence, he should merely have suggested an increase of the establishment of her Royal Highness. If no question of form had rendered the motion inadmissible, he should have opposed it in its substance, as he was convinced that no possible good could result from the interference of parliament; and he thought that, on the contrary, it might in every quarter prove injurious. In his opinion the hon. gentleman by his motion had departed from those principles upon which parliament was bound to act, and he was satisfied that the whole of his conduct was likely to do no public good, but, on the contrary, to do great public mischief. He concluded by moving the order of the day.

having asked if the hon. gentleman wished to have the question put? The hon. member answered in the affirmative.

said, that it would appear presumptuous in him to offer any confirmation of what had fallen from the high authority of the Chair, as to the usage of parliament. Such had been its practice ever since he was acquainted with it, and he believed that not a single instance could be produced to the contrary. He believed the reason of the usage was, that the House of Lords must first determine as to the fitness of allowing a noble lord to attend, and then the noble lord himself was to determine whether he thought it fit to attend. He conceived that his hon. friend (Mr. Whitbread) had rather brought forward the motion for the purpose of raising a question, than with any idea that the House could adopt it. He should, however, beg leave to suggest what he thought would be the most natural way of obtaining the explanation which his hon. friend desired. If any persons chose to address the public in the newspapers, and any thing in such address required explanation, he thought it might be given through the same channel, without bringing it, before the consideration of parliament.

thought that the most de- sirable manner in which this subject could be terminated, and the way which must be the most satisfactory to the illustrious person who had suffered so much from foul calumny and slander, would be that it should be ended in consequence of some movement proceeding from the mind of his Royal Highness himself. At the same time, he must deny that the hon. gentleman (Mr. Whitbread) had brought the subject forward in any way that could wound the delicacy of the House. He did not believe that the House had by any means declined interfering in this subject, from an idea that such interference would be contrary to their duty. He rather conceived, that the general understanding of the House was, that after all that had passed there,—and all that had been published,—and upon which the public opinion was completely formed, some course would be taken, by which her Royal Highness would be completely and publicly cleared from all those charges which malice and calumny had brought against her. It was, therefore, thought better to leave it to the advisers of the crown, to give such advice as would best put to rest this painful subject. He thought that her Royal Highness ought to be avowed as completely clear of those charges, which could not be suffered to remain on her without also throwing an aspersion on the whole of the royal family, and a slur also on that illustrious princess to whom the nation looked as the probable successor to the crown. However he wished that the business might have another termination, yet he should not think that he was acting against any general declared sentiments of the House,—nor wounding their delicacy,—nor flying in the face of any understood feelings,—if he were to follow the example of the hon. gentleman (Mr. Whitbread), and propose some specific motion to the House upon the subject, unless it should be terminated in another way. He believed that no harm at all had been produced by the manner in which this subject had been hitherto agitated in the House: he believed, on the contrary, that great good had arisen from it, inasmuch as the illustrious person who was the subject of those discussions, now stood, in the eyes of the public, completely absolved from all the charges which her enemies had brought against her. As to the forms of parliament, he certainly bowed to the authority of the Speaker upon that point, but he did think the letter of lord Moira left room for surmises injurious to the character of the Princess, and therefore he thought that in some shape or another those passages required explanation.

said, that the House had already come to one common consent to put an end to the species of inquiry and discussion which had been so frequently introduced by the hon. gent. below him (Mr. Whitbread) and he was confident, too, that the sentiments of the country at large were in unison with that feeling. He was sure that the revival of this question could be attended with no good effect to the illustrious person whose conduct was called in question; and if the object was peace and tranquillity, he imagined the only wise and prudent step to adopt would be, to preserve silence on a subject which had given pain to every member in the House. He was against reviving any question connected with this subject, thinking, that it had been already sufficiently agitated, so far at least as to satisfy the public. His hon. friend's intentions, no doubt, were very good; but, without a message from the Regent, he was unwilling to vote for the revival of the question. There was no argument which could bring his mind to agree to the motion which had been made; he should, therefore, vote in favour of the order of the day.

believed, that the object of the motion was not to agitate the public mind, but to quiet that agitation, which must necessarily be produced by laying from time to time fresh documents before the public. A letter from so exalted a personage as lord Moira could not fail to make an impression on the public mind; and if, in the way the public understood that letter, an impression unfavourable to the Princess must be excited, he thought it necessary that there should be an explanation. If he understood the nature of his hon. friend's motion, it had his most hearty concurrence. He believed its object to be to quiet the public mind, under the frequent attempts which were made to disturb and harass it. The letter of the earl of Moira, had, beyond the possibility of a question, cast a serious reflection on the illustrious female, whose conduct had previously been cleared of the slightest blot in the public estimation, and as by this means a new charge, as it were, had been made, a new vindication became necessary. He, therefore, approved of the motion in its object, and in its substance, although possibly, by the forms of the House it could not be received.

said, that having been in the House but for a few minutes, he believed at first that this was only one of those irregular conversations which had too frequently of late been introduced, and was not at the beginning aware that there was a motion regularly submitted to the House. If that had been the case, he should not have said a single word upon the subject, but now feeling it to be a question of some importance, he was anxious to state the grounds on which he should vote for passing to the order of the day. The hon. baronet (sir Francis Burdett) had referred to that understanding, by which the House had shewn its wish that there should be no farther discussions upon this unhappy subject. He believed, that the last discussion of the subject ended upon the understanding that no possible good could result from the discussion. He believed, that the House and every member of it, had felt the most anxious wish that they should not be called upon for any determination on the subject, unless it should come to such an extremity that parliament was obliged to adopt some step. As he did not think that such an extremity had now arrived, he could not coincide in the expediency of these renewed discussions. He did not imagine that the present proceeding was at all necessary; and although he admitted it was possible that a case might arise, in which the House and the country would find it necessary to come to some substantive conclusion upon this subject, yet he trusted his Majesty's ministers would avoid being driven to such extremity. He admitted that where the possibility existed of having occasion to refer to such a measure, it was proper to be prepared for the worst; but if he was called upon to state, whether such a necessity existed now, he would have no hesitation in answering in the negative. There was another impression, as he believed, upon the mind of the House upon this subject. They thought that the abstaining from discussions upon it, was the most likely way to bring about that happy termination of it to which every one anxiously looked. While they abstained from discussion, they conceived that there was one chance left for that species of termination which all good men, and all good subjects, wished to see.—He believed that those men betrayed a very imperfect knowledge of human nature and human feelings, who could suppose that the continuance or revival of such discussions was the most likely means of procuring that termination which was so much desired. Since the last discussion sufficient time had not been given for the natural working of those feelings, and those dispositions, which would alone tend to produce that happy result. He believed that every discussion must naturally tend to produce an irritation, which would diminish the chance or retard the period of such a termination. He conceived that if those discussions were revived, the whole period between the first discussion and the last, might be considered as so much time lost in the accomplishment of the object in question. It was upon those feelings that he, and as he believed many other members, deprecated those discussions.

thought, that it was very evident, that the right hon. gentleman had not been in the House when he brought forward his motion. He therefore begged leave to re-state, for his information,—and those who had come in after he had sat down,—that he had commenced by expressing the pain and reluctance which he sincerely felt, at reviving any discussion on this subject; and that he was only induced to do so, from conceiving, that it was a case of extreme necessity; as, if lord Moira should leave the kingdom without explaining some passages in a letter which had been laid before the public, an impression unfavourable to the Princess of Wales might be raised from the high name and character of the noble lord, and that there would no longer remain a possibility of removing it by the explanation which it might now receive. Finding that those paragraphs were understood out of doors in the same sense in which he at first understood them, and which was certainly their obvious construction, he thought it but fair to the noble earl to give him an opportunity, before he left the country, of giving his own explanation to that which was so obscurely worded. He wished the noble lord to explain what he meant by the advisers of the Princess being afraid to advert to the evidence of Kenny during his life-time? He also wished him to explain the meaning of the assertion "of a menial servant of lord Eardley's being at the devotion of the Princess of Wales." He felt no animosity to the noble lord (lord Castlereagh)—who, although his political opponent, he must confess, was placed in a situation of great difficulty on this question,—for having imputed to him what he felt himself entirely innocent of, "a wish to agitate the public mind, and wound the delicacy of that House." It was evident, by his conduct, that he never had any such motive; for if he had, he might have pressed the noble lord much closer upon those parts of the examinations about which he refused to give any answer. When it was understood that those examinations which were so odious in the eyes of the public had ceased, and which, if proved, would not bear the light, he wished to say nothing more upon the subject. But when a letter was submitted to the public, from a man of such high rank and exalted character as lord Moira, likely to produce an unfavourable impression, then he did feel it his duty to call for explanation while it could be had. An hon. gentleman (Mr. Taylor) had said, that it would be better for the Princess of Wales that discussions of this kind should go no farther. He was sure that he could only mean that the less such questions were agitated in the House, so much the better for all parties. In this, as a general proposition, he would concur; but if it at all applied particularly to the Princess of Wales, he was so convinced of her perfect innocence, that he should say again, as he said before in that House, that in the name of the Princess of Wales he would challenge, court, and defy all inquiry. He was not himself, in any part of these proceedings, influenced by party motives. Nor did he wish for the appearance of such a letter as that of the noble earl, after they had been supposed to he given up. At present it was unnecessary for him to do that, which he had so often before done on this subject, namely, to court enquiry. There was no step, either on the part of this House, or on that of the Prince Regent, for the purpose of putting a seal on this unhappy business, which could be less grateful to the Princess of Wales, than that of mooting any question about an establishment for her, in the House of Commons. The letter of lord Moira could not be intended, for it was not calculated, to please her Royal Highness. He allowed that, as his right hon. friend (Mr. Ponsonby) had stated, he brought forward the motion cipally with the view of raising the question, and giving the noble lord an opportunity of explaining. There was no measure which could be advised to his Royal Highness, for putting a final end to this business, which would not give to the public, and to him, as one of the public, great satisfaction. He certainly would not wish to start in that House the question of what increase ought to be made to the establishment of her Royal Highness: that was a question that would be settled much better elsewhere. He did believe that nothing could be more disagreeable to her Royal Highness than that such a question should be agitated in that House. When, however, she was acquitted by the voice of all mankind—when there was no person who could stand up and say he believed her guilty—he thought that the sooner the matter was brought to its proper termination the better. He hoped that the House would perceive, that in the present case he was surrounded with difficulties. A prosecution was found to be impossible: he was not allowed to call to the bar those persons who had published those depositions, which he believed to be false and calumnious; and he had no course to take, but to endeavour that no false impression should exist on the public mind. He wished the question to be put, in order that it should appear upon the records of parliament, that there were members who demanded explanation of those parts of lord Moira's letter. He should, however, bow to the authority of the Chair, as to the point of form, and did not mean to press a division. He must, however, say, that it did not necessarily follow that every motion must be wrong, for which a precedent could not be found. No human being was more anxious than he was, that discussion should go no further in that House upon this subject. He would say, that he never had, nor did he now, nor ever would, agitate the question, unless in a case that appeared to him of extreme necessity, as the present case did appear to him to be.

The question for the order of the day being read, was carried.

said, he rose only for the purpose of moving a vote, for the payment of the East India Company for advances made by them to the public, as stated in the account (justified by the accountants of the Treasury) which was then lying on the table. He was sure the Committee would feel it peculiarly desirous, at the present moment, from the situation of the East India Company, when their charter had nearly expired, and their sovereignty was about to be renewed, under a fresh charter, and on new conditions, that the account between them and the public should be brought to a close, as nearly as possible, to prevent any complaint from either party. The Company had been in advance to a very large extent—an extent, indeed, in one sense, alarming, as it appeared to be for a large military force, which had been necessarily employed in India, in consequence of peculiar circumstances; but at the same time it must give the country a very elevated idea of the magnitude and importance of that Company, which could thus lend its troops to the public service, and advance its money to the extent of millions, which the country was then called on to pay. All the items of expenditure were not heretofore accurately known; but that would be obviated in future. As no hostile flag now waved on the shores of India; and the Mauritius, Java, and the whole eastern Archipelago were subject to Great Britain, it was no longer necessary to send expensive expeditions there; and, therefore, the forces wanted in future, would be principally for naval purposes. These, in the first instance, might be disbursed by the Company, but they were very easily estimated, and might always previously be laid before parliament. He was happy to state to the Committee, that Java was not likely to continue a burden to this country; its produce would, in future, equal its expenditure. Of the Mauritius he could not make a similar report; but, as they were of considerable extent, he was in hopes that they might be so far improved, as to incur but a very small expence of maintenance over the revenue they produced. The building of ships in India formed also a most important item. But, deducting the expences consequent on the possession of Java, and the isles of France, the remainder was not of a very large amount. In the present year, it was intended to follow the example of former years, and to vote a sum upon account. The estimated balance in favour of the Company was 2,294,000l.; and he intended to move, that the sum of 2,000,000l. be paid to them on account, which would leave a balance to meet any inaccuracy which might be observable hereafter, on an investigation of particular items, or on a future examination of estimated accounts. The right hon. gentleman concluded by moving, "That a sum, not exceeding two millions, be granted to his Majesty, upon account, to enable his Majesty to pay the same to the united company of merchants of England trading to the East Indies, towards defraying expences incurred by them in the public service; and that the said sum be issued and paid without any fee or other deduction whatsoever."

enquired what were the disputed points of the Company's demand?

stated, that the account was 2,294,000l. but a part still remained unsettled. There were demands against the Company in the Pay-office, which they did not allow. The difference, however, was not very material.

stated, that the Company had other demands to a very large amount.

said, the right hon. gentleman had stated, that very little difference existed between the estimated sum and the demands of the Company; but it now appeared; that the Company still had great demands on the government. He should like to know what those other demands were?

said, he hoped, in future, they would not be called on to vote large sums of money on similar occasions. The greater part of the present charge was for the expences incurred in taking Java and the French islands, which exertions were made in consequence of orders from the government at home, with a private intimation that they would defray the expence. In justice to the Company, it was necessary to state, that they had not charged the ordinary expences for their troops; they had only demanded the extraordinary charge, which was incurred by sending them abroad. The extra demand arose chiefly from large sums, which had been settled and carried to account, under the authority of Committees of that House, and to which the Company considered they had just claim.

The motion was agreed to.

said, that the first observations with which he should trouble the Committee related to a transaction that had taken place that morning. A proposition had been made by government to a considerable body of bankers and merchants, who usually attended on such business, to fund a certain amount of exchequer bills, provided the measure should receive the sanction of parliament. It was proposed to these gentlemen, that under the authority of parliament twelve millions of outstanding exchequer bills should be immediately funded in the same stock as that in which they had lately been uniformly funded; namely, the five per cent. navy annuities: for every 100l. so funded the subscribers to receive 115l. 10s. of those annuities. The calculation was taken on the state of the funds for a short time previous, and it was satisfactory to know, that the fluctuation had been so small as to afford a greater opportunity for accuracy than was generally permitted. There appeared every reason to believe, that notwithstanding the premium which the subscribers would enjoy was smaller than on most other occasions of a similar nature, yet that it would be generally satisfactory and acceptable. The rate of interest the public would have to pay on this 115l. 10s would be 5l. 15s. 6d. which added to the sinking fund 1l. 3s. 1d. would make a total charge of 6l. 18s. 7d. for every 100l. of exchequer bills funded. On comparing this charge with the charge which would have been incurred had the funding been agreed upon to take place in the three per cents. at the present prices of the two stocks, it would appear that the total charge would be nearly equal. If therefore it was an advantage (and it certainly was so) to create five per cent. instead of three per cent. stock, that advantage had been obtained without any additional charge to the public. It was true that last year in the first instance only 108l. 5s. in the navy five per cents. had been offered for every 100l. of exchequer bills; but the measure succeeded only partially—less than half the amount required was funded—and it was not until a considerable addition was made to the premium that the whole sum, amounting to above twelve millions, was subscribed for. That, however, which he had mentioned, was only a part of the proposition which had been made. In addition to the proposal for funding twelve millions of exchequer bills, it had been deemed advisable by government to give an option to such of the holders of exchequer bills, as might think fit to subscribe an additional sum of 50 per cent. in money; for which they should receive debentures. It appeared desirable to vary as much as possible the nature of securities of this description, and to multiply them from year to year, as occasion might require, in order to suit the different classes of monied men by whom they might be held. It was thought advisable, therefore, to propose, for this additional subscription, a security between that of the public funds and that of a floating security (such as exchequer bills) transferable from hand to hand. For this purpose it had been proposed to issue debentures, bearing an interest of five per cent. capable of being funded at a certain period at a fixed rate of stock, transferable by indorsement alone, and thus possessing a character of greater solidity than that species of security which was transferable from hand to hand, and which was therefore subject to deterioration by loss or robbery. It was proposed, that the interest on each of the debentures should be payable in April and October, and that it should be at the option of the holders to have them paid either in money or in stock on the 5th April, 1815, or any 5th of April afterwards during the war, or finally on the 5th of April twelve months after the ratification of a treaty of peace. If stock were accepted, it should be exchanged for these debentures, at the following rates, viz.—for every 100l. debenture, 100l. in the 5 per cent. navy annuities, 120l. in the 4 per cents. or 150l. in the 3 per cents reduced annuities, the funding in any of those stocks at those rates bringing an equal charge on the public.—By this measure an advantage would be gained by the public of obtaining whatever sum of money might be subscribed, at a rate of total charge of 18s. per cent. less than would be created by the original mode of funding Exchequer bills: and the loan which it would be necessary to contract, would be very much diminished—an object under the present circumstances of the highest importance. While the public derived this benefit the holders of debentures would enjoy the advantages he had already enumerated, of having, at a fixed period, an option of stock or money, and in the mean while of possessing a security as readily transferable, and yet more stable in its nature than Exchequer bills. He was aware it might be said, that in granting an option to the holders of debentures to take stock or money, they would of course take that which at the period would be most against the public, and that the public would be injured in the proportion that the subscribers were benefited by this choice, and that the unfortunate circumstances of the Loyalty Loan might be recollected by many gentlemen and arrayed in argument on this occasion against him. But on a fair consideration of the subject, he thought that this and other disadvantages would be fully compensated by the advantages which the public would derive from the plan. In the first place, if the stock were preferred, there was no reason to suppose that, at the period contemplated, the funding would be more disadvantageous to the public than at the present moment. He had already stated his intention to propose a grant to the commissioners for the reduction of the national debt of 1 per cent. on all Exchequer bills outstanding. He also proposed an addition of 1 per cent. on the debentures as sinking fund, that they might be redeemed at the same period. He was not sure that he had explained the nature of these securities sufficiently to gentlemen who were not so conversant with such matters, as those with whom he had conversed in the morning, but he had given an outline of their character, and he should be happy to afford any further information respecting them that might be required.—The amount of the charge that would be brought to the public, if the whole should be accepted, would be 360,000l. consisting of 5 per cent. interest, and 1 per cent. sinking fund.—He would now proceed, in conformity to his notice, to submit to the consideration of the committee the taxes which would be necessary, in order to make that provision for the sinking fund which was involved in the Bill in progress through the House, provided it passed into a law. If, on the other hand, parliament should not think it advisable to give the Bill their sanction, at least he would not be liable to reproach for having neglected to provide supplies which might be applicable to defray the charge and sinking fund of Exchequer bills outstanding. Reverting to the financial occurrences of 1802, he observed, that although the noble lord then at the head of the Treasury (lord Sid-mouth) did not provide a sinking fund for the sum funded in that year, yet the taxes imposed to defray the interest and charges of that sum had exceeded the estimate by four or five millions. This excess of produce, which went to the consolidated fund, he (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) might have been justified in applying to the services of the current year; but it was so important to maintain the consolidated fund, that it appeared to him to be very inexpedient to take such a step, and to be far better, however inconvenient in other respects, to add to the existing taxation. In addition to the 870,000l. which in the developement of his financial plan, he had shown to be necessary to supply the drain on the sinking fund, the committee would recollect, that in providing the supplies for the last year, there was one proposition—the auction duty—which he had calculated at 100,000l. and which having abandoned, it became necessary for him to supply the consequent deficiency in the consolidated fund. The total sum, therefore, that it became requisite to raise by permanent taxes, was nearly a million of money, viz. 870,000l. to be applied to the sinking fund, and 100,000l. the deficiency occasioned by the relinquishment last year of the auction duty. For the purpose of providing the last mentioned sum, it was his intention to propose to the committee an additional duty on tobacco equal to that imposed on it last year, which duty he would estimate at 100,000l. although probably it would produce more. He was not aware that this new tax would occasion any inconvenience; or at least he was persuaded that it would cause as little as any that could be devised. With regard to the greater sum of 870,000l. the principal tax that he meant to propose to meet it, was an increase of the custom duties. He thought this would be infinitely preferable to any augmentation of the assessed taxes, or of the stamp duties, which had lately been so much increased. As the most convenient mode, he proposed to raise the sum of 8 or 900,000l. by a general increase of those duties, with certain exceptions. These exceptions were the duties on tea, sugar, wine, raw silk, and cotton wool. On the other articles which paid custom duties he proposed an increase of 25 per cent. No such general augmentation had occurred since 1804, and only one partial and small increase in 1805. Under the existing circumstances of the country this increase would be comparatively little felt. For the country had, until recently, been so much excluded from foreign trade, that, until lately all foreign articles had come to our markets, what with the difficulty of transmission, the charge of freights, &c. under an augmentation of expence, greatly exceeding the proposed rate of duty. Many circumstances had, however recently combined to render those articles at the present moment cheaper to the consumer, even with the increased tax, then they were last year without it. He would estimate the amount of the increase of the custom duties, at from 850 to 900,000l. In addition to this, however, he meant to propose a slight augmentation of the excise in a particular branch of it. He proposed that this should take place on French wines, an article of mere luxury, entirely confined to the higher orders, and if checked in the importation, or wholly shut out, he should consider it to be a national advantage. On French wines, he proposed to lay an additional excise duty of 13d. a bottle, which would be about 18d. to the consumer; a tax that could not be considered very burthensome to the country.

The produce he estimated at 30,000l. no very important sum, and one indeed which it would hardly be worth while so to raise, were not the subject itself one so proper for taxation, that even were it likely to produce less, or were the consumption to be so diminished as to impair the existing produce of the duty upon it, he should still feel it to be incumbent upon him to make his present proposition. The estimated produce, therefore, of the permanent taxes would be 850,000l. from the general increase in the consolidated duties of customs, 100,000l. from the duty on tobacco, and 30,000l. from the duty on French wines, making in the whole a sum somewhat short of a million, to answer two objects—the support of the sinking fund, and to make good the defalcation caused by the abandonment last year of the auction duty. And here he would observe, that although he had thought proper thus to propose a substitute for the auction duty, he had by no means lost sight of it. He did not think it would be satisfactory to take it for the purpose of contributing to the immediate supply; but he reserved to himself the liberty of proposing means to prevent fraud, and to regulate the duty, if he should thereafter find it necessary so to do. Those which he had mentioned were permanent taxes. He should next propose to lay some further taxes under the head of war taxes, for the general purpose of assisting the supplies for the year, and for the particular object of providing for the one per cent. sinking fund on exchequer bills outstanding on the 5th of January of each year, to be granted to the commissioners for the reduction of the national debt. These war taxes he wished to class under the heads of imports and exports. The first that he should propose would be a general increase of duty on the importation of all goods and merchandize the manufacture of the French empire, and of all countries dependent on France. It was true that trade licences to France and her dependencies were not now granted by government, but it was obvious that, circumstances might render it politic to renew them; and we had an undoubted right to retaliate on the enemy all the oppression in which he had persevered against our commerce. He proposed to double the war duty on such articles. Those war duties were at present equal to one-third of the consolidated duties. He proposed to add to them the amount of the other two-thirds, thus making the whole of the duties in war double the duties in peace on French goods. It was extremely difficult to estimate the probable produce of this increase. It would vary with the state of our intercourse with France. If he took the average of the last three years, he would say that it might amount to 200,000l. Some articles were wholly prohibited; of others, the difficulty of importation was great; but by taking the various articles, and allowing one as it were to insure the other, he was confident the produce would not fall short of that which he had just stated. With respect to the exports, the trade about to open, would, in all probability, be so great, that no material inconvenience could, in his opinion, arise from adding a half per cent. to the present export duties. In peace, such a proposition would be impolitic—not so at the present moment. He calculated that it might produce about 150,000l.; and on this branch of increased revenue he thought he might confidently rely. [Mr. Baring here adverting to the increased import duties, asked the right hon. gentleman to what countries they were to be applicable?] Certainly the increased import duties would be on goods coming from all countries dependent on France. It would give him great pleasure to see those duties lessened by the diminution of the number of those countries.—They were not to attach to the exports of any country in amity with his Majesty; and the declaration of that amity would immediately cause the cessation of those duties. The only other additional duty on exports which he meant to propose was, a duty of a penny a pound on the exportation of foreign hides, which would operate very advantageously on our leather manufactures in foreign markets, and it would have been proper perhaps that ere now this measure should have been adopted, as hides might be considered as in some measure a military store. The only remaining article of proposed taxation was one which he was induced to adopt on political as well as on financial principles—it was a duty on the importation of American cotton wool. The American government had declared their principal ports to be in a state of blockade, extending from Rhode Island southward; thus endeavouring to deprive our manufacturers of that important raw material. He had every reason to believe, that, if proper encouragement were given to the importation of cotton wool from our own colonies, this stoppage on the part of the Americans would be wholly innoxious to this country. It was obvious, however, that to create this encouragement it would be necessary to secure the merchant, bringing cotton wool from such a distance, against losing by his speculation. If the merchant incurred the danger of having his cotton intercepted in our market by the American cotton, he would be in a state of little promise and great uncertainty. Unfortunately such an occurrence had lately taken place:—when the American government imposed the embargo on their ports, which occasioned a temporary stoppage of the exportation of cotton wool from the United States, encouragement was given by government (in order to prevent injury to the British manufactures) to the importation of large quantities from our own colonies. But unluckily it came too late—the Americans had taken off their embargo; and, unprotected by such a countervailing duty as that which he was about to propose, the British merchant sustained very considerable loss. It was to prevent the occurrence of similar events that he was induced to make the proposition to the Committee. The Committee were aware that the Sea Island cotton was the finest imported from America. The object which he had in view was, to procure the fine article from the East Indies, by affording a sufficient encouragement to the importers. There was at present a sufficient quantity on hand of every kind, except the Sea Island, and it was a necessary ground of his measure, intended to promote the importation of the finer kind, to prevent the ruin which would fail on the importer by any sudden competition. With this view, he proposed to lay a protecting duty of three half-pence per pound on all American cotton imported in British ships, and a duty of sixpence per pound on all such cotton imported in foreign bottoms. The whole consumption of cotton in our own manufactures was 80 millions of pounds, of which 30 millions 3-8ths came from America. The deficiency, even if none were now imported from America, would be made up by that imported from the West Indies and Brazil. There was only one objection to this measure, which was, that it would raise the price of the raw material on the manufacturers in the first instance, and eventually on the consumer. With respect to the home consumer, he thought, however, that it could be hardly felt, and with regard to the export trade, he was of opinion there was no reason to apprehend any rivalry on the continent of Europe, and America was at present out of the question. He apprehended that no fear could be entertained of any competition in France, when the duty on cotton now existing was five shillings per pound, whereas the duty in contemplation here would only amount to ninepence entirely, which threw at present a sort of monopoly of this article into our hands. As to the other nations of the continent, some of whose territories were the seat of war, and whose general internal insecurity was adverse to commercial enterprize, but little could be apprehended from their competition. He conceived, at the same time, that it would be desirable that government should have the means of varying this measure according to circumstances, and with this view he had in contemplation to propose that a power should be given to his Majesty in council to suspend or reduce any of those war duties, according to any circumstances which might arise at this important crisis to make it expedient so to do. The right hon. gentleman then concluded by saying, that he hoped he had provided the charges required by the public service in the least objectionable manner. It was difficult in these cases to calculate, exactly, but he thought he had here made ample provision for all reverses as the taxes in question would, in the ordinary state of trade produce (he should suppose) three times as much. Any surplus in the present case would go into the war taxes, in aid of the other resources of the country. He proceeded to move his first resolution, for providing for the outstanding exchequer bills.

allowed that the right hon. gentleman had made very ample provision for the purposes which he intended; and though he should not now make any observations on the financial part of the statement laid before the Committee, he could not suffer the proposed measure of laying a duty on the importation of cotton from America to pass unnoticed, conceiving it to be a subject of the very first importance. He felt no personal inducement for opposing the measure, as he was neither a manufacturer or importer; but his attention had been particularly directed to the subject, in consequence of Mr. Perceval having attempted to introduce a similar measure two years ago, which from the apprehensions it excited among the manufacturers, he afterwards abandoned, a fate which he trusted would attend the present proposition. The same objections still existed to the measure; and there was a greater degree of danger, for the proposed duty was larger. The Committee must be aware, that, if American cotton came at all to this country, it must come in neutral bottoms, and were this measure carried it would pay a duty of 9d. per pound. The prime cost of the article in America was only about 4d. per pound. The imposition, therefore, of so high a duty, became a question of the utmost delicacy, inasmuch as it operated to produce competition against our manufactures both in America and on the continent. The Committee should pause before they sanctioned a step, which, if it proved to be a false one, would endanger the industry of so many thousands, and a capital of so many millions. If it ended in establishing a competition to any extent, the mischief would be irretrievable; because, though the right hon. gentleman spoke of a suspending power to be vested in his Majesty in council, it must prove wholly insufficient as a remedy after the evil had occurred. The encouragement of the importation of the best raw material he thought the best step which a practical statesman could take; and he trusted the absurdity and danger of the measure would be proved by evidence at the bar of the House, which he thought it the duty of those gentlemen connected with the manufacturing districts to call for. The fact was, that India did not produce the cotton they wanted; and it was well known that the Sea Island cotton was selling at twenty pence per pound, while the best East India cotton did not bring more than half that price, being generally of inferior quality. The favour- able state of things on the continent would, of course, bring out all the Baltic traders who, as neutrals, would go to the best market, and procure American cotton, which would enable the continental manufacturers to enter into competition with our own on the most unequal terms. The resource, however, suggested to prevent this, was the blockade of the American cotton ports. But leaving out of the question the ungraciousness of entering into immediate collisions with the Baltic powers, whose newly acquired neutrality must be so highly beneficial, he believed that the whole navy of England would be inadequate to the effectual blockade of the cotton ports. Besides, the Georgia cotton could easily be conveyed to St. Augustin, in Spanish Florida, from whence it would be exported in defiance of our blockade. Besides, it might be exported in the first instance to the ports of Portugal, and the manufacturers would have to pay the increased expense of the circuitous navigation to this country. It should also be considered, that if you shut up, or contracted, the export of American cotton, it was in fact offering a bounty to the rising manufactures of that country. If the measure was intended as an encouragement of India cotton, it should be considered that a speculation of this sort had already utterly failed. During the American embargo, some merchants were encouraged to bring cotton from India; and when it reached this country, it was not saleable, because, in the mean time, the American ports were opened. The more the subject was considered, the more the House would see the danger attendant upon the proposed measure; and though he was reluctant to oppose any proposition which had for its object the supplying of the public exigencies, yet he certainly felt it his duty to object to. this impost in every stage. The hollow policy of attempting to force a growth which was not natural to a country had been successively demonstrated by the orders sent for cotton to the East Indies at a former period, which, when it arrived, could not be made use of; by orders sent for rice, which when it arrived, found us all in plenty; and by orders for hemp, when we quarrelled with Russia.

as a person long acquainted with the cotton trade, and a witness of the rapid improvement in the manufacture since Arkwright's invention, strongly deprecated the proposed measure.

The improvement effected had attracted the notice of Mr. Pitt, so much that he thought it desirable to encourage the importation of the raw material from all parts of the world, free of duty upon cotton. The export of cotton goods from this country had, in one year, amounted to the enormous sum of eighteen millions. The brutal policy of Buonaparté had, however, shut out our manufacture from the continent, and now, when a favourable opening was appearing once more, the right hon. gentleman was going to impose taxes which would produce all the effects of Buonaparté's continental system. The poor people were just recovering from the distress they had so deeply experienced, but he was persuaded that this measure would again involve them in misery not much inferior to that which they were escaping. He would venture to assert, that if the raw material was suffered to come free into the ports of Great Britain, that the produce to the revenue would be three times as great from the export of manufactured goods, as from the duties now proposed to be laid on the raw material. It had been the wise maxim of Mr. Pitt to get as much as possible of the raw material into the country, and when there was a surplus, to let it find its way out again. The Board of Trade had been beset by some cotton merchants, who proposed this absurd measure. They were told that this duty was intended as a regulation to encourage the cotton of the East Indies, but he would ask, whether they were always to be at war with America? Were they to send their money for the raw material to the East Indies, when their manufactures would not be worn in return? He hoped this mischievous policy would not be adhered to, and that the good sense of ministers would induce them to abandon it.

expressed his unqualified disapprobation of the proposed tax, and implored the right hon. gentleman to recede from his intention of carrying a measure which he thought was impolitic, which he believed would be unproductive, and which he knew was oppressive.

said, that by adopting a tax of this kind, they would be doing all they could to give stability to the American manufactures, and enable them to rival us on the continent. At present, the Americans sent cotton yarn to Europe, and particularly to Russia. The cottons of India, he would admit, were not in general suitable to this country, but he believed that under the influence of a free trade suitable cottons might be imported from India.

protested against the measure, as one that was not likely to be a mere war measure, but intended to be persisted in for the benefit of the production of the East Indies. Even allowing that to-morrow the same quantity and quality of cotton could be procured from the East Indies as from America, it would be still doubtful whether its importation should be encouraged, for they should consider the terms on which that article could be procured, and the relations in which they stood with those from whom they imported it.

urged the inconsistency of encouraging the importation of an article, while a suspending power was at the same time vested in his Majesty in council; and he argued against the policy of proposing any measure which would operate as a bar to the return of amity between this country and America. Nothing, he thought, should be done by this country in the spirit of vexatious hostility, or which could tend to widen the breach which unfortunately existed.

said the duty would do the utmost injury to the cotton manufacturer. Were it calculated to press on America, he would not object to it, but it was only calculated to injure our own manufacturers.

contended that the operation of the tax would fall not upon the Americans, for they imported through neutrals, but on our own manufacturers.

declared that he thought the objections to the measure of his right hon. friend were of such a nature, and applied so directly to both the points of view in which it could be regarded, that he believed his right hon. friend would be under the necessity of abandoning it. It was not so much a war tax as it was a measure which contemplated ulterior political purposes. On one side the object was to prohibit American produce; but as his right hon. friend brought forward the measure, it took away every security. First, there was a blockade; but by enacting the duty, it was expected that the blockade would be ineffectual. Then, to counteract this ineffectiveness, it was enacted, that the duty should last only for three years; but, this sounding like a security, was countervailed by its being subjected to be relaxed at the will of the executive government; and who would answer, that importunities to the board of trade, during the vacation of the House, might not avail to take away these securities at the very moment when they should be most necessary?

wished to explain one or two general principles, in which he had been misrepresented. The first opposer of the measure had accused him of instigating the blockade with a view to the duty. He did not mean to shrink from any share of responsibility for that measure; but as connected with any financial project of his, he wholly disclaimed it. It was never brought into account as a financial measure, being considered to be subject to too many contingencies to be reckoned upon: and so far from the blockade supporting the tax, the tax was intended to support the blockade. He then intimated that he should not object to give up the power of suspension, if that should be pressed: but thought it might be desirable for those who pressed it to suspend the duty. It had been stated, that the measure would be a bar to our accommodations with America, and that she would oppose countervailing duties: she had already opposed every check in her power upon the introduction of British manufactures; she had already done her worst, and imported no more British manufactures than were absolutely necessary. He did not go further into the subject, as there would be many future opportunities of discussing the measure: and he was glad to afford one by announcing his intention of not including the duties in the same Bill; and therefore proposed to report the resolutions at the usual time; but instead of a Bill, to say Bills.

said, that it would be more candid not to report this Resolution to the House, since so many gentlemen opposed it, and take the sense of the House on the question of the Report. If the public agreed with these gentlemen, as to the mischief which would arise from coming to the Resolution, they would immediately conclude that the House intended to adopt the measure. He, therefore, thought they had better postpone the Report.

said, he expected considerable opposition to the measure, from the communications with which he had been honoured out of doors.

said, there were such strong objections to it, that if the right hon. gent. pressed the Report, he should take the sense of the Committee upon it.

said, that not a single speaker had been found to agree with the right hon. gentleman.

said, that it was not the usual course, on questions of this intricate nature, to disallow them to pass the Committee, but to report them to the House; and if there were then any disposition to postpone the Resolution to any distant day, to discuss the question there. To do otherwise would be to extinguish the measure at once.

said, he did not oppose the measure merely as a tax, but as a war measure,—not so much on account of the money which might be raised by it, as on account of its destructiveness to the interests of our manufacturers, and to those views of restoring peace with America which we all entertained.

still maintained his argument, that the proposition of his right hon. friend ought not to be negatived and resisted in limine, and extinguished before it could be debated on its general merits.

pressing a division, the question was then put, when the Chancellor of the Exchequer declined to press the question, and proposed to bring it forward in a Committee of Ways and Means on an early day. Mr. Baring required previous notice; and the Chancellor of the Exchequer proposed Wednesday next, but said he would give a day or two's notice. Mr. Ponsonby dared to say, that on reflection, the right hon. gentleman would not bring it on at all. The House then resumed; and the Report of the Committee was ordered to be received to-morrow; and the Committee to sit again on Friday.