Wednesday, April 7, 1813.

The House having again resolved itself into a Committee of the whole House on the Affairs of the East India Company, Mr. Lushington in the Chair,

Lieut.-Colonel Sir JOHN MALCOLM was again called in, and further examined by the Committee, as follows:

You are understood to. have said, that the natives of India residing at Calcutta, Madras, and Bombay, have, from their intercourse with the Europeans, relaxed a good deal in their prejudices, and that, in consequence, several articles of European manufacture are in use amongst them?—I did not mean by 'prejudices' that they had relaxed in any religious prejudices, but that more of the natives of the presidencies were in the habit of using European articles, than of the natives in the provinces.

Can you form any idea of the numbers of the native population at Calcutta?—I have heard it stated from 400,000 up to 600,000, but I have no means of forming a correct idea; but in stating that more of the natives of the presidencies than of the provinces have used European articles, I meant the wealthy natives; the remark did not at all apply to the mass of the population.

Can you give a general estimate what the native population at Bombay is?—I should think the population of the whole island of Bombay, which may be almost called one settlement, not very much inferior, taking in the whole island, to what Calcutta is, but I really have not, at present, any recollection that can lead me within one or two hundred thousand persons.

In the treaties between the powers of India and the British government, is there not an express stipulation by which the native powers engage not to permit the residence of unlicensed Europeans in their respective states, without the consent of the British government?—I believe there is such an article in most of the treaties.

Are there any prejudices, either civil or religious, amongst Persians, that would render the introduction of European articles impracticable?—Certainly not.

Are the Persians partial to European fire-arms?—The Persian government was very solicitous to obtain both cannon and fire-arms from the English government; and the individual nobles of the military class in Persia, were, as far as I could judge, very desirous of having our pistols; but I never knew them anxious to have those upon any other terms but that of receiving them for nothing; and they, in general, used a cheaper manufacture, arms made in Turkey and in their own country: I believe their objection to purchasing our fire-arms, was their price, I mean particularly English pistols.

Are woollens in use in Persia?—They are.

Do you know by what channel they get into Persia?—They are imported by the Persian Gulf to the port of Bushire, and tent from that port all over Persia; they also receive woollens by the Caspian Sea from Astracan.

You have just stated, the Persians have no sort of prejudices, and that European articles of all sorts are indiscriminately admitted into Persia; do not you imagine that if wines or liquors were to be landed, they would not be permitted to be imported into Persia?—I said that the Persians had no kind of prejudices, as far as I had seen, that would render it impracticable to import any European articles; wine or other liquors are certainly contrary to the Mahomedan religion; and I have never heard, by any accident, of any person trying to import them as an article of trade; but, as such, they might no doubt be objected to.

Did you never know or hear of Europeans finding their way to the different courts, and being engaged in the military service?—Numbers; both French and English.

Do not you suppose that if the trade of India was allowed indiscriminately to ships manned with Europeans, all along the peninsula coast of India, and not restricted to the principal settlements, such as Bombay, Madras, and Bengal, that there would be a facility given for European adventurers quitting the ships and finding their way into the interior of India, notwithstanding every precaution of government? —The extent of coast to which such ships were allowed indiscriminately to resort, would no doubt greatly increase the difficulty of preventing their penetrating into the interior.

If the export trade from this country was to be restricted, so far as relates to the peninsula continent of India, to the principal settlements such as Bombay, Madras, and Calcutta, do not you think in such case that it might be very difficult for Europeans, by quitting their ships, to enter into the interior of the country?—Most certainly.

Then do you think it would be a very wise measure, for the security of the government of India, and also for regulating the trade to India, and preventing small arms, gun-powder, and other warlike stores being furnished to the different native powers who may be inimical to the interests of this country, to restrict the trade in European ships to the principal settlements?—As far as I have had an opportunity of judging the effect of the intercourse of Europeans with the natives, as well as attempt at contraband trade in arms or other things, I think that there cannot be too severe restrictions established; and that in case of any increased number of Europeans being admitted to India, those restrictions ought to be rendered if possible still more strict and severe.

Are there not many merchants, natives, parsees, and British, who are ready, and who do endeavour to push the sale of British manufactures up the gulf of Persia, and to convey whatever articles they think will be acceptable there?—There are, no doubt, in every one of the principal settlements of British India, and at most of the principal towns, both European and native merchants, who are active, industrious and enterprising, and who trade in every quarter where they consider they can derive benefit, in all articles, both European and Indian, that are in the markets of those places.

Are there sales by auction of numbers of British articles at all our principal settlements?—There are, and at Calcutta particularly, to a very great extent.

Are there not many places on the Malabar and Coromandel coast accessible to ships, exclusive of the places where officers under the direction of the Company are stationed?—I believe there are many parts of the coast of Malabar and Coromandel where ships might touch, where there is no European magistrate.

Might not, through such places, a number of adventurers get into the interior of the country, under the general licence that all ships from England should have free access to all parts of India?—In all parts of the British dominions there is a police established, and though no European magistrate may be upon the spot, that police would, I should conceive, in most cases, be able to prevent such Europeans penetrating into the country.

What would be the effect on the general character, respectability, and efficiency of the Company's army, if the regiments of European infantry in the Company's service were to be reduced, and if the Company's infantry were to consist of natives alone?—I think that the character and feelings of the officers of the Company's army have been injured by a former reduction of the European part of the establishment, and that that injury to their feelings and to their character and respectability would be added to, and indeed completed, by the reduction of the remainder; and that a more serious injury could not be inflicted, than one which added to a distinction which has often produced jealousy, I mean King's and Company's, that of European and native.—The effect which I have described, would be most felt certainly by the officers of the native infantry.—Any measure which tended in any shape or way to lower the character and diminish the respectability of European officers with themselves, must in course be gradually communicated to the men under their command.

Would any advantage result to the public service if the Company's establishment of European troops, cavalry as well as infantry, was on such a scale' as to admit of the officers, on first entering into the army, being attached for a certain period of time to an European regiment, previously to their being permitted to join the native corps; and was it not formerly invariably the practice of the service, for officers to be appointed to European regiments, on their arrival in India?—Certainly there would be great advantage: I know no measure that has tended more to affect the temper of our native troops than the introduction of young officers, unacquainted with their languages and prejujudices: the governments of the different presidencies in India have felt this so much, that they have endeavoured, by the establishment of military seminaries, to avoid its inconveniences; but all these have, I believe, failed from a want of discipline, and indeed the great difficulty, in a country like India, of keeping a number of young officers assembled together in order; such would not only be kept in order in European corps, but be instructed in many most essential points of discipline.

Besides those advantages, would it not tend to remove the prejudice against the natives, which many persons, more particularly young men, entertain on their arrival in India, and thereby better qualify the officers who had been in an European regiment for the command of native troops?—Certainly the longer persons remain in India, the more generally speaking, their prejudices against the natives wear away; the officers so appointed would not be so likely to give offence to the prejudices of their men, as if they had been nominated to an European regiment on their first arrival; but I am not sure that I distinctly understand this question.

By being for a certain time in an European regiment, does not an officer get rid of his prejudices before he is sent to command native troops?—Most certainly, in most cases this would be the case.

Would it be advantageous in a military point of view, as well as with a view to economy, to have the regiments of Europeans in India completed by filling up the casualties with recruits, or to have them occasionally relieved by entire regiments?—It, no doubt, would be most economical to have them filled up with recruits, and the regiments would always continue more efficient; as any new regiment coming entire from England is unfit for service for, I may say, a twelvemonth at least.

Did not lord Cornwallis in 1794 recommend to his Majesty's ministers a plan for new modelling the army in India?—He did, in a letter to the president of the Board of Controul.

Was not one of the principal objects of the plan, to prevent the continuance or revival of those discontents and jealousies which had so often manifested themselves between the King's and Company's troops, as well as between the servants belonging to the different presidencies?—It was; I believe his lordship, as far as my memory serves, stated as much in the very words of the question.

Did not lord Cornwallis deem it essential that the new regulations should be calculated to inspire hopes of promotion and public distinction, which his lordship conceived would operate beyond all other incitements in calling forth the exertions of military men?— His lordship stated those to be his sentiments, in his dispatch, at least as far as my memory serves.

Did the regulations which were framed in 1796, extend their benefits equally to the three presidencies?—They did not, I recollect particularly, because I was military secretary to sir Alured Clarke, who at the period of their introduction was commander-in-chief at Fort St. George; and I remember that officer writing a minute, in which he pointed out this distinction in the strongest manner, and predicted that the most evil consequences would result from it, with respect to the feelings of the army of that settlement.

Has not a preference been shown to the officers of his Majesty's service in India, in the distribution of military commands? — I have often heard such a preference complained of, but cannot charge my memory with any precise facts that would enable me to give an opinion at this moment upon its justice; but I know it was considered at various periods as a grievance among the officers of the Company's army.

Is not the rank of the Company's officers confined to that of major-general?—It is.

Had any Company's officer, since the regulations of 1796, been specially appointed commander-in-chief at any of the presidencies in India?—I believe not one.

Has any mark of honour or public distinction been bestowed by the crown on any officer of the Company's army, for military services?—I have no recollection of any such mark or distinction within thirty years, except one: the dignity of baronet was granted to sir John Brath-waite, when he was superseded by a junior officer of his Majesty's service in India from the command of the army of Fort St. George, to which he had been provisionally appointed.

What, in your opinion, has been the general effect produced upon the minds of the Company's officers, by their exclusion from the higher stations in India, and from those marks of honour and public distinction, which are usually the rewards of eminent military services?—I believe such exclusion has, beyond all other causes, tended to damp that ardour and high military feeling, which are always essential to the character of an officer, but, above all others, of officers so situated as those in the Company's service are in India; I believe that it has diminished the ambition, and almost extinguished the hope, with regard to military fame and rank, in all classes of that service; that they have in consequence sunk in their own estimation, as well as in that of the troops under their command, and of the inhabitants of the country in which they serve; I am also satisfied that this cause alone is competent to defeat all the benefits that were intended by the regulations of 1796, which proposed a fair equality between the two services.

Do you think that the character and credit of his Majesty's forces in India stand in the estimation of the native powers in as high a degree of respect as those of any part of the Company's troops?—I do certainly think that it does; and my answer to the last question was meant to convey, that the operation of the system established was calculated to raise it still higher, not upon its own merits (which, God knows, are as high as possible) but upon the depression of the other service. I neglected to answer one part of the question connected with the European troops, which was, that I was convinced the feelings cherished by the Company's officers were for a system that would produce emulation with his Majesty's troops, not jealousy; and that if they felt the loss of Europeans, it was because they had lost, among other things, the power and opportunity of competing for honest fame, in the front of the battle and in the breach, with his Majesty's officers serving in India, from which they are in some degree excluded, as European troops are in general employed upon services of the greatest glory and danger. It seems impossible but that officers with that advantage which the circumstance of their commanding Europeans gives them, must feel a superiority, and the other service must feel a consequent depression. I wish to say in explanation, that all the officers in his Majesty's service, who have since 1796 held stations of principal command in India, are persons for whom I have the highest respect, and with all of whom I am personally acquainted, I feel bound to many of those officers by ties of gratitude and friendship; and I believe there never was a series of officers selected which did more honour to those by whom they were nominated; but it is a much easier task to show their high merits than to calculate the evil effects upon a whole service, by an exclusion which banishes all hope from their breasts of ever attaining the highest ranks in the service of their country.

Do you think that any bad effects would arise from uniting the two services in one, and from incorporating the Company's army with that of the King?—I conceive that the bad effects which I have pointed out, from any service in India being exclusively native, would be equally felt, whether that service belonged to the Crown or the Company; and I conceive there are many and numerous difficulties in the way of any arrangement to connect a local service for India with the European army of England.

You have stated in a former part of your evidence, that the wealthy inhabitants of the presidencies of India, namely, Calcutta, Madras, and Bombay, are in the habit of purchasing European goods; are those purchases so made from the predilection which they have for such articles, or are they not most frequently made to gratify and to please Europeans?—I believe they are in general made either for the purpose of gratifying and pleasing Europeans, or to satisfy vanity or curiosity; some, no doubt, are articles of use, and purchased for that purpose; I speak at present of the most wealthy.

Supposing such motives not to exist, do you think that the purchase of European articles by natives of India at the presidencies would be to any great extent?—It would be certainly greatly diminished from what it is at present, by the extinction of such motives.

Are there not in Calcutta, Madras, Bombay, and in the provinces of Bengal and Bahar, many mechanics, tradesmen, and planters, who are considered as colonists in those places?—There are many such persons resident in the places described; but I can hardly conceive persons can be considered as colonists, whose residence depends from day to day upon the toleration of the British government in India, and that is the situation of most of those persons.

Can you form any estimate of the number of persons described in the last question, who may be distributed in the places mentioned?—I do not recollect it at present, though there is a regular register of their names in the common calendar of the Bengal presidency.

Do they amount to thousands?—Certainly not thousands.

Reckoning in all the places?—I should conceive not.

Have not many of the natives learnt from such persons mechanical arts, but from those persons the improvements and arts of civil life?—Many of the natives nave learnt few, if any (if I am to understand that the question refers to our Mahomedan and Hindoo subjects), have at all changed their usual modes of life.

Do not you think that the advance of the natives of India in every branch of useful knowledge, will be in proportion to the means and example which we may afford them, by the residence of such persons as have been described in India?—I certainly do conceive that their advance in every branch of useful knowledge, will be in proportion to the examples and instruction they receive; I mean by useful knowledge, an improvement in mechanical arts, manufactures, and every thing that tends to render them more happy and comfortable.

Do not you think that it would be good policy in the British government to increase the means of information to the natives of India; information such as you have described?—I consider that in a state of so extraordinary a nature as British India, the first consideration of the government must always be its own safety; and that the political question of governing that country must be paramount to all other considerations: under that view of the case, I conceive every subordinate measure (and such I conceive that referred to in the question) must be regulated entirely by the superior consideration of political security.

Might not an increase in the knowledge of useful arts in the natives, conveyed by British subjects resident in India, tend to strengthen the British government in India?—I conceive that such knowledge might tend in a considerable degree to increase their own comforts and their enjoyment of life; but I cannot see how it would tend in any shape to strengthen the political security of the English government in India, which appears to me to rest peculiarly upon their present condition.

State your opinion, by what means an attachment to the British government in India, might be promoted in the minds of the natives of India?—By continuing to govern them with mildness, moderation, and justice.

Has it come to your knowledge that very serious affrays have taken place between large bodies of the natives of India, in consequence of disputes between the indigo planters, in the interior of the country?—I hare heard of such; there was one particularly shocking case, in which Mr. Arnott, an indigo planter of Bengal, was murdered, a few years ago.

Have the European indigo planters been the ostensible persons in occasioning such affrays?—I have not such a minute knowledge as enables me to give an answer to that question; in the case I stated, general report spoke Mr. Arnott to be a very violent man.

Do not you believe that if many Europeans were settled in the interior of the country, such affrays as have come to your knowledge, would be likely to take place?—They would, I conceive, be more numerous, from an increased proportion of persons liable to be engaged in them.

State how the Europeans, not in the service of the Company in India, have generally conducted themselves, whether peaceably and quietly, or otherwise?—If by that question is meant the Europeans at the different principal settlements in India, not in the service of the Company, which are the class with whom I am best acquainted, those are divided into different communities, the principal of them, that is, the gentlemen, agents, and British merchants are (as far as my knowledge goes) a class of men not exceeded, in all the qualifications by which men in their condition of life are distinguished, by any in the world; and I never heard of any conduct on their part, that was not such as belonged to their characters. The other Europeans at the different presidencies, are of various characters, and the lower parts of them are I conceive kept in order by the severe restraints of the government, and the courts of justice established at those presidencies, in the same manner as in all other societies.

Can you name any other instance than that to which you have alluded, of an affray having taken place between any European and the natives of India, in the interior or otherwise?—I have heard of several quarrels; not of any person being murdered, but Mr. Arnott.

Do you think it likely that any of the native powers in India would, under existing circumstances, entertain Europeans in their service, in defiance of their treaties with the British government?—I do not think that those who have entered into such treaties would.

Are you aware of any native power in India, which has not entered into such treaty?—None of the larger powers; there are a great number of the lesser powers which have not entered into such treaties.

Have the goodness to mention them? — I cannot recollect all the lesser states of India with whom we have no engagements, but we have treaties with the higher states in India, by which Europeans are excluded, such as the Nizam of the Deccan, the Peishwah, the rajah of Mysore, Scindiah, and I believe the rajah of Berar.

Do you consider any of the powers in India, with the exception of the rajah of Berar, as independent of British government?—That is a difficult question for me to answer; by the treaties with several of those princes, they certainly cannot be considered as dependents of the British government.

Are there not many European officers in the Nizam's service, appointed with the concurrence of the British authority at his court?—There are I believe some: their numbers are not at present very considerable, though I have not the means of knowing how many.

Have not you heard of some respectable officers from the King's army having been sent out, for the purpose of going into the Nizam's service, with the permission of the British government?—I do not recollect the name of such an officer (except it was major Frazer); but I believe there is an officer in the Company's army, in charge of some part of the Nizam's infantry; and the system is not unusual, as at the siege of Seringapatam, I commanded myself all the regular infantry of that state.

Are not you of opinion that if any Europeans were to be landed from British ships at any of the ports on the peninsula of India, and to find their way into the interior, they Would be immediately taken up and sent to one of the three presidencies?—It depends a great deal upon what part of the interior they penetrated into.

Could such Europeans land on any part of the coast of the peninsula, to go into the interior, without going through part of the British dominions, or a country subject to the treaties of which you have spoken?—They could land in no such port, except on an inconsiderable tract of country between Bombay and Goa, subject to the rajah of Kolapore, who is not pledged by alliance (as far as I know) with the British government to prevent any Europeans landing in his country; and I have known instances where such were permitted to penetrate into his country.

If such Europeans were entertained by that rajah, could it be productive of any serious inconvenience or danger to the British interests in India?—I do not think that rajah has any power that can ever be a subject of serious alarm; how far he might possibly have the means of sending such persons further into the interior, I cannot possibly say.

Into what states would he be likely to send such persons, as far as you can form an opinion?—I cannot say that his disposition would lead him either to receive them, or to send them to any states; but, perhaps, the only part where any Europeans could be of any danger, would be in joining Meer Cawn, or the person who has in his hands what remains of the power of Jeswant Rao Holkar.

Is it at all probable that any number of Europeans, say even a dozen, would find their way to Meer Cawn, without being intercepted, either by the British authorities or some of the states with which we were in alliance, and with whom those treaties exist?—I do not think it probable; there would be more difficulty if they went in a body of even twelve, than if they went singly.

Would not the European adventurers in this country be likely to find it more convenient and more advantageous to employ natives, than to go into the interior themselves?—That would, I conceive, depend much upon the part of India to which they had resort; as far as my experience went, more Europeans resorted to the interior in Bengal, than in all the other parts of India put together; but I cannot from my own knowledge precisely judge of the motives that would operate on the minds of such adventurers as are described.

Do not you think that if the situasion of the natives of India were bettered, so as to afford them the means, they would be disposed to purchase such of our manufactures as might tend to promote their comfort?—If by being bettered, is meant improved in their circumstances, I have no doubt they would, in such case, purchase every comfort within their reach.

Do not you think it possible in time to better the situations of the natives of India, in point of pecuniary circumstances?—I conceive such improvement in the condition of an empire so large as India, must be very gradual and very slow; but such results may no doubt be expected from a long period of peace and good government.

Have you not heard the natives of India complain of the revenues and taxes being heavier than they could bear?—I cannot charge my memory with hearing any particular complaints of this nature; but I have no doubt complaints of payment to government are made in India, as well as in every other country in the world.

You have no doubt often read the Calcutta Gazette; state to the best of your recollection, how many columns of that paper are usually filled with advertisements for the sale of lands to pay rents?—I believe such advertisements to be very common, but cannot charge my memory with any knowledge whatever of their number or extent.

Does not the supplement to the Calcutta Gazette very often consist of two or three sheets filled with such advertisements?—I have no doubt, from the question being put, that it does; but the advertisements in the Calcutta Gazette are some of them in Persian, and others in Bengalee, the latter of which languages I do not understand, and I have seldom or ever perused any of them, and therefore cannot state the fact particularly.

Is not the native Christian population of India very considerable, particularly on the western coast of the peninsula?—I believe that the Christian population is very considerable in all parts of India, where the Portuguese, Dutch, Danes, and French, were and are settled in India.

You have mentioned on a former night, that the natives of India were getting into the habit of manufacturing articles, the same as those supplied from this country; do you think that articles so manufactured are as good as those imported from England?—The tannery lately established at Madras, by an European gentleman of the name of Parry, who has various assistants acquainted with that manufacture, has reached a very extraordinary degree of perfection; leather pantaloons even for the horse artillery, are, I believe, manufactured there, also gloves of very excellent description; and I have heard, within the last two years, there is a tolerable glass manufactory established at Madras; the carriages made at Calcutta are, I believe, generally speaking, preferred to those sent out from England, though many of the materials are imported from this country; the furniture is also excellent; and silver plate is manufactured by Europeans, as well as many other articles; and I am not aware that there are any circumstances of climate which can make a difference in the production of equally good mechanics, in any of the manufactures I have stated.

Do you think that the natives of India are likely to rival us in their manufacture of woollens, cutlery, and other hardware?—In India they have no wool fit for the manufacture, and therefore can never rival us in that; I have seen articles of cutlery, and even brass instruments, made in very considerable perfection, the latter was at the gun-carriage yard in Seringapatam, where European superintendants have instructed some of the half-cast artisans and natives to be very skilful workmen; and I cannot myself understand (if there is no objection on the point of climate) why the same persons that manufacture articles in England, if they have the materials in India, should not make them there.

Is not a piece of woollen cloth almost the greatest present that you can make to a poor native of India, and the most acceptable?—A piece of cloth is a very acceptable present to any native of India, and particularly to one who cannot afford to purchase it, as it furnishes him with warm clothing for the winter, if he is in a climate which requires such; but if by 'poor' is meant a person of the labouring class or lower community, I have seldom known such wear woollen cloths, except at the presidencies, and there chiefly those in the service of the Europeans; such are often in the custom of having jackets of that cloth.

Is not the climate of India, for the greatest part of the year, such as to render woollen clothing very desirable in the night?—The latitude of the Company's possessions in India, extend, I believe, from 10 and 11 to upwards of 30 degrees north latitude, and the climate varies still more from the elevation of different countries, than it does from different degrees of latitude; many parts of India, no doubt, are cold in the winter, and in such, woollens must be a desirable wear to those who can afford to buy them.

Do you think there is a probability of any materially increased consumption of British manufactures in Persia, conveyed thither through the medium of India?"—I do not; as the markets for such articles at Bombay, and other places in India to which Persian merchants resort, are abundantly supplied, and there is no difficulty in the intercourse.

Do you think that, notwithstanding the Company's orders, forbidding the ingress of Europeans into British India without a licence, the number of unlicensed Europeans has considerably increased there?—It has, I believe, increased to a very great extent, particularly Bengal.—I certainly think, from what I observed, that there is a great disposition in a variety of persons to resort to India; and I have seldom known, among the lower classes particularly, any wish to leave it after they have resided there some time; this I conceive to result from the habits which they acquired in the country.

By what means do you conceive it would be in the power of government to control the continually increasing mass of European population, and to keep them from entering by various channels into the interior of the country?—I can conceive no other means, except an increased police, and the greatest exertions on the part of the government to prevent that evil.

If the natives who compose the police establishments in India, or if even the regular sepoys, were called forth to quell the insubordination of Europeans, or to take them into custody, would not this exercise of native force over Englishmen be likely to degrade the latter in the eyes of the Indian people, and to reduce the respectability of the government of the English?—Most certainly it would degrade the European character, and as every degradation of that character must tend in some degree to a diminution of that respect which it is most essential to support in the minds of the natives towards the British nation, it would (to a certain degree) be an evil of the nature described in the question.

The witness was directed to withdraw. The chairman was directed to report progress, and ask leave to sit again.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer moved the third reading of this Bill.

The order of the day being read for receiving the report of this Bill, Mr. Macdonald presented a Petition from the inhabitants of the borough and town of Weymouth and Melcombe Regis, in the county of Dorset, setting forth,

"That before the Committee appointed by the House for trying the validity of the last election for members to serve in parliament for the said borough and town, one particular point, connected with the said borough and town, came under the consideration of the said Committee, who accordingly reported, that great abuses had existed in the said borough; and the petitioners, therefore, justly flattered themselves that the House would have inquired into the state of the representation of the said borough, and would have applied adequate remedies for the purpose of correcting such abuses; and that they have seen, with great regret, that none of the clauses introduced to the consideration of the House attempt, by any adequate means, to annihilate the present existing abuses, but, on the contrary, tend to perpetuate and strengthen them; and that the petitioners, therefore, humbly beg leave to state, and to prove at the bar of the House, that the late sir W. Pulteney contrived to appropriate to himself the far greater part of the freeholds within the borough, and, by conveying their nominal rents to persons who would pledge themselves, at any time, to support his candidates, he created such a number of temporary votes as to secure to himself the nomi- nation and return of the four members; these votes the petitioners call temporary, because they were created only for the joint lives of himself and the voter; they were not to continue longer than the confidence existed; and that this unconstitutional and illegal system has continued to the present day; on the death of sir W. Pulteney the property descended to the late countess of Bath, and afterwards to the late sir John Lowther Johnstone, and is now vested in trustees under his will, by which will he expressly devises the borough to the said trustees, and gives them such powers as clearly show his intention to transmit to them the management of an undue, unconstitutional, and corrupt influence within the said borough, and that these trustees are H. R. H. Ernest Augustus, duke of Cumberland, lord Newark, David Cathcart, esq., and Masterton Ure, esq.; and that the duke of Cumberland, in consequence of such trust, has ever since directly interfered in the management of the said borough, has nominated the members who should represent it, and applied to persons holding high and official situations in his Majesty's government for promotion in the army and navy, and places, for voters within the said borough; thus adding the influence of his high and exalted rank to the corrupt system which previously existed; and that the petitioners can further prove, that the persons sent to the House during the last twenty years as the representatives of the freeholders of Weymouth have in reality been only the representatives of an individual; and that many were perfect strangers, and in several instances their names were not even known to the inhabitants previous to the day of nomination; and that the petitioners are persuaded that this unconstitutional power can only be controlled, and the petitioners and others, the real freeholders and electors of the borough, be restored to any share in the representation, by a considerable extension of the right of voting, and by enactments calculated to secure to bona fide freeholders alone the enjoyment of the elective franchise; and the petitioners also crave leave to state that this cannot be considered as any disfranchisement of the borough, because they are ready to prove at the bar of the House, that an individual possesses at this moment the power of returning the four members, not only without the consent, but against the voices, of the freeholders; a man can only be said to possess a fran- chise when he has the power of exercising it beneficially, and has a voice in the election of his representatives, which in fact the freeholders of Weymouth have not; the form of an election has indeed been sustained, but the reality, in its true sense, is unknown; the petitioners therefore wish to enlarge the number of voters, so as to give to the town some power over the return, and thereby to secure a choice of its own representatives; and that the anxious wish of several individuals to accomplish this constitutional and praise-worthy object first induced them to make wills, and devise their property, among their relations and intimate friends; and that this increase of votes necessarily destroyed the power of the patron, and an agent of that patron has publicly avowed that he, at the express desire, and by the advice of that patron, made wills upon his own property, and fraudulently manufactured votes to the extent now unanimously complained of, in order to get rid of real bona fide bequests; and that the petitioners humbly conceive a most material difference exists between the votes under the different wills; the one class of voters possess a real bona fide beneficial interest, which they may dispose of as they please, or which will descend from them to their heirs for ever, the others have no interest, and, on the death of one existing life, they cease, another strong proof of the fraudulent intention with which they were made; and that the petitioners have observed, with deep regret, the provisions contained in the present Bill now before the House, together with the several amendments moved, because they all tend to narrow the elective franchise, to reduce the voters to a small number, perpetuate the power of an individual to nominate the four members, and for ever take away the substantial rights of the real freeholders; and praying, that they may be heard, by their counsel, and produce evidence at the bar of the House, to substantiate the above facts; and that the petitioners doubt not the representatives of the people will feel highly indignant at such illegal practices, and be anxious to provide adequate remedies for abuses which so manifestly tend to destroy the undoubted rights of the people, to contaminate the purity of election, and to bring even the House into disrespect; they therefore further pray, that such steps will be taken to prevent the above abuses, and such provisions be made in the Bill now before the House, as shall, in the wisdom and judgment of the House, be deemed meet."