, while he admitted that this was not the precise time for agitating such a question as that alluded to in the Petition, must still agree with the petitioners as to the fallibility of the present ministers. No opportunity, however, he believed, had hitherto been lost: and though a total silence on the subject had for some time been observed in that House, yet the time for a perseverance in that silence was now pretty nearly at a close.

Ordered to lie on the table.

presented a Petition from the merchants and manufacturers trading to Portugal and Brazil from the Port of London; setting forth,

"That notwithstanding the existing hostilities between Great Britain and the United States of North America, and their prohibitory laws against the import of British manufactures and produce into the American states, cotton wool the growth of North America is nevertheless admissible direct into the United Kingdom by neutral vessels under the Act 43 Geo. 3, c.153; and that cotton wool, the growth of our colonies and settlements in the West and East Indies, together with that of the Brazils and other countries in amity with Great Britain, is already far beyond the consumption of our manufacturers, and that the growth thereof will moreover be increased to an immense extent, if not discouraged by the unrestrained admission of North American cotton in time of war; and that, from the best calculation which can be formed, it is computed there is cotton wool now in England equal to 1¼ years consumption, and that there are in the Brazils very considerable depots of cotton wool remaining from the old crops, which depots will be increased to a very great extent by the new crops, just gathered; and that a very considerable part of the old crops of cotton wool in Brazil has been kept back by the losing prices which till of late have been prevalent in Great Britain, the consequence of which has been a diminished export of our manufactured goods; and that, in the confident and general expectation that the North Americans would not be permitted to carry on their export trade during their war against this country, considerable shipments of manufactured goods were made for the supply of funds for the purchase of the raw material, and much more considerable shipments would have been made, were they not prevented by the discovery of shipments of cotton wool from the United States under the sanction of the aforesaid act of parliament, which had escaped general observation in this country; and that the knowledge of this act of parliament has consequently operated to the obvious disadvantage of our manufacturers and of Our shipping interest, not less than three fourths of the whole trade with Portugal and the Brazils being carried on in British ships"; and that the American war occasions a very great ad- ditional expence on the import of cotton wool from the Brazils by British vessels, by the advance on the premium of insurance to more than treble its former rate, and by the consequent advance in the rate of freight; and that if, either under the sanction of the aforementioned act of parliament, or by licences, or by the inefficiency of the declared blockade, the Americans are permitted to carry on their export trade by neutrals, they will have the advantage of so doing at peace premiums of, insurance and at reduced freights, and they will therefore positively enjoy a bounty on their export trade during the war, an unexpected advantage which America nor no other country has enjoyed even in the time of peace, and thus Great Britain will be exposed to an aggravation of the inconveniences of war, by an important article, the produce of our own colonies and settlements, being subject to great additional charges, while the same identical article, the produce of our enemies country, is admitted free of any additional expence, under the sanction and protection of our own government; and that the most serious consideration occurs of the necessity of paying in bullion for whatever commodities are drawn from the United States, as long as the restrictions against the introduction of our manufactures continue in force, as this trade will undoubtedly occasion a constant drain of bullion not only from Great Britain, but from the West Indies and from the peninsula, the effect of which is obvious at a time when the precious metals are so essentially necessary for great national purposes at home and abroad, and are now selling at an advance of nearly 40 per cent. above the standard price; and that these allegations are not dictated by interested and partial motives, or imputable to an exaggerated or misrepresented state of things, and they are indeed in part clearly confirmed by the following paragraph of the president Madison's Speech to Congress the 4th of March last: "The means employed by the British cabinet have recoiled on themselves, have given to our national faculties a more rapid developement, and draining or diverting the precious metals from British circulation and British vaults, have poured them into those of the United States; it is a propitious consideration that an unavoidable war should have found this seasonable facility for the contributions required to support it;" and that the doubtful state in which this question has so long remained has had the most serious effect on every branch of the cotton trade, and if decisive measures are not speedily determined upon, by which the planters, the importers and the manufacturers can regulate themselves, the most mischievous consequences are to be apprehended; and that the history of the trade exhibits unquestionable proof that the prosperity of the cotton manufacture depends rather upon the facility of access to the foreign market than upon the actual price of the raw material, for during the last two years of extreme depression in the cotton trade, the raw material has been lower in price than at any former period, while, during the periods when the raw material has been the highest in price, the manufactures have been uniformly the most prosperous: in evidence of this, reference may confidently be made to a period of 15 years, from 1795 to 1810; and that under the impression of all the foregoing considerations, the petitioners most humbly pray, that the House will take these premises under consideration, in full confidence that, in its deliberative wisdom, it will be found expedient to determine upon such enactments as will speedily deprive the enemy of the enjoyment of such an unexpected and undeserved indulgence, to the obvious prejudice of the whole empire, and to that also of our good allies."

Mr. Alderman Atkins said, he-was desirous of impressing the minds of his Majesty's ministers with the importance of the measure which the petitioners apprehended would cripple the means of the United States, while it tended to encourage our own trade, and increase our warlike resources. He was anxious to learn if the Chancellor of the Exchequer had in contemplation the total exclusion of American cotton, by the additional duty which he had recently proposed, and if not, he would feel it his duty to make a motion on the subject.

said the measure which he had proposed, was for the purpose of pressing upon the resources of the enemy, by an endeavour to lower the price of the staple commodity of the United States. He had formerly submitted propositions to the House on that subject, which were not favourably received; and he afterwards endeavoured, by a blockade of the American ports, to exclude their cotton from the continental European markets, but that measure did not effectually secure a certainty of protection to the English merchants, inasmuch as some political considerations might induce the government to remove the blockade, which would enable the Americans to pour all their accumulated cotton into the European markets, to the incalculable detriment of the merchants of Great Britain. It was for the manufacturers themselves to decide whether they conceived their prosperity best secured by a settled system like that of taxation, or one liable to sudden fluctuation like that of blockade. He was anxious to know whether or not it would be a desirable measure to impose considerable restraints upon American produce, so long as we were excluded from the markets of that country, and he hoped he would learn the sentiments of the commercial body on that subject.

thought this would be very desirable. All that the merchants wanted to be assured of was, that American cottons should not come to their rivals in Europe, if they were excluded from acquiring it from their own manufactures. It was true, we could work with other cottons, but not to enter into a competition with the continent, if American cottons were permitted to reach it at 6d. or 10d. per lb. while we paid 24d. for that from the Brazils or the colonies of an inferior quality. With respect to the blockade, he feared it was not so effectual as could be wished. It was not a geographical blockade, and wanted general combination. It was merely a blockade of the Chesapeake, Charlestown, and the Savannah, and not of all the cotton ports, which might send out their commodities for the use of Europe. He believed that vessels laden with cotton had even arrived at Plymouth and Liverpool, since it was instituted, and all from the government not having any settled plan or common feeling how they ought to act. They either did not think the subject of the importance it was felt to be out of doors, or they wanted concert. Thus lord Liverpool refused all licences, and in a few days after they were granted by the Board of Trade. Such uncertainty was very injurious to mercantile concerns.

thought it highly proper that the decision of government should be taken early. When the right hon. the Chancellor of the Exchequer had brought forward his proposition on this subject, he had understood him exactly in the way he had this evening explained himself. He had understood the measure as one of hostility against America, and not, as intended to improve the finances of this country, and he was glad to hear it now admitted by the hon. gentleman who spoke last, and it was a wise policy in that point of view. Such had not been the arguments with which it was originally opposed, nor was such admission agreeable to the theories advanced in books, that we ought to procure the raw material wherever it was to be had, at the cheapest rate, without considering what advantage our purchasing from them might confer on our enemies: his only objection to the original measure was, the retention of power in the Board of Trade with respect to the granting of licences, and something of this applied to the modified plan of his right hon. friend. A power was left, which being exercised at any time, would ruin all the speculations of those who had proceeded to trade in colonial cottons, on the faith of the declared intention of government. He agreed with the right hon. gentleman that the blockade was the most fair, open, and manly system: But the hon. gentleman who spoke last had truly stated, that it was not so completely notified to foreigners as it ought to be, in order to accomplish its object. It left several distinctly cotton ports open, and it was still more imperfect, as naval or military purposes might at any time call off the blockading force, and send it upon an expedition at the will of the commanding officer. If such an event took place, the sudden influx of cotton from the liberated ports, where it had been long amassing, would be destructive to all speculations on the belief that it would be obstructed from finding its way to Europe. Any subsidiary measure would also in part be liable to the same objection. A sudden restoration of peace would inundate the market with goods, the absence of which had been calculated upon, and overthrow all distant speculations. In his opinion, therefore, any measure of this sort now resorted to, ought not to be made contingent on peace. To prolong restraints on their commerce, would be wise and advisable, since in this war it was universally acknowledged that America was the aggressor. We must then pursue our measure with vigour and certainty—with vigour, that the annoyance to the enemy might be felt; and with certainty, that we might pluck from an offensive proceeding of our be s the means of augmenting our internal prosperity. He hoped the right hon. gentleman would lose no time in bringing the measure forward and establishing the principle.

said, the inducement already held out to our colonies to cultivate cotton amounted to about 50 or 60 per cent.; if this was not an inducement, why should we hold out to them any farther inducement, or urge them to it by artificial means? The immediate effect would be to raise cottons above their present high price, and the ultimate consequence would be, the introduction of a great quantity of low priced cotton into other countries, from which England would be excluded; and, of course, her manufactures in return would be excluded from every foreign market. The East Indies, there was little doubt, would be able in time to supply this country with every sort of cotton; but this must be done gradually, and not by any sudden or artificial impulse.

contended strongly in favour of the policy of encouraging the import of cotton from our own colonies and those of our allies, rather than from America, with whom we were at war, and who had already superseded both the cotton and tobacco of the West India islands. Four fifths of the cotton imported into this country had been of late the produce of America. He could not concur with the hon. gentleman who spoke last, that there was any danger of the continent being supplied with cotton manufactures at a cheaper rate than we could furnish them, if we were to interdict the import from America. He considered some measure of this description alike dictated by our colonial interests, and the spirit of our navigation laws.

observed, that the hostility of the American government had been always evinced and exercised by restriction upon the commerce of this country. The spirit, he conceived, ought to be retorted upon them, and it should be made manifest to the world, that Great Britain would never shrink from meeting her enemy upon his own ground. He agreed with a right hon. gentleman that it would be expedient to adopt some legislative provision for the purpose of meeting those of America, and providing a point for future negociation. He was happy to perceive and congratulate the general feeling which pervaded the House upon the political part of the question.

thought the House ought not to forget that cotton was one of the most important articles of the manufacturing trade of this country. It was an article that gave employment to many thousands of the poorer classes, and quadrupled its own value in the course of those operations which it underwent. While the intercourse with America remained unimpeded, no evil was felt, the labouring orders found sufficient occupation, and the supply in America conformed itself to the demand in this country. He was afraid that his right hon. friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer, had been surrounded by interested persons. He wished it was in his power to produce a letter which he had lately seer, and by which it appeared that the recent rise in the price of cotton had been occasioned by the very extensive speculation of a gentleman at Liverpool (Mr. Gladstane) not unknown to the right hon. gentleman on the floor (Mr. Canning). It should be remembered that we had already experienced the advantages accruing to the landed and general interest of the country, in being able to pay our soldiers abroad by the exportation of cotton goods. The House should take care lest in legislating against an enemy, they legislated for the interests of a rival.

was perfectly clear, that if encouragement was given to our own colonies, to our allies, and to our East India possessions, we need fear no want of cotton for our manufactures. There was plenty in the country for the consumption of one year, and long before that expired, if we acted wisely, we might have enough for all future purposes. He had seen as fine cottons from the isle of Bourbon as the Lea cotton of America. We therefore not only had sufficient, but of the best quality, without providing our enemies with the sinews of war. He would never consent to encourage the enemies of Great Britain. The Americans were our determined enemies, and they should always find one in him.

was of opinion that if the present measure were adopted with a view of encouraging the cultivation of cotton in our colonies, it would be necessary to aid its operation by other subsidiary measures.

was afraid that if we did not take the American cottons, other nations would, and injure us in our manufactures. He desired to know if the rt. hon. gent had abandoned his former proposition?

, in reply to what had been suggested and inquired in the course of the debate, begged to state, that he had not said his mind was decided as to the expediency of recommending to parliament some measure for the total exclusion of American produce from the ports of this country. This, however, would be the subject of future consideration. The measure immediately before the House certainly was not founded upon any financial speculation, and therefore naturally divided itself into the two branches of commercial policy and political expediency. The former had already been sufficiently discussed, and as to the circumstances mentioned by the hon. gentleman of licences having been issued in which the blockaded ports of America were not excepted, some few had been so granted in consequence of the temporary absence of a noble lord at the Board of Trade, occasioned by a domestic misfortune. He did not know any thing of vessels having subsequently arrived in the ports of this country laden with cotton and tobacco, but if the fact were so, they must have sailed previous to the prohibition. With respect to what had been stated by the hon. gentleman as to the nature of the blockade instituted on the coast of America, which the hon. gentleman described as not being a geographical blockade, it was to be remembered, that. as America had never concurred in the new principles proclaimed by France, which were denominated the Continental System, the government of this country was not justified in any view of the law of nations in declaring any part of the American coast to be in a state of blockade unless actually and truly in that condition. The commanders on that station had been instructed to enforce strictly local blockades to the south of Rhode Island.

explained, that he had never declared or insinuated any right on the part of this country to apply to America the novel principles of blockade which had grown out of the new maritime policy introduced and acted upon by France. All he had said was, that we ought to accompany the actual blockade by additional and subsidiary annoyances upon the resources and belligerent means of America.

recommended an entire suspension of intercourse with America.

The Petition was ordered to lie on the table.