rose. He observed, that the propositions now before the Committee appeared to him to be consequences resulting from the Act of 1793, and the subsequent enlargement of the regulations which it established. The professed object of that Act was to open the trade with London to persons resident in India, through the shipping of the Company, and under certain limitations and restrictions. It was soon, however, found that the provisions of the Act were inadequate to the object it had in view, and as this had become evident to Mr. Dundas, from whom the measure had proceeded, he had the candour to state to the Directors the necessity of an enlargement of its provisions, and for that purpose he proposed to them in April 1800, that instead of confining the private commerce to the shipping of the Company, persons residing in India should be permitted to employ the shipping of that country as the channel of intercourse, and without restrictions as to the extent of tonnage or the periods of dispatch.

This proposition was received by the Directors with alarm; and a special committee was appointed to draw up a report of their objections to it. A reference to that report will shew that all the arguments brought forward against the propositions now before the House were then urged with greater force and ability, than they are at this time stated, because that report was a work of very deliberate preparation, and embraced every thing that could be brought to bear upon the subject of the Company's trade with India.

While the discussion was going on between Mr. Dundas and the Directors, lord Wellesley had found himself imperiously called upon by the state of things in India, to adopt and give currency to a measure similar to that which had been proposed by Mr. Dundas. The result of that proceeding was a display, in the port and in the market of London, of the commercial resources of India to an extent, in tonnage and in capital, beyond what the most sanguine advocate for the enlargement of the trade had represented. But notwithstanding the evidence of these facts, in support of the arguments of the governor general and of the minister for India, the Court of Directors persevered in their opposition, and it was not until 1802 that a compromised arrangement took place, by which the Company was prevailed upon to employ extra ships of Indian and of British construction for the accommodation of the private trade. Although that arrangement left the commerce of individuals subject to many restrictions and disadvantages, yet as the Company had still a term of twelve years in their exclusive charter, a concession of great importance was gained by it, and the spring which the trade received from its operation was such, that upon a comparison of the imports and exports by the Company and by private merchants in the period between 1802 and 1811, it is evident from the papers on the table, that the latter have had nearly an equal proportion of that trade; a circumstance the more deserving of notice at this time, because the amount of the exports appears to have been doubled within the period of the charter. In the article of manufactured cottons there has been an increase so great as almost to surpass belief; the average of the annual export in that article between 1792 and 1796 having been only 730l., while the average between 1807 and 1811 was 96,980l.

said, that amongst the imports of the private trade from India, it appeared that in eighteen years, that is from 1793–4 to 1811–12, the article of indigo had produced in England a sum exceeding fifteen million sterling; he observed, that the cultivation of indigo, in the provinces under the Bengal government, and the manufacture of it for the markets of Europe, had been the result of the active intelligence of the British merchants, sustained and encouraged by the fostering care of the Company, who advanced them money to carry on their speculation, taking a security upon the indigo as it was consigned to London, and receiving from the produce of the sales, payment of the money that had been advanced in India. A mode of public remittance to which he adverted with satisfaction, because it had proved favourable to the Company, and might at all times be resorted to with advantage.

mentioned another source of public remittance as likely to operate extensively and beneficially, if the Company should think proper to resort to it; he said, it appeared in the evidence upon the table, that some years ago the government of Madras had advertised to receive tenders for a given proportion of the investment that had been provided on account of the Company, upon the condition that an advance of 12 per cent. should be paid upon the price the articles had cost the Company, namely, 5 per cent. in commission to their agents, and 7 per cent. to defray the risk and charges of transport to the presidency. The witness who had stated these facts was Mr. Dick, who had been for some years at the head of the commercial department under the government of Madras; that gentleman had further informed the committee that the subscription was soon filled, and that the favourable result of this experiment had been proved by the sale of the articles in London, at a higher price than had been received for those of similar denominations procured by private agency in India. From this circumstance Mr. Sullivan inferred, that if the Company would prosecute that mode of disposing of their investments of piece goods, they would secure to themselves an advantageous remittance to England for their funds; confer important benefits upon the native manufacturers, who would by such means be assured of a steady demand for their work at the present improved standard of the manufacture; while at the same time they would render it unnecessary for the private trader to send European agents into the provinces; because the commercial servants of the Company are known to possess superior intelligence, and the allowance for commission, and for risk and charges, is as moderate as can be calculated; while the agency is in the hands of Europeans: that he hoped the time was fast approaching when the natives would take a large share in the general commerce of the country, and become efficient instruments, not only for the purpose of extending the trade, but in every department under the British administration; for though it had been necessary to act towards the natives with great distrust, while they were the only medium through Which information could be obtained, we had now acquired such a knowledge of the revenue system of the country, and of its commercial resources, of the institutions of the Hindoos, and of the Mahomedan law, that the natives might, with advantage to our own interests, be gradually brought into action in every part of the internal administration, and might be made certainly a more economical channel for the provision of an investment than Europeans could possibly be.

passed some marked compliments upon the lucid arrangement with which a member, who had spoken for the first time the night before (Mr. Rickards), had conveyed his sentiments, but at the same time expressed his regret that he should have been led, by any partial circumstances that might have taken place in the part of India where he had resided, to have passed an unfavourable judgment upon the operation of the revenue and judicial systems that had been established by lord Cornwallis in Bengal.

observed, that in an empire of such vast extent as that now under the British dominion in India, it was not possible that one uniform rule could be pursued; that which might be proper in one part and under particular circumstances, might be the reverse in another, where a different course of events may have produced opposite results. That thirty years had elapsed between the establishment of our power over the provinces of Bengal and the introduction of what is termed the permanent settlement under the administration of lord Cornwallis; that during the whole of that period we had treated with the zemindars, whom we had found in possession of the country, as the lords of the soil—we had made arrangements with them for the revenue of the lands, and we had left them in the exercise of the internal administration; that after such a recognition of them, for such a length of time, it would have been as unjust as it would have been impolitic to have displaced them. That lord Cornwallis did not act as he had done from an ignorance of the real nature of their tenures, as must be evident from the discussions which took place at that time between him and lord Teignmouth. That he seemed to be well acquainted with the rights of the ryots to the occupation of the lands they cultivated, and that he had made it an express stipulation in the settlements with the zemindars, that they should execute written agreements to the ryots, specifying the proportion of the produce to which they should be entitled for their labour. Mr. Sullivan lamented to say, that he had not been able to trace the execution of those agreements, and that he greatly feared from the length of time that had elapsed, and the interest the zemindars had in pre- venting the village registers from being kept up, that it would now be impossible to apply a complete remedy to the evil in the Bengal provinces, but that he was nevertheless convinced the circumstances of the ryots were at this time much better than they had been before the introduction of lord Cornwallis' system; and that from his conscience he believed the hon. member to whom he alluded was mistaken in supposing the reverse to be the case on that side of India. With regard to those in the provinces which had but a few years ago fallen under our government in Guzerat, the opportunities of local knowledge possessed by the hon. member rendered the information he had obtained respecting their situation deserving of immediate attention, and Mr. Sullivan assured him and the House, that he would, without loss of time, make particular enquiry into the subject, and if the practice of taking from the ryots their proportion of the cotton crop at an arbitrary price should be found to have continued; Mr. Sullivan pledged himself that measures should be taken to remedy the evil, and to give to the ryots the unrestrained command over the produce of their industry.

proceeded to observe that the reasons which had operated in support of the zemindarry establishment in Bengal did not exist in the greater part of the territories under the government of Madras, and that any attempt to introduce a similar settlement, where we had not found it established and had not sanctioned its continuance by our own recognition of it, would be highly objectionable. That colonel Munro, whom the committee had heard with an equal admiration of his talents and of the extent of his information, had furnished the most convincing evidence of the happy results that had attended a settlement of the revenue with the ryots, without the intervention of zemindars or of any other intermediate description of persons. That in steadily pursuing that plan, during an administration of seven years over an extensive province that had been peculiarly oppressed under Mahomedan government, he had been able to raise the public revenue from 450,000l. a year to 700,000l. not only without increasing the pressure upon the ryots, but with a proportionate improvement in their circumstances and condition. The increase of the revenue having in a great measure proceeded from the cultivation of land that had been waste, from the produce of which the cultivators are entitled in India to very large proportions.

took occasion from this to observe, that the culture of cotton was particularly favoured by this established usage with regard to waste land, for that the practice was to allow to the cultivator the whole of the produce during the first year, and that it did not become subject to the full rate of assessment until the sixth year; the stiff black soil which produces the best cotton requiring frequently twelve oxen to the plough for breaking it up. From this he inferred that every encouragement should be given to the cultivation and to the export of cotton, as tending to improve the circumstances, and to promote the industry of the natives of India, and to extend the commerce between that country and the United Kingdom, while at the same time it could not fail to have the effect of rendering our manufacturers independent of foreign governments for an article which may now be said to constitute the great staple of their industry and skill.

concluded by adverting to what had fallen from a right hon. gent. (Mr. Tierney) who in advocating the continuance of the Company's present system, had gone the length to say, that the question resolved itself into a single point, and that by confining the returning trade to the port of London every difficulty might be removed; a concession formed indeed upon a former admission of the directors, but which seemed to render nugatory all the evidence that had been adduced on the part of the Company, to shew the danger from a supposed influx of Europeans into India (a danger that could alone arise out of the unrestrained export trade from this country), and which would leave the speculators in an export trade exposed to all those predicted hazards of loss and disappointment, which another chain of the Company's evidence had been produced to maintain.

recapitulated a variety of arguments, and stated a series of strong facts to show the dangers that would arise from the adoption of the third Resolution. Perhaps an argument more conclusive against the measure could not be urged, than the influx of adventurers into all parts of India, inconsequence of the opening of the trade. There was no regulation, however wisely planned, and rigidly enforced, that could prevent the evils arising from such an influx. With regard to the advantages whit had been so repeatedly dwelt on, as likely to result from the increased sale of British manufactures, caused by increased consumption in India, they had been all decidedly disposed of by the evidence which had been given at the bar of the House: but he would put it to the candour of the Committee, whether, on the other hand, there was no danger to British manufactures from throwing the trade open to the out-ports, by the consequent introduction into this country of the manufactures and commodities of India? He then went into a statement of the injuries which would be inflicted, both on the trade and credit of the East India Company, by the destruction of the sales annually held in spring and autumn, at the India-House, where public competition was fairly encouraged. He trusted that however unpopular the East India Company might be at the present moment, the House would not decide against the unanswered arguments and uncontradicted evidence produced in their behalf.

observed, that a right hon. gentleman (Mr. Tierney) who had last night advocated the interests of the Company, had dwelt more largely in sarcasm than argument; and as no one could doubt his ability, he would not take upon him to decide whether the right hon. gentleman had resorted to this mode of defence from the badness of the cause which he espoused. The right hon. gentleman had derided the philosophy of the outports; but if philosophy was demonstrated by patience, moderation, and a deference to legislative wisdom, he thought they had some claim to it. They had been also censured for compromising their rights, but they had only shewn that they were not so fond of right as to sacrifice expediency to it. The gentlemen of the out-ports looked forward to further concessions on future occasions; but they paid a due deference to the wisdom of his Majesty's government, by not insisting on more than it seemed expedient to give. The merchants of Bristol had fallen under the irony of the right hon. gentleman, but if the case were to be as he had represented it, their conduct on the present occasion was a proof of their disinterestedness and prudence. The right hon. gentleman had remarked on the want of evidence on the part of the out-ports, and seemed to consider the cause which he advocated as suffering some degree of injury; but it ap- peared to him that this was of the greatest advantage to the Company, for they had the benefit of an ex parte statement, and there was certainly as much dogmatical statement on the one side as on the other. If there was any blame to be attached to the delegates from the out-ports, he took a large share to himself; for there was a large body of evidence ready, and among these witnesses there were some as distinguished characters as had appeared on behalf of the Company. Their not having produced the evidence, arose from a belief that this important measure could not be brought to a conclusion this session. There was nothing in the evidence of the East India Company which militated against a free trade—it applied more to the export than the import trade, and to the difficulty and danger, which might be obviated by regulations; and he trusted that they might have the assistance of the East India Company themselves to frame those regulations. Was it in the 19th century necessary to advocate a free trade against monopoly? When the French merchants were asked by their monarch, "What shall I do to increase your trade?" the answer was, "Let us alone!" And there was more practical commercial knowledge, and political wisdom, displayed in that short sentence, than in the 590 pages of evidence in favour of the East India Company. Was it necessary to persevere in the narrow system of the Tudors or the Stuarts? He would refer to the situation of the Company itself, trembling, on the verge of insolvency, for the necessity of a change. He would appeal to other countries enriched by the India trade, and would then suppose some cause which prevented the same effects from being produced here; nor could he hesitate to attribute them to the baleful influence of monopoly, and to the union of the characters of sovereign and merchant. These objections had been made at the last renewal, and with what accumulated force did they now press upon us! Since that period there had been extensive conquests in India, and South America had been opened to us, yet in the face of those events, the Company had not hesitated to tell us there was no room for an increase of trade, and that the contraction of commerce was in proportion to the extension of territory and owing to the natural influence of events. To give full effect to the energies of commerce, merchants should be allowed to enter into competi- tion with merchants, and then political, moral, and religious improvements would follow. It might be said that these were mere general observations—he admitted this, but they were amply sufficient to shew the expediency and policy of opening the trade. He had most attentively considered the evidence of those truly respectable individuals who had been examined at their bar, and which, he thought, would be most beneficially applied, when the Bill was brought into parliament. He trusted, when that period arrived, he should see his Majesty's ministers, the advocates of the out-ports, and the friends of the East India Company, all united to give full effect to the intention of the legislature.

said, he had no interest in contending that the trade should be continued, as it had hitherto been, in the hands of the East India Company. In the very little he should address to the House, he was influenced by no other motive than a desire to serve the country. He should apply himself to the main question which was then before the Committee, namely, the expediency of opening the trade, without going at present into the various details connected with the subject. Much of what had been delivered in the course of the present discussion, was totally irrelevant to the question. Thus, the observations on the landed system of India, which had been so often introduced, had no connexion with the resolution then under consideration: whether that system was good or bad, it was not affected by this resolution. Neither was it at all necessary to inquire, whether the natives of India ploughed with oxen or horses. Such information might be very interesting to the board of agriculture, but had nothing to do with the subject immediately before them. The question resolved itself into these two points: whether the trade should be thrown open, without restraint, or with those restraints which the noble lord advised. This was not a question of private trade; because, at present, a private trade was allowed, and that almost to any extent; but whether it should be new modelled, and permitted under restraints and regulations which did not at present exist. The two points on which the question seemed to turn were, the allegation, on one side, that the commerce of the country would be increased by throwing open the trade; and the statement, on the other, that the private traders could send out their goods, as the system existed at present, but did not choose to do it—and that, if free access to India were given, then the East India Company could not answer for the effect which might be produced, on sixty millions of inhabitants. This statement was corroborated by all those persons who had served the East India Company abroad, and whose practical knowledge of the subject gave additional weight to their evidence. Then, it was to be considered, whether the trade could be extended under different restraints; and, if so, whether any danger was to be apprehended to the internal safety of the country? Now, though he could not see the inevitable ruin of the Company, in consequence of these changes, yet, looking to the evidence, he thought it impossible that all the persons examined could have expressed an apprehension of danger, unless there was a just foundation for this feeling. This general authority weighed more with him, than any particular judgment or observation of his own. Besides, if, as had been repeatedly argued, the Company carried on a losing trade with India, and prospered only by their territorial possessions, as sovereigns, what wish could they have to retain this trade, except one that originated in the dread of danger to the country? Entertaining this opinion, that much danger might very justly be apprehended, the next question he would put was this, What benefit are we to derive, which is likely to compensate such a risk? The out-ports had not given this information: they had loaded the table with Petitions, boasting of the manner in which they would carry on the trade: they had declaimed a great deal; but, after they had called for a committee, after the Company had produced many witnesses, they did not think proper to call one, and, in fact, they proved nothing. Their moderation, in not bringing forward witnesses, was indeed exemplary. It would have been well if they had been equally moderate in their assertions. They appeared, however, most anxious to enter into the export trade to India, although it was proved, beyond a doubt, that the captains and pursers of the Company's ships, who took out manufactured goods, without paying freight, scarcely cleared any thing by their ventures. This circumstance shewed the great moderation, as well as prudence of the out-ports in not going into evidence. Indeed, the declaration of the hon. gentleman, (Mr. Protheroe) when he assigned his reason for not proceeding with evidence, meant neither more nor less than this: "We, the out-ports, can muster so great a mass of votes in the House, that it is better to go to a division at once, than to trouble ourselves by adducing any argument." This also seemed a part of their moderation and prudence. An hon. gentleman (Mr. Sullivan), had recommended the culture of cotton in India, for the supply of this country. Now, India never could supply us with cotton. He did not mean to say, that if the monopoly was given to that country, she could not produce a sufficiency. But it would be a most weak and vicious policy, to grant to any country the monopoly of growing the raw article for one of our principal manufactures. Besides, it would be calling on the merchant to go five times the distance that was necessary, to procure an article of a worse quality than he could get elsewhere. The price of India cotton was about 10d. per lb; but, in a time of peace, when there was a free intercourse with the rest of the world, it would not be worth 6d. Another article, the growth of India, and which formed a principal trading commodity, was indigo. The whole of that article, at present consumed in Europe, was the production of India. The indigo manufacture of that country had superseded that of the West Indies, Florida, and Carolina. It was impossible to extend this trade, unless the legislature compelled every man to wear a blue coat, instead of consulting his fancy, as was now customary. The importation of piece goods might be increased; but he believed the gentlemen of Glasgow would not much like this branch of commerce, for they had frequently petitioned the Treasury to restrict the introduction of that species of manufacture. An hon. gentleman (Mr. Sullivan) had alluded, not very fortunately, to the conduct pursued by the late lord Melville. When the out-ports applied to him, he expressed a willingness to open the trade as far as it could be done with safety. At that time, however, the country had a strong government. The clamour was then as great as it is now, but the government boldly resisted it. The present government, however, fearing, perhaps, the number of votes which the out-ports, and the counties in connexion with them, could command, had given way to the clamour The hon. gentleman then passed a very high eulogium on the discrimination which the Company displayed in the choice of their servants. The good conduct of the Company in the administration of India was generally acknowledged. Let it be compared with that pursued generally by colonial governments. No individual was sent out by them for the purpose of providing for him, however unfit in character and ability for the situation to which he might be appointed. The civil officers of the Company were, in general, men of a very different description; and there was no stronger illustration of the evils of meddling with the Company's affairs than was to be found in the interference on the part of his Majesty's government with the appointment of governor-general of India; by which it sometimes occurred, that an individual was placed in that high situation—a situation, on the due execution of the duties of which the happiness of so many millions of human beings depended, merely because he was in circumstances of such embarrassment, that it was impossible for him to remain without utter ruin in this country. He owned that he considered the late appointment to the government of Bengal as a reprehensible one; and he was persuaded that the Company would not have acceded to it, had they not entertained a false hope, that by so doing they should propitiate his Majesty's government in the contest in which they were about to be engaged with them. Adverting to the proposition of confining the free trade to the port of London, he admitted, that if it were granted at all, it ought to be granted to the outports as well. But that which parliament were called upon now to do was, to destroy that which was already established in London, for the purpose of raising it elsewhere; to destroy eight or nine millions of property already in existence, in order to give a chance for creating it where it did not exist; to produce in the one instance a positive loss, and in the other, only a right to make profit.

said, he introduced the name of lord Melville, merely for the purpose of stating, that, after he had found from the experience of a few years, that the operation of the Act of 1793 was not adequate to the object, he had the manliness to come forward and admit it. He then proposed an extension of the trade, against which the Company argued as they argue now; but they did not convince the government. At the time lord Melville made this application, the mar- quis Wellesley acted on the same principle in India; and the consequence was, an increase of tonnage and capital.

said, the government then acted on the principle of a regulated monopoly. They also gave every information to the Company, which the present government had not condescended to do, but referred them to the petitions laid before parliament.

said, he must peremptorily deny the statement of the hon. gentleman. So far from not seeing the persons deputed by the Company, the government, for four days, were in constant discussion with them. That discussion was broken off in consequence of the Company coming to an imperative decision.

said, when the Company desired to know the arguments by which the gentlemen of the out-ports had converted his Majesty's ministers, instead of giving them that information, they were referred to the petitions.

said, his Majesty's ministers had learned sufficient to satisfy their own understandings. They had stated, in their places, in parliament, the grounds on which they acted. This proceeding, he believed, was perfectly consistent with the principles of the constitution.

said, that the letter of the noble earl (Buckinghamshire) to whom he had the honour of being officially attached, which had been alluded to, as referring the court of directors to the petitions presented to parliament for the arguments upon which the measure proposed by government rested, had relation merely to the question, whether or not the imports should be confined to the port of London. The course of the transaction was this. As early as December 1808, lord Melville had communicated to the Company, the determination of the then cabinet, the duke of Portland's, in the following terms: "It is fit that the court should now understand distinctly, that I cannot hold out to them the smallest expectation that his Majesty's ministers will concur in an application to parliament for a renewal of any privileges to the East India Company which will prevent British merchants and manufacturers from trading to and from India, and the other territories, within the present limits of the Company's exclusive trade, (the dominions of the emperor of China excepted) in ships and vessels hired or freighted by themselves, instead of being confined as at present, to ships in the service of the Company, or licensed by the court of directors."^* In this first communication from government, there was no limitation as to the port of London; and he must remind the House in allusion to what had been said as to the ministers having proceeded upon popular clamour, occasioned by an unusual stagnation of trade, that this letter was written, not in a period of commercial distress, but in a year of extraordinary prosperity. At least, such the year 1808 was supposed to be, at that time; and the argument was not affected by any subsequent disappointments. Some time after this, the court of directors suggested that the imports should be confined to the port of London. Lord Melville's answer was, that it was probable that the revenue would be better secured by that restriction. In that view, it was a question in which the government alone was concerned; and although ministers were at first inclined to think that it might be advisable to confine the free trade to London in order to prevent smuggling, yet on a due consideration of the circumstances, they were of opinion that the injury which the outports would sustain by the exclusion was much greater than that which the revenue would suffer from the extension. The arguments of the delegates from the outports on this subject were verbally urged at conferences with ministers, and many of the same were urged in petitions to parliament; when therefore the Company desired to be made acquainted with the grounds of the present decision, his noble friend naturally referred them to the written documents. He told them in effect, that if they were curious upon the subject they might thus gratify their curiosity, for Mr. C. contended, that it was purely a matter for the decision of government, and that the Company had no right whatever to demand information. The hon. gentleman who had last spoken had laid great stress on the circumstance, that in 1793 government communicated to the Company evidence on the part of the out-ports in support of their allegations; and that in the present instance no such step had been resorted to. But the cases were different. In 1793 the ground of the application made by the merchants of the outports was the existence of what was styled the 'clandestine trade,' of which government until that moment were ignorant. Now, the ground of their application was one of notoriety—the trade carried on by foreigners, and known to the whole world for many years.

^* See vol. 22, App. cxxiii.

Of all the propositions that had been made, that of opening the trade to the port of London alone appeared to him to be the most preposterous. He certainly thought, or rather he should say, he had thought, that a great deal might be said in defence of the present system; he had thought so until he last night heard a right hon. gentleman (Mr. Tierney) advocate the arrangement as it now stood, but his speech persuaded him that he was deceived in his opinion. He could never, however, come to an understanding with that right hon. gentleman, unless they could agree in this;—that the natural state, of things was the free trade, and that it rested with the advocates of the other side of the question to make out the reason of any restriction.

With respect to what had been said of the antiquity of the present system, and of its having stood the test of experience; Mr. C. observed, that the arrangement of 1793 had lasted only seven years. It was so inadequate to its purpose that it was found necessary to alter it in 1800. Much stress had been laid upon the opinion of the late lord Melville;—now, his lordship in 1793 had distinctly stated, that he did not think the exclusive trade essential to the Company's affairs; it was very true, that in 1801 or 1802, he had expressed himself more favourably towards the monopoly, but that was when he had a point to gain with the Company; he was endeavouring to persuade them to consent, during the exclusive charter, to certain modifications of it, and he naturally took pains to satisfy them that he had no stronger measure behind.

In reference to the additional freedom that had been given about that period, he must remind the House that it appeared from papers on the table, that immediately after the increased facilities afforded by lord Wellesley, the imports into India had been doubled; and they had continued upon the enlarged scale ever since. He owned that he did not quite understand this fact, but so it was; and as far as ft proved any thing, it was in favour of freedom.

A great deal had been said by gentlemen on the other side, with respect to the evidence given against the free trade. He contended that the testimony of some of the most able of the witnesses was in its favour. Colonel Munro, and Mr. Cockburn, had both stated, that a free trade was desirable, because it would be beneficial to India. As to the danger arising from the intercourse, the House had a number of stories, and it was observable that different witnesses repeated the same, which seemed to evince in them a paucity of cases. One told of a cow that had been killed in the year 1670; another (general Kyd he believed) spoke of a great uproar raised in India by a monkey being shot near a pagoda. By whom?—By a cornet of horse:—if that proved any thing, it proved that we ought to recall all our dragoons. Even colonel Munro told the House of a poor man who had been kept out of his own house for a month, a case which excited the feeling of the House. By whom was this done? By a Dane; but, said colonel Munro, if it had been an Englishman he would have kicked the Hindoo out of the house! He must really submit that this evidence was trifling.

There was another part of the subject upon which he was very anxious. He could not but think that the observations of an hon. gentleman (Mr. Rickards) were more relevant to the matter than they had been considered by some gentlemen who had spoken. He did consider that the measure was to be looked at as it affected the natives of India; he appealed to the letter of lord Wellesley, dated 19th July 1804, relative to the native weavers (now on the table) as shewing the connection between the free trade and the prosperity of the people of Hindostan.

Restraining the desire which he felt to enlarge upon these topics, he would only say;—that in voting for the resolution, he was not sure that he was doing that which would be very beneficial either to this country or to India, but he was sure that he was bringing the business to the only certain test. He was satisfied that he was affording to that interesting people, as they had been justly stiled,—our fellow-subjects in Hindostan—the only chance which they had of being placed upon a footing of equal advantage with ourselves, and taking one step towards bringing about the period, if ever it was to arrive, in which the Hindoos would hold to the same laws with us, and (he for one would add) bow to the same God.

said, that monopoly was in itself a thing that could not be looked to with complacency; but in considering the whole of the subject together he had come to much the same conclusion as his majesty's ministers, namely, that a qualified monopoly was the most advisable plan in the present state of India, and therefore he saw no serious objection to the extension of the China monopoly to twenty years. The general character of the Company was high in comparison with their competitors, as their trade was carried on in a manner much more liberal than private traders could adopt. The system which had enabled a nation of 10 or 12 millions of people to govern 60 millions with success, at a distance of 8,000 miles, must be in many respects a good one. It had insured to the people of India some of the best and greatest characters in this country for their governors; and had formed a check upon the government at home, so as to prevent the refuse of the country from being sent out. This must have had a great effect on the natives; and the utmost caution ought to be observed in producing a change. The character of the natives ought to be raised before a perfectly uncontrolled intercourse was allowed. Adverting, then, to the speech of an hon. gentleman opposite (Mr. Ricards), which had made a great impression, he stated, that he had since looked into the documents, and found that they did not at all bear out the conclusions of the hon. gentleman, that the land revenue system was a bad one. The comparison, as had been justly observed, ought to be made between the state of the people of India now, and their former condition. There could be no doubt but it was considerably ameliorated. He was, however, in favour of extending the advantage of our commerce with that country to a certain degree; but he must confess, his opinion was in favour of confining the extension, for a short period at least, to London.

impressively animadverted upon the state of society in India described by the hon. gentleman who spoke last, in which society the many were extremely depressed, and the few extremely advanced. This he conceived to be a state which ought not to exist in any well regulated government; and sufficiently illustrated the nature of the comfort and happiness communicated by the India Company to their subjects, on which ground this Company had been so very loudly panegyrized.

replied to several statements in the speech delivered by a right hon. gentleman (Mr. Tierney) last night. On the subject of the probable trade from the out-ports, if it were true, as so confidently stated, that only two or three ships were likely to be sent out by those ports, what danger could be apprehended by the India Company, from the proposed opening of the trade? Then as to the apprehension of extravagant speculations of the opening of this trade, there could be no serious ground for any such apprehension, for, independently of the usual caution of mercantile speculators, the event of the speculations to South America had served to teach a lesson calculated to prevent any extravagance on this point. Adverting to the speech of Mr. Ricards, which he thought entitled to particular attention, the hon. officer asked upon what ground certain gentlemen could feel themselves justified, after that speech, in so emphatically dwelling upon the slave trade, which his constituents of Liverpool praised only while it was sanctioned by the legislature, abandoning it as soon as the legislature, in its wisdom, thought proper to decree its abolition. But, admitting the most exaggerated description that had been sent forth with regard to the state of the slaves during the existence of the trade, what was that state compared to the situation of the Hindoos under the boasted government of the East India Company? From the evidence of Mr. Graham,^* it appeared, that these people were wholly destitute of any comfort; that they resided in mud huts, without any article of accommodation but a wooden platter, worth something less than a farthing; without any furniture whatever, or any bed, but the bare ground; and, according to the deposition of colonel Monro,† ninety-nine out of every hundred of the Hindoo people were in that state, and hence it was that the conclusion was drawn as to the improbability of any increased demand for our manufactures in India. But with a people in such a state of misery, infinitely worse than any portion of our colonial slaves were ever even alleged to be—in a worse state, in fact, than our gypsies, or any other description of our subjects, how could the glowing panegyrics upon the government of the India Company which the House had heard be deemed even excusable? These Hindoos had, he observed, been often said to be immutable in their opinions, but while the absurdity of the assertion as to the immutability of their disposition had been fully shewn, it was, he thought, quite evident that they must continue immutable in wretchedness, if left under the system of government at present and so long administered by the India Company. The honourable officer described the mode of smuggling carried on by the agents of the India Company, which he could not but consider as wholly singular, particularly in respect to the landing of what were called presents, by which mode the revenue was defrauded in an extraordinary degree, by these professedly zealous opponents of smuggling, who, to prevent the evil, would confine the India trade to the port of London; but he had no doubt that smuggling could be as effectually prevented, and the trade in every other respect as well carried on in the ports of Liverpool, Bristol, and Hull, as in the ports of London. To prove this he knew that a variety of evidence could have been produced, and among others the comptrollers and collectors of the customs at the ports he had stated, if the production of such evidence had not been prevented by the delay which the India Company created through the number of witnesses they had brought forward, which witnesses although so very numerous, it was really not thought necessary, by the advocates for the out-ports, to rebut.

^* See vol. 25, p. 493.

† Ibid. p. 775.

jun. denied that he had stated the character and habits of the Hindoos to be immutable. He only said, that there was no great probability of an immediate or rapid improvement or change in their habits, manners and wants, such as some gentlemen had represented, or figured to themselves. That they had been engaged in foreign armies, and still remained the same in their own modes and customs, only proved how trifling was the prospect of their emerging out of their prejudices, and he had mentioned their religion as one of the strongest of those prejudices. He had defended the present system of government in India, not as an hon. gentleman would represent, on the ground of the respect due to its antiquity, but on its merits. He had opposed the Catholic system as being radically bad; he supported the present system of government in India as being radically good. The Catholics did not look to the law for protection—the Indians did. If, however, there was not danger in this innovation, as some gentlemen would insinuate, why not grant an unrestrained trade? It was, he contended, from the stated periodical sales alone, that the Company were enabled to answer their home demands, amounting to four millions, and if these regular sales were broken in upon, the regular payments, and of course, the credit of the Company, must be destroyed. The right of sending out free merchants, too, which was now in the Company, and which it was proposed to transfer over to the government, would be productive of injurious effects to this country, by extending ministerial political influence.

said a few words in explanation of some points alluded to by the honourable gentleman who spoke last.

said, the only charge against the Company as far as he could conceive it, was this, that they had governed India well. If the present material change was to be thrust upon them, they could only say, they received it as it was given. He spoke here not as a proprietor of East India stock, but as entirely British and Asiatic. If the Company were not entitled to what they asked, let them not have it. India was the jewel upon which the Tyrant of the Continent had, for years, been eagerly bent, and he had not had it; on the contrary, it was now, more than at any former period, secure from his grasp. It was the East India Company that had done this, while hardly another object of his ambition had been able successfully to oppose his efforts. The Company had secured India at great expence and peril; let this country think well before they, by adopting the present measure, endangered its safety. The Company had governed India well, else a handful of Europeans could never have governed sixty millions of people. The natives had trusted the Company for a while, and now the Company governed them by affection more than by their army. Mr. Hastings in his writings had said, that there would be an instantaneous fall of the country of India, whenever a change of opinion as to its government took place. The House was now risking this instantaneous fall by the present innovation, and let them recollect, that if they once lost India, they lost it for ever. He did not say, that the habits of the Indians were im- mutable, particularly in religious matters, but any change in their habits and opinions was more likely to be effected by the Company, than by any other description of persons, and this must be done gradually and slowly. In continuing the trade to the port of London, they conferred a benefit on the whole country, and in a peculiar manner on the 50,000 inhabitants along the banks of the Thames, who by the present measure must be set aside. Gentlemen talked of giving the trade back to the Company, if the measure proposed should not succeed. But how could the trade be given back to them after the establishment was destroyed? It was easy to destroy, but it was not so easy to build up again. Let the House agree to the measure now proposed, and in a few years—a very few years—they would see those very petitioners who were now contending for an open trade, again coming to the bar, telling them that they had been deceived; that instead of a boon, the House had conferred on them a serious evil; and that they must give them the China trade to make them some amends. In this way would the country lose the trade of China, as, by the present measure, there was every reason to apprehend they must lose the territory of India. The Company must submit to such terms as the House chose to impose on them, but they could not commit felo de se, or assassinate themselves by agreeing to such a measure as the present without using against it every remonstrance in their power.

relied most confidently on the wisdom of parliament, and thought the most politic course had been adopted by government. It had his cordial approbation, particularly that part of it which was contained in the resolution now before the committee.

spoke in favour of the Company's claims. Although he did not wish for a continuance of all parts of the old system, he was afraid that they were about to open the doors more than was consistent either with the true interests of India or of Great Britain.

was an advocate for the old system, and the rights of the Company. Parliament ought, he said, to take proper steps for reconciling the native troops and those of the King. There were many discontents among them, which ought to be removed. It was upon the native troops, principally, that the continuance of our Indian empire depended.

spoke against the monopoly. He disapproved of the term of one month, allowed to the Company in the Resolution for granting or refusing licences. A few years ago he was refused leave by the Company to import hemp from India on his own account, and in his own ships. They assigned no reason, but that it might injure or ruin him. But this was no argument. He complained of the delays experienced by merchants at all concerned with the East India Company, particularly when applying for licences, and wished to know how the circuitous intercourse was to be arranged.

repeated what he had stated in his opening speech, that it was the intention of government to reserve the question on the circuitous trade for after consideration. It was their wish to give it a liberal latitude, and so to manage it, as to enable the merchants to meet every market on fair terms. With respect to the delays complained of respecting licences, he apprehended there could be no objection to reducing the period within which they were to be granted, after application was made, from a month to 14 days. The latter period, he thought, would give sufficient time to the directors to consider of any application they might receive.

sen. supported the statements which he had formerly made, by ample and ingenious calculations, which tended to show the increasing prosperity of the people of India in manufactures and agriculture, under the excellent management of the Company. The natives had been represented as bad agriculturists, living in miserable hovels, destitute of furniture, suffering oftentimes for want of provisions, and altogether wretched in their appearance. These misfortunes, however, were not attributable to the mismanagement of the Company. The people, in their habits and dispositions, were unchangeable, and under the dominion of their princes they continued for many centuries, in the cultivation of the grounds in strict conformity to the modes of their ancestors, son succeeding sire, and century succeeding century, without suffering any alteration in their mode of agriculture. But the difference was remarkable wherever the Company had the influence to introduce a better system of husbandry; for the very worst form in which the Company's government had ever appeared, was infinitely superior to that of the natives. The face of the country was immediately changed, the natives exerted themselves with much assduity, under the direction of Europeans, and wheat, barley, cotton, rice, sugar, &c. were every where abundant. The tax paid on the produce of the land was one-third of its amount, but this was the principal tax, while in England the amount of the taxes was supposed to be 50 per cent. on the whole income of the country. The hon. gentleman contended, that the change of system would be injurious to the government of the Company in India, and dangerous to the interests of this country.

contended, that the measure proposed would not have the effect of admitting strangers into India. The question for discussion was, in fact, very narrow, though the advocates of the Company had endeavoured to put it on a broad ground. The difference between the Company and the government, was merely that the Company did not wish the extension of imports to the out-ports of the united kingdom. It was evident, however, that any danger of an influx of strangers into India, would arise from vessels sailing from this kingdom, not from their returning hither. The right hon. gentleman then contended, that an increase of the exports to India might hereafter take place, from the vast increase which had actually happened on some articles. The export of cotton goods to that country, had for some time increased two-fold in every five years, in geometrical progression. This was in an article, too, which had been considered to be one in which the Indian manufactures were unrivalled. Leather, woollen goods, and other articles, had increased greatly, though not in the same enormous proportion. The profit accruing to the Company from the Indian trade was, if any thing, too inconsiderable to form any support to their government. By one calculation it was made to amount to two millions, since the renewal of the charter in 1793, but it was found that the interest had been forgotten. This formed a deduction of about 1,400,000l., and in addition to this it was to be considered that the interest was often for two years, and at the Indian rate. Thus, as the charge amounted to 1,400,000l. under a calculation at 5 per cent. and for one year on each investment, the real amount must have been much greater. The directors, being thus deprived of nothing valuable, and having secured to them the administration of a noble empire and a most valuable branch of trade, namely, that to China, could not with propriety be dissatisfied. The measure proposed to be adopted would not tend to make the Company abandon their trade; the traffic of China was reserved for them exclusively, and they would find that the participation of the private traders to the extent proposed would not discourage the trade which they at present enjoyed. The Resolutions submitted to the Committee were founded on sound legislative principles, and intended for the welfare of England and those extensive districts under the dominion of the Company. The purposes of the measure were to regulate the introduction of Europeans into India, to maintain the present happiness of the people, and promote the future; to cherish the manufactures at home, by permitting the importation of the raw materials from India, to encourage the people of India by the exportation of British manufactures in their industrious habits; and on the whole to promote civilization, enlarge trade, and increase the revenue.

sen. maintained the accuracy of his former statements, to which the Chancellor of the Exchequer could not entirely agree.

spoke at length against the monopoly of the East India Company, and in favour of opening the trade; contending that the consumption of English manufactures, particularly piece goods, had much increased within the last 20 years, and could be still increased in a very great degree. He maintained, that the trade of India could be made advantageous to the private trader as well as to the Company, who could make their remittances through them, with advantage.

had all along maintained that principle, and contended strongly, that the Company ought, in regard to their own interest, and to those of the public, fairly to abandon the trade to India, by which they were losers, which was obnoxious, and supposed to be injurious to others, in order to limit their attention to their trade to China, and to the exercise of those political functions they had hitherto filled with so much credit to themselves, and so much advantage to the country. He had completely made up his mind, that the new plan was wise, practicable, and necessary.

sen. desired that the Court of Directors might have the intentions of government in writing, in order to take them into consideration, as this placed the question in a new light; but

declined the proposition, as the views of government had already been completely explained last Monday, in a conference which the noble earl at the head of the Board of Control and himself had with the chairman and deputy chairman of the Court of Directors.

at that late hour, and considering that many other opportunities would offer for debating the different branches of the question, did not feel disposed to trespass on the time of the Committee. He then shortly replied to the arguments advanced by the advocates for the cause of the Company. He was anxious that the House should come to a vote upon the question before them, and that the whole subject should, if possible, be decided during that session. He thought that delay was to be deprecated by all parties, but more especially by the East India Company. He defended the proposed system, against the two principal arguments that had been advanced against it: first, that it would produce no benefit to the private merchant; and next, that government, while they pretended to throw the trade open, had imposed restrictions which defeated the object. He repeated that he was particularly anxious the Resolutions should be voted that night, because, if the business were left over till next session, should peace be concluded with America, or any other power, it would entirely alter the features of the case.

said, that if peace with America, or any other power, would change the features of the case, it was an argument against granting any charter to the Company; because, by granting a charter, the discretion of parliament would be tied up for a certain period. He observed on the inconsistency of the right hon. gentleman as well as all those who supported half measures like the present, when their arguments necessarily went to the complete abolition of the monopoly.

rose and said, that he considered the Resolutions now before the Committee of such importance that he should take an opportunity, on a future occasion, to move an amendment, that the charter of the East India Company, even in its limited form, should only be renewed for seven years; if he should fail in this attempt he should divide the House upon the question that the period be ten years, and if still unsuccessful, he should endeavour to postpone the whole of this important subject until next session.

Strangers were ordered then to withdraw for a division, but

rose and observed, that he should not think it necessary to take the sense of the Committee now upon the question before it, but should reserve himself until the Report was brought up, when he would propose an amendment.

begged to be informed generally what was the nature of the amendment to be suggested?

replied, that he did not mean to pledge himself as to the mode of proceeding he should adopt, but as at present advised, he should move several declaratory Resolutions upon topics not disputed—such as the excellent political administration of the affairs of India by the Company. He should then suggest other amendments to the plan of the noble lord, the effect of which would be to alter entirely the system he had laid before the House, and to renew, nearly in its old form, the charter of the Company. He also gave some explanation of a point upon which he had last night been misconceived.

The question upon the third Resolution was then put and carried in the affirmative without a division.

the chairman, then proceeded to read the remaining Resolutions, the fourth and fifth of which were agreed to with a slight verbal amendment. When he arrived at that which respected the licences to be given to private ships by the Board of Controul,

expressed his intention, on the bringing up of the Report, to move an amendment, to provide more effectually that no licences should be granted from motives of personal favour, and to place the whole upon a general system. With regard to the wording of the licence, he should also have several suggestions to make.

agreed that some alterations in the form of the licence, as well as of the plan, might be desirable; he allowed that the licensing system was bad, but in some cases unavoidable.

After some further conversation, in which Messrs. Tierney, Canning, C. Grant, and Robinson took a part, the several provisoes connected with this Resolution were agreed to.

expressed a wish that Mr. Ponsonby would fix the time when he meant, as he proposed, to take the sense of the House upon the propriety of postponing the further consideration of this measure until next session, but Mr. Ponsonby reserved the decision of this point.

Upon the reading of the 13th Resolution, which relates to the introduction of missionaries into India,

forcibly felt it his duty to oppose this Resolution, convinced as he was that its adoption would lead to the loss of India to this country.

wished merely for the present the adoption of this Resolution pro forma. At the same time he must express his hope, as he beforementioned, that this question should not be discussed in that House, such discussion being too likely to produce mischief in India.

ridiculed the idea of deprecating discussion upon this or any other question which the House was required to decide.

followed on the same side, conceiving it a most singular case, that while the carrying of the measure was to produce no evil, to talk of it would be ruin.

This Resolution, and the 14th also, were agreed to. The House being resumed, the Report of the Committee was ordered to be now received.

accordingly reported from the Committee, the following Resolutions:

1. "Resolved, That it is the opinion of this Committee, that it is expedient, that all the privileges, authorities, and immunities, granted to the United Company of Merchants trading to the East Indies, by virtue of any act or acts of parliament now in force, and all rules, regulations, and clauses, affecting the same, shall continue and be in force for a time to be limited, except as far as the same may hereinafter be modified and repealed.

2. "Resolved, That it is the opinion of this Committee, that the existing restraints respecting the commercial intercourse with China, shall be continued, and that the exclusive trade in tea shall be preserved to the said Company, for a time to be limited.

3. "Resolved, That it is the opinion of this Committee, that, subject to the provisions contained in the preceding Resolution, it shall be lawful for any of his Majesty's subjects to export any goods, wares, or merchandize, which can now or may hereafter be legally exported from any port in the United Kingdom to any port within the limits of the charter of the said Company, as hereinafter provided: and that all ships navigated according to law, proceeding from any port within the limits of the Company's charter, and being provided with regular manifests from the last port of clearance, shall respectively be permitted to import any goods, wares, and merchandize, the product and manufacture of any countries within the said limits, into any ports in the United Kingdom which may be provided with warehouses, together with wet docks or basins, or such other securities as shall, in the judgment of the Commissioners of the Treasury in Great Britain and Ireland respectively, be fit and proper for the deposit and safe custody of all such goods, wares, and merchandize, as well as for the collection of all duties payable thereon, and shall have been so declared by the orders of his Majesty in council in Great Britain, or by the order of the Lord Lieutenant in council in Ireland: Provided always, that copies of all such orders in council shall be laid before both Houses of Parliament in the session next ensuing.

"Provided also, That no ship or vessel of less than 350 tons, registered measurement, shall be permitted to clear out from any port in the United Kingdom, for any port or place within the limits aforesaid, or be admitted to entry in any port of the United Kingdom, from any place within those limits.

"Provided also, That no ship or vessel shall proceed to any place within the limits of the Company's charter without a licence to be granted for that purpose; and that no ship or vessel clearing out from any port within the United Kingdom, shall proceed to any port or place within the limits of the Company's charter, and under the government of the said Company, except to one of their principal settlements of Fort William, Fort St. George, Bombay, and Prince of Wales's Island, and that every ship so proceeding shall be furnished with a licence for that purpose from the Court of Directors.

"Provided always, That nothing herein contained shall be construed to prevent any ship or vessel from proceeding to any place within the limits aforesaid, under the especial authority of the Commissioners for the Affairs of India; but that all applications for licences to proceed to any place, not being one of the principal settlements of the said Company, shall be made to the Court of Directors, who shall, within fourteen days from the date thereof, transmit the same to the Commissioners for the Affairs of India, with any representation which the said court may think proper to make, upon the subject of such application; and that the said court, if directed so to do by the Commissioners for the Affairs of India, shall issue their licence or licences accordingly.

"Provided also, That no ship shall be permitted to clear out from any port of the United Kingdom for India, unless attested lists in duplicate shall have been delivered to the principal officer of the customs at the port of clearance, specifying the number and description of all persons embarked on board of the said ship, and all arms laden therein; and that all persons proceeding upon such ships shall, upon their arrival in India, be subject to all the existing regulations of the local governments, and to all other rules and regulations that may hereafter be established, with regard to the European subjects of his Majesty, resident in India.

"Provided also, That upon any application made to the Court of Directors, by or on behalf of any person desirous of proceeding to India, the Court of Directors (unless they shall think fit to grant a licence for that purpose), shall transmit every such application, within the term of one month from the delivery thereof, to the Commissioners for the Affairs of India, who, if they shall see no objection thereto, may, and they are hereby authorized to direct that such person or persons should, at the special charge of him or them, be permitted to proceed to India, and that any such person or persons so desiring to proceed, shall be furnished with a certificate by the Court of Directors, according to such form as shall be prescribed by the said commissioners, signifying that such person or persons have so proceeded with the cognizance and under the sanction of the said Court of Directors, and that all such certificates shall be considered by the governments in India as entitling such persons, while they shall properly conduct themselves, to countenance and protection in their several pur- suits; subject to all such provisions and restrictions as now are in force, or may hereafter be judged necessary with regard to persons residing in India; provided always, that the said court shall be at liberty to offer such representations to the said commissioners, respecting persons so applying for permission to reside in India, as they may at any time think proper.

"Provided also, That no such ship which shall have proceeded as aforesaid, shall be admitted to entry in any port of the United Kingdom, without a regular manifest, duly certified, according to such regulations as may hereafter be enacted:

"Provided also, That no article manufactured of silk, hair, or cotton wool, or any mixture thereof, shall be entered or taken out of any warehouse, except for exportation, unless the same shall have been brought into the port of London, and deposited in the warehouses of the said United Company, and that all such articles shall by them be exposed to public sale by auction, in order to ascertain the duties payable thereupon; and in all other ports, as well as the port of London, such articles, when entered and taken out for exportation, shall be charged according to their value, under the regulations legally applicable in other cases to duties payable ad valorem.

"Provided also, That on the return of every ship from India, lists of her crew, specifying the number and description of all persons embarked on board the said ship, and all arms laden therein, shall he delivered to an officer of the customs at the first port at which she shall arrive, and shall be by him transmitted to the Court of Directors, according to and subject to such provisions as may be made, with a view to the discovery of any British subject who may have gone to or remained in India contrary to law.

4. "Resolved, That it is the opinion of this Committee, that as long as the government of India shall be administered under the authority of the said Company, according to the provisions, limitations, and regulations hereafter to be enacted, the rents, revenues, and profits arising from the territorial acquisitions in India, shall, after defraying the expences of collecting the same, with the several charges and stipulated payments to which the revenues are subject, be applied and disposed of according to the following order of preference:—

"In the first place, in defraying all the charges and expences of raising and maintaining the forces, as well European as native, artillery and marine, on the establishments in India, and of maintaining the forts and garrisons there, and providing warlike and naval stores.—2dly, In the payment of the interest accruing on the debts owing, or which may hereafter be incurred by the said Company in India.—3dly, In defraying the civil and commercial establishments at the several settlements there.—4thly, That the whole or any part of any surplus that may remain of the above described rents, revenues, and profits, after providing for the several appropriations, and defraying the several charges before-mentioned, shall be applied to the provision of the Company's investment in India, in remittances to China for the provision of investments there, or towards the liquidation of debts in India, or such other purposes as the Court of Directors, with the approbation of the Board of Commissioners, shall from time to time direct.

"Provided always, that the appropriation aforesaid, shall not extend, or be construed to extend, to prejudice or affect the undoubted sovereignty of the crown of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland in and over the said territorial acquisitions, nor to preclude the said United Company from the enjoyment of, or claim to any rights of property they now have, or to which they may hereafter be entitled, within the territories aforesaid.

5. "Resolved, That it is the opinion of this Committee, that the receipts into the Company's treasury in England, from the proceeds of the sales of their goods, and from the profits arising from private and privileged trade, or in any other manner, shall be applied and disposed of as follows:—First, in payment of bills of exchange already accepted by the Company, as the same shall become due.—2dly, For the current payment of debts (the principal of the bond debt in England always excepted) as well as interest, and the commercial charges and expences of the said Company.—3dly, In payment of a dividend of ten pounds per cent. on the present, or any future amount of the capital stock of the said Company; also in the payment of a further dividend of ten shillings per cent. upon such capital stock, after the separate fund upon which the same was originally charged by the 124th clause of the 33d Geo. 3, cap. 52, shall have been exhausted; the said pay- ments respectively to be made half-yearly.—4thly, In the reduction of the principal of the debt in India, or of the bond debt at home, as the Court of Directors, with the approbation of the Board of Commissioners, shall from time to time direct.

6. "Resolved, That it is the opinion of this Committee, that when the principal of the debt, bearing interest in India, shall have been reduced to the sum of ten millions of pounds sterling, calculated at the exchange of 2s. the Bengal current rupee; 8s. the Madras pagoda; and 2s. 3d. the Bombay rupee, and the bonded debt in England shall have been reduced to the sum of three millions of pounds sterling; then and thereafter the surplus proceeds which shall be found to arise from the revenues of India, and the profits upon the trade, after providing for the payments aforesaid, shall be applied to the more speedy repayment of the capital of any public funds or securities which have been, or may be created for the use of the said Company, the charges of which have been, or may be directed to be borne by the said Company, in virtue of any act or acts of parliament; and that any further surplus that may arise shall be set apart, and from time to time paid into the receipt of his Majesty's exchequer, to be applied as parliament shall direct, without any interest to be paid to the Company, in respect or for the use thereof, but nevertheless to be considered and declared as an effectual security to the said Company, for the capital stock of the said Company, and for the dividend of 10½ per cent. per annum, in respect thereof, not exceeding the sum of twelve millions of pounds sterling; and that of the excess of such payments, if any, beyond the said amount of twelve millions, one sixth part shall, from time to time, be reserved and retained by the said Company for their own use and benefit, and the remaining five-sixths shall be deemed and declared the property of the public, and at the disposal of parliament.

"Provided also, that if the Company's debts in India, after the same shall have been reduced to 10,000,000l. sterling, shall be again increased beyond the amount, or if their bond debt in England, after the same shall have been reduced to 3,000,000l. shall be again increased beyond that sum, then, and so often as either of these cases shall happen, the surplus proceeds shall be appropriated to the reduction of such new debts respectively, until the debts in India shall be again reduced to 10,000,000l. sterling, and the bond debt in England to 3,000,000l. sterling.

7. "Resolved, That it is the opinion of this Committee, that the said Company shall direct and order their books of account, at their several presidencies and settlements in India, at their factory in China, at the island of Saint Helena, or elsewhere, and also in England, to be so kept and arranged, as that the same shall contain and exhibit the receipts, disbursements, debts, and assets appertaining to, or connected with, the territorial, political, and commercial branches of their affairs; and that the same shall be made up in such manner, that the said books shall contain and exhibit the accounts of the territorial and political departments separately and distinctly from such as appertain to, or are connected with, the commercial branch of their affairs; and that the arrangement of accounts so to be made shall be submitted to the approbation and sanction of the Board of Commissioners for the Affairs of India.

8. "Resolved, That it is the opinion of this Committee, that it is expedient that ships built within the British territories in the East Indies, and employed in the commerce between India and the United Kingdom, should, during the present war, and for eighteen months after the conclusion thereof, be permitted to import any goods, wares, or merchandize, the produce or manufacture of any countries within the limits of the East India Company's charter, except as aforesaid, or to export any goods, wares, or merchandize from the United Kingdom to the British settlements in the East Indies, or to any of the places within the said limits, in the same manner as ships British-built, and duly registered as such; and that, after the expiration of the period above-mentioned, the said India-built ships should be liable to such other provisions as parliament may from time to time enact, for the further increase and encouragement of shipping and navigation; and that effectual provision should be made, at the charge of the owners and commanders of such ships, for the maintenance, while in the United Kingdom, of the Asiatic sailors employed in the navigation, and for the return of such sailors to their native country.

9. "Resolved, That it is the opinion of this Committee, that it is expedient to make provision for further limiting the granting of gratuities and pensions to of- ficers, civil and military, or increasing the same, or creating any new establishments at home, in such manner as may effectually protect the funds of the said Company.

10. "Resolved, That it is the opinion of this Committee, that all vacancies happening in the office of governor general of Fort William, in Bengal, or of governor of either of the Company's presidencies or settlements of Fort St. George or Bombay, or of governor of the forts and garrisons of Fort William, Fort St George, or Bombay, or of commander in chief of all the forces in India, or of any provincial commander in chief of the forces there, shall continue to be filled up and supplied by the Court of Directors of the said United Company, subject nevertheless to the approbation of his Majesty, to be signified in writing under his royal sign manual, countersigned by the president of the Board of Commissioners for the Affairs of India.

11. "Resolved, That it is the opinion of this Committee, that the number of his Majesty's troops in India to be in future maintained by the said Company, be limited; and that any augmentation of force exceeding the number so to be limited shall, unless employed at the express requisition of the said Company, be at the public charge.

12. "Resolved, That it is the opinion of this Committee, that it is expedient that the Church establishment in the British, territories in the East Indies should be placed under the superintendence of a Bishop and three Archdeacons, and that adequate provision should be made, from the territorial revenues of India, for their maintenance.

13. "Resolved, That it is the opinion of this Committee, that it is the duty of this country to promote the interest and happiness of the native inhabitants of the British dominions in India, and that such measures ought to be adopted, as may tend to the introduction among them of useful knowledge, and of religious and moral improvement. That, in the furtherance of the above objects, sufficient facilities shall be afforded by law, to persons desirous of going to, and remaining in India for the purpose of accomplishing those benevolent designs.

"Provided always, that the authority of the local governments respecting the intercourse of Europeans with the interior of the country, be preserved, and that the principles of the British government, on which the natives of India have hitherto relied for the free exercise of their religion, be inviolably maintained.

14. "Resolved, That it is the opinion of this Committee, that it is expedient, that the statutes and regulations framed, or to be framed by the Court of Directors, for the good government of the college established by the East India Company, in the county of Hertford, and of the military seminary of the said Company, in the county of Kent, as well as the establishment of offices connected therewith, or the appointment of persons to fill such offices, be subject to the controul and regulation of the Commissioners for the Affairs of India; and that the power and authority of the Board of Commissioners for the Affairs of India, shall be construed to extend to the issuing or sending orders or instructions to the Court of Directors, for the purpose of their being transmitted to India, respecting the rules and regulations and establishments of the respective colleges at Calcutta and Fort St. George, or any other seminaries which may be hereafter established under the authority of the local governments.

"Provided always, that no writer shall be appointed into the service of the said Company at any of the presidencies of Fort William, Fort St. George, and Bombay, who shall not have received a course of instruction at the said college of Hertford."

Ordered, That the Report be taken into further consideration upon Friday.