moved a new clause to be added to the Bill, the purport of which was, that the election of two members for Helleston, and the election of two knights of the shire for the county of York, should cease; and that instead thereof two knights of the shire should be chosen for the West Riding of the county of York, and two for the North and East Riding.

said he did not see any necessity for such a clause.

The clause was then rejected without a division, and the Bill read a third time and passed.

moved that there be laid before the House extracts from the dispatch of sir G. Prevost, governor of Canada, bearing date in October, 1811, with respect to the state of the Catholic religion in that colony. The motion was agreed to. The hon. baronet then said, as notice had been given of a Bill to be brought in next session for the relief of the Roman Catholics, he felt it to be his duty again to move for the committee which he had called for in the present session. He therefore took that opportunity of giving notice, that he should, early in the next session of parliament, again move for the appointment of a committee, in the same words which he had used in his motion of the 11th of May last.

moved, That the Supplies voted for the Navy, Army, Ordnance, Vote of Credit, and Subsidies for Great Britain and Ireland, for the years 1805, 1806, 1807, 1808, 1809, 1810, 1811, 1812, and 1813, may be stated as follows; viz.

And a debate a rising in the House thereupon; it was ordered, That the debate be adjourned till Thursday.

Courtenay reported from the Committee appointed to consider of the Act 39 Geo. 3, c. 110, for the Augmentation of the Salaries of the Judges, &c. that they had come to the following Resolution:

"Resolved, That his Majesty be enabled to grant, under certain conditions to be limited, unto any person who shall have held the office of Chief Justice of the Court of King's-bench, or Master of the Rolls, or Chief Justice of the Court of Common Pleas, or Chief Baron of the Court of Exchequer, respectively, an additional annuity of 800l. to each of such persons; and to any person who shall have held the office of Puisne Justice of the Courts of King's-bench or Common Pleas, or Baron of the coif of the Court of Exchequer, an additional annuity of 600l. to each of such persons; such annuities to be granted to them respectively from the time of their resignation of such offices respectively."

Ordered, That a Bill be brought in upon the said Resolution.

presented a Petition from captain William Layman, of his Majesty's navy, setting forth, "That the petitioner has discovered a mode of increasing the strength and durability of timber, and of rendering forest trees fit for immediate service without the usual seasoning, by a process short and simple; and that this discovery, besides its national utility for general purposes, is of the greatest importance to his Majesty's navy; and that the petitioner has already demonstrated the reality of his discovery before the Board of Agriculture, in a course of experiments made in the presence of several members of both Houses of Parliament, which experiments are recorded in the minutes of that board; and that these experiments, however, fall considerably short of what the petitioner, by subsequent improvement of the process, is now able to effect; and therefore he humbly presumes to solicit the House, that they would adopt such means, as they may think proper, for the complete verification of the same, which the petitioner is ready to demonstrate in whatever manner he may be directed."

Ordered to lie upon the table.

moved the postponement of the further consideration of the Report till Monday.

said, understanding that the further discussion of this important subject would suit the convenience of the House better, by postponing it to Monday, he rose merely for the purpose of setting himself right, concerning some assertions which he had made on a preceding evening, and which had been contradicted by the right hon. gentleman opposite (Mr. Wharton.) In consequence of that right hon. gentleman's observations, the following communication had been made to him from five most respectable auctioneers:—

"Sir; in consequence of the observations you did our profession the honour to make on Friday evening last, and which were contradicted by Mr. Wharton and Mr. Vansittart, we deem it due to the feelings of Mr. George Robins, from whom you received the statement, and respectful towards you, who have so kindly advocated our cause, to state, that the observations you were authorised to make by Mr. Robins are strictly true; and, on reference to the minutes of a conversation which passed with Mr. Vansittart last year, we find the following passage relating to it:—Mr. Vansittart observed, 'that he should have full time to consider the Auction Bill during the recess—that he would consult and advise with the deputation, and see them from time to time—and that he would, in the course of the recess, communicate his sentiments and opinion in writing to them.'

"The Bill, however, passed all its stages, save only the Report, before we received any sort of intimation that it was again introduced into the House of Commons. Regarding the word 'experiment,' as made use of by Mr. Wharton, we state distinctly that he assured us be apprehended the Bill must undergo important alteration in the ensuing session, but he must, in the mean time, try the experiment; and lastly, he stated that our ob- jections to the Bill had now ceased. To this we reply by referring to a passage in our letter to Mr. Wharton, that the Bill is so oppressive in its principal feature, respecting estates, as to be reconcilable by no modifications whatever. We are, very respectfully, &c. R. WINSTANLEY, J. CHRISTIE, T. L. FORREST, D. R. MUNN, H. PHILLIPS."

Such being the representation which these gentlemen had made of that conversation, he would do little more than state the grounds on which be would enter his protest against the principles of the Bill. It appeared, however, highly desirable that some regulation should take place concerning mock auctions; and he would be glad to see some measure adopted for that purpose, which might not disturb the business of the legitimate auctioneers, for he should set his face against any regulation which made no distinction between the good and the bad. The Bill at present under consideration, although it had only been heard of within these few days, had excited considerable alarm. Letters from respectable professional persons at Bristol, and over all the kingdom, had already arrived in London, complaining of the intolerable hardships which its provisions imposed; and by a communication from a very intelligent gentleman, he was informed, if the Bill passed, an estate which he intended to dispose of, should be immediately withdrawn. The hardship in the regulations concerning the disposal of goods and chattels, appeared to be great, and the crown in all appearance would have a fresh accession of power, from the complicated securities to be given in the future sale of estates. The Solicitor of Excise would have a most profitable situation, provided the Bill passed, by drawing out multitudes of bonds, though he did not go so far as to say that the person who would draw the bonds, had any hand in drawing the Bill. He was glad that his observation respecting the printing of the Bill had contributed to make it public, and that its propositions had become the subject of discussion among intelligent men, in whose minds it had excited no inconsiderable apprehensions both for the welfare of a body of respectable persons, and the future prosperity of the revenue.

said, he had been given to understand, that the hon. proposer of the measure contemplated an alteration of that clause which regulated the sale of goods and chattels, so that it might be less objectionable to professional persons. 'He had likewise learned, that the clause which enacted security by bond for the duty on the sale of estates, was to be modified. Now, it appeared to him, that the latter clause, as it now stood, went to impose restrictions of a severe description on every landholder, who, from particular circumstances or family embarrassments, might find it necessary to dispose of his property. Other parts of the Bill were somewhat mysterious, and required explanation; for instance, in what manner were itinerant auctioneers to be distinguished from the respectable stationary auctioneers? Though he knew how to distinguish them himself, the Bill had not pretended to furnish him with any means of recognition, and he would be glad that the hon. proposer of the measure would state whom he contemplated as permanent, and whom as perambulating auctioneers.

informed the hon. gentleman, that he had been mis-informed with respect to his intentions of making alterations in those clauses which he had pointed out, he really had not contemplated any modification in the one or amendment in the other. With respect to the distinction drawn between resident and itinerant auctioneers, he conceived that it required little explanation, because every person knew a respectable Bond-street or Fleet-street auctioneer from one of those who perambulated the country and established for a few days a sale room in a village or a borough. Such was his manner of making the distinction, and he believed that the person who drew up the Bill contemplated the same when he framed the clause. Much difference of opinion, he believed, did exist concerning the first clause, but those who believed that the Bill had been brought in solely for the purpose of repressing mock auctions, had misunderstood the measure from its commencement, because it was intended from the beginning to be applied to another kind of practice. He alluded to a practice which he was informed had become pretty general, namely, that a person who had the sale of an estate in contemplation, communicated his resolution to another person likely to become a purchaser, and demanded a certain sum, say 10,000l. for his property; the other party, however, having duly considered the offer, comes to the determination of giving 8,000l. for the estate, and no more; upon which they come to the resolution, that the property shall be exposed to sale, which is accordingly done, and if it is not purchased for more than 8,000l. the estate is bought in, and the private bidder becomes the purchaser. Now, the duty on auctions he apprehended was imposed on the benefit of competition, and a considerable advantage was contemplated to arise from allowing the principle of competition to have full operation. To operate against that description of sales the first clause had been framed, and to which he believed the principle of auction duty was fairly applicable. He had always apprehended much difference would arise on that point, but he hoped he had made his views distinct to all who heard him. With respect to the statements of the conversation contained in the letter which the hon. gentleman opposite had communicated to the House, he begged leave to observe, that he had received a letter of the same description. He had, however, some recollection of the conversation which passed between his right hon. friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer and himself with those gentlemen, and that conference had left impressions on his mind something different from what it appeared to have made on theirs. He did not know whether this difference might not arise from the habitual politeness of these gentlemen's manners, which had softened their appearance of hostility to the measure, and caused him to meet them with something like correspondent affability. Certain it was, however, they, according to his recollection, signified their satisfaction.—[Mr. Whitbread whispered across the table, "With your civility, perhaps, but not with the Bill."]—No, he understood they were satisfied with the Bill; he had no remembrance of the expression concerning making an experiment of the measure. It was nonsense as applied to the Bill in contemplation, and could never have been employed, except in a vague and uncertain manner in those little hesitations which sometimes arose in conversation. The Bill was brought in for the purpose of meeting an acknowledged evil, and he hoped it would be carried into effect with some inconsiderable modifications.

said, he apprehended that the hon. gentleman who spoke last had mistaken the principle of the measure entirely. It appeared to him, that the case which he bad mentioned of disposing of an estate for 8,000l. was liable to a very different construction; for in all probability the estate would be purchased at the auction room for more than what had been contemplated, by some hundreds of pounds, by which means the revenue would gain considerably. A gentleman, a friend of his, had informed him that an experiment of a kind similar to that at present under consideration had been introduced in France. Formerly it appeared the rate of auction duty in that country was only one-half per cent. but the new measure increased it to three per cent. which banished auctions wholly from Brussels, Bourdeaux, and other places, and had an effect so mischievous on the auctions at Paris, that the government very recently taking into consideration the great decrease of revenue, and seeing the warehouses filled with old fashioned merchandize, which the auctions were wont to remove, consented to relinquish their enactments, and frame a measure more tolerant and consequently more productive. Such being the situation of France under similar regulations, he sincerely hoped that the lesson might induce the ministers of Britain to consent to the postponement or the final renunciation of the present measure.

declared that it became the duty of the House to consider whether the present revenue arising from auctions would in all probability be of the same amount with an extensive diminution of sales, which every reasonable person might contemplate. An alteration, he perceived, had been made in the period for which bonds had to be given in case of estates being bought in: now this tended little to diminish the difficulties: of the auctioneers; the sales might not be concluded for a considerable period, and the influence of the bonds still continued. Now, in case of the property being bona fide bought in, and not sold by private contract within the twelvemonth, the time limited, application might be made to certain commissioners, who were empowered to grant relief, provided that every thing was duly proved. But no relief was to be granted unless the authenticity of the auction was fully and satisfactorily proved—unless it was made manifest that the auctioneer had. exalted his voice in a very audible manner, till all the audience were satisfied of the sum bidden, and the commissioners themselves were convinced that the professional gentleman had repeatedly proclaimed the amount of the biddings, and also that every person had heard and were satisfied. That extraordinary accumula- tion of proofs tended to involve the auctioneers in distress and difficulty. He was sure if the Bill passed that any auctioneer in a respectable employment would hesitate to continue his profession any longer, and all who had estates to sell would hesitate to offer them up to sale. He could almost name the person who framed this measure—he was some gentleman very assiduous about the Board of Excise, but he apprehended that persons who were in the habit of collecting revenue paid little attention to the sources of its prosperity, and the consequence was, when they proceeded to legislate, their measures might be productive of embarrassment and mischief. The ministers ought to pass that part of the Bill which remedied the evils arising from mock auctions, and postpone the part relating to resident auctioneers till all the parties had leisure to consider it and come to some proper determination.

apprehended that the measure interfered too far with the transfer of property, and might be exceedingly injurious to the stamp and consideration duties. The bonds proposed to be entered into were an incumbrance upon property, and would have the effect of charging the land to a considerable amount. Did they expect that trustees would give bonds that would encumber the lands of others which they were appointed to protect? The measure originated in a desire to relieve the fair trader from the evil operation of the mock auctions, and it appeared highly improper to engraft something on the Bill of a very different nature and principle. Let them have a Bill for the protection of the fair trader, and then let them have a separate Bill for imposing an additional duty on him, but do not couple such dissonant propositions together. Besides, he apprehended that hawkers and pedlars, against whom appeared no clause in the Bill, would be enabled to become formidable rivals to the legitimate traders. From every circumstance he really thought the hon. gentleman might be induced to acquiesce in the proposal for the postponement of the measure to another session.

said, that a large body of respectable auctioneers of the city of London had waited on him in the morning and gave him to understand, that if the Bill passed the House their business would be annihilated.

declared that the measure had grown out of applications and suggestions made to the Treasury, and from the moment that it originated he had in contemplation both the legitimate and itinerant auctioneers, he never dreamed of availing himself of a popular measure to introduce by way of appendage, one that was unpopular.

maintained that the Bill interfered most essentially with the transfer of landed property, which was already sufficiently encumbered. It became the duty of the House to remove rather than create impediment of transfer, and nothing tended so much to retard the improvement of land as the difficulty he had mentioned. The Bill would increase to an enormous degree the difficulty of selling lands by auction, and at present there were scarcely any other mode of getting a purchaser. A measure of a magnitude so serious deserved further consideration; auctions were of public benefit, for through their means people found an outlet to their accumulated quantities of goods which could not be got rid of in the common way. The difficulties of the times occasioned these mock auctions, and with returning prosperity they would die away of their own accord. He concluded by moving, as an amendment to the motion, "That the Report should be taken into further consideration on this day three months."

expressed his surprize at a motion for which he could not be at all prepared. If the hon. gentleman objected to one clause, against which alone any objection had been urged, he might propose on Monday to omit the clause; but to propose the entire rejection of the Bill, did really strike him with astonishment. It was, indeed, taking him unawares, for had he expected such a motion he should have taken occasion to enter into details, and to urge the various reasons which induced the preparation of this measure. As to mock auctions and itinerant auctions, the hon. gentleman was mistaken in supposing that they were not productive of great evil. In fact, not only a fraud was committed upon those poor innocent people who were induced to buy at such auctions, but a great encouragement was given to robbery, by the quick and easy means which these auctions afforded for disposing of stolen goods. A case had, indeed, come to his knowledge which illustrated the fact—a gentleman having been arrested in London, and taken to Bow-street upon the charge of stealing a case of pistols found in his lodgings, which pistols were stolen from a nobleman in town, whose house had been burglariously entered some time before. But the gentleman arrested had, it turned out, bought the pistols at one of these mock auctions at Lynn, in Norfolk. Many such sales, however, were, no doubt, made at such auctions, and that was among the reasons which suggested the necessity of this part of the Bill, to which he trusted the hon. gentleman would not seriously object; and as to the part which the hon. gentleman opposed, a proposition to rescind it, would, he submitted, come before the House with much more propriety on Monday next.

suggested the propriety of giving a pledge not to press the objectionable part of the Bill on Monday, nor until the next session; and in that case he presumed that the hon. gentleman on the other side would have no objection to withdraw his amendment. But even should the amendment be carried, no public inconvenience could follow, because that part of the Bill which referred to mock auctions, might be again brought forward in a separate Bill.

admitted, that he himself felt some of the objections urged against the part of the Bill particularly alluded to by the hon. gentleman who had just sat down, and by other members also. He intended therefore to propose on Monday certain modifications of the measure, but he felt it his duty to persist in supporting the principle of the first clause, with which his objections were connected.

was of opinion, that as so many gentlemen declared their inability to attend on Monday, and as the Chancellor of the Exchequer expressed his determination to persist in the principle objected to, it would be advisable to come to a decision that evening, and therefore he should support the amendment. Indeed, the question was so important, affecting as it did all the landed interest of the country, considering that no less than landed property to the amount of five millions was annually disposed of by auction, and that the auction duty exceeded 380,000l. a year, that no time should be lost in disposing of a measure that materially endangered such extensive interest.

supported the amendment.

disapproved of that part of the Bill which referred to the sale of landed property, but wished the part relating to mock-auctions to pass into law.

spoke against the auction duty upon land altogether, thinking that the whole duty should be imposed upon the conveyance, which would serve much to simplify business. Under the provisions of this Bill he thought that great litigation, with some difficulty in making out titles, was too likely to arise, and for this, with other reasons already stated, he should vote for the amendment.

conceiving that every day must be calculated to take away from the number of those who were at present disposed to join with him in opposing the present Bill, at least in the objectionable features already pointed out; while, at the same time, the Chancellor of the Exchequer declined giving any assurance that he should not push this part of the measure, on the contrary, that he adhered to the principle of it, he must press his motion.

said, the clause now objected to was an original part of the present measure.

thought the measure in many parts objectionable, and that it was incumbent on every landed proprietor to stay in town and oppose it.

hoped the right hon. gentleman would consent to the delay proposed. The Chancellor of the Exchequer, he was convinced, had been ignorant of the contents of the clause in question, till he had come into the House that night. He observed the right hon. gentleman, and marked his surprise while he was reading the clause; and hoped, as gentlemen were about immediately to leave town, the right hon. gentleman would either withdraw the Bill intirely, or would divide it into two, throwing aside that part of it which had been represented, and be believed justly, would in its effects be so destructive both to the revenue and to the landed interest.

was against the clause objected to.

should vote for going into the committee, though he did not say he should vote for the clause in question.

seeing the sense of the House to be against the measure, agreed to put it off.

remonstrated against the postponement of that part of the Bill which went to suppress mock auctions. By pursuing a middle course, he thought the Bill might be made palatable and serviceable to all parties.

was unwilling to separate the provisions which regarded the fair trader, from those which concerned the revenue.

entreated his right hon. friend to reconsider the matter, and not by abandoning the Bill, to subject the fair trader to a continuance of those disadvantages under which he now laboured.

said, after what he had now heard from the House, he must persevere in his motion for going into committee on this Bill on Monday.

was aware, that this was not the first Bill, containing disagreeable clauses, which the House had been forced to adopt, lest they should lose the benefits expected from the general enactments of the Bill.

conceived the evil sought to be checked by the Bill to be so great, that he hoped it should not be lost without a vote. He hoped the right hon. gentleman would agree to divide it into two.

The question for the House going into the Committee on, the Bill, on Monday, was then put and negatived without a division; and the Bill was ordered to be committed this day three months.

having moved that the House should resume in a Committee the consideration of the Bill, the Speaker left the chair, and the Committee proceeded to the discussion of the remaining clauses. His lordship called the attention of the Committee to the clause which related to the appropriation of the East India Company's funds. That clause, he observed, had been very generally misunderstood. It certainly was not the design of the framers of the Bill to take out of the Company's hands the application of any funds which they were in legal possession of, and which they might dispose of to the general advantage of the proprietors. The great object in view was, to draw more clearly than it at present existed, and to ascertain with all possible precision, a distinct line between the territorial and commercial transactions of the Company. It was fair, and in every respect reasonable, that the Company, when paying in Europe for the expenditure occasioned by political affairs in Asia, should be enabled to meet the calls thus made upon them; and they might, in that case, be obliged to draw the money requisite for such exi- gencies from their commercial revenue. This, of course, could be easily effected, by carrying to the next year the excess of payments, if any happened, and by making the deductions which might be necessary. With respect to bills of exchange which were or might be payable for commercial transactions, it appeared perfectly consistent that they should be paid out of the commercial funds. He did not approve of the principle by which the dividends of the Company were settled at 10½ per cent.; but the best guard for securing that per centage, was to prevent the political from pressing upon the commercial expenditure. When he alluded to the per centage of 10½ he meant that in the true sense of commercial speculation, and the general spirit of the country for trade, it would be altogether absurd to call upon the legislature to countenance any proposition for fixing the dividends at that rate. If such a proposition were entertained, it would evidently tend to pledge the legislature to any idle and improvident system which the Company might adopt, for it would be always a settled point that the proprietors should receive their dividends of 10½ per cent. The noble lord concluded, by stating that be should move clauses for distinctly dividing, according to certain regulations, the territorial and commercial funds of the Company, allowing at the same time to them every facility, consistent with the general interests of the empire, for the enjoyment of their political system, and their trading concerns.

had one question to ask, supposing after payment of the dividend, the commercial profits should not be sufficient to discharge the territorial engagements, from what fund were such engagements to be paid?

said, the funds in India would be sufficient to discharge the engagements there. He presumed the Company would not be inclined to hold out that there were not funds in India sufficient to pay the debts in India.

was afraid that this fund might be absorbed by wars in India.

objected to the commercial fund being subject to the appropriation by the Board of Controul, being in that manner liable to be applied to the payment of territorial engagements.

replied, that he did not think the hon. member had argued the question very solidly, for it was one of equity, as to the taking the whole of the funds, and not founded upon a distinction of territorial and commercial funds.

supported the views of the hon. member (Mr. Robinson). He was not prepared to suggest what kind of remedy the case required; but he Was decidedly of opinion that some remedy ought to be provided. He wished that the Company should be secured from the necessity of occasional applications to parliament for relief; and he thought that their surplus revenue should be appropriated in such a way as to secure the dividend to the bond-holder and proprietor, and to enable the Company to meet their territorial engagements by supplying the deficit of one year from the excess of another.

sen. argued on the same side.

denied that the commercial profits of the Company were to be applied solely to transactions in which their interest was concerned, and contended, that the public had an interest created by the boon of the China trade granted to the Company, in the profits of that trade. Those profits were not to be given the Company as commercial profits, but were reserved as applicable to general purposes of the government of India, and in the management of which government and the public had an undoubted interest.

wished to obtain from the noble lord a distinct avowal of what was to be the appropriation of the Company's surplus revenue.

said, it was not judicious in the Company to claim aid for a case which had never been exemplified: viz. when the China and India trade should not produce a sufficiency to pay the dividend. The China trade, too, could not with propriety be termed the property of the Company. The Company would not, by the clause as it stood, be burthened by the bills of exchange.

said, the Company only claimed that if 20 years profit amounted to 20 years dividend, they should not be deprived of the latter, on account of the deficiency of any one particular year.

said the Company would be in a worse state than before, their commercial affairs being subjected to the superintendance of government.

intimated his intention to propose several clauses,—when lord Cas- tlereagh should bring on his propositions concerning the appropriation of the commercial and territorial revenues,—to lay aside a modicum for founding schools for the literature of the natives, wherein they should be themselves the teachers; and for communicating the sciences to them through the medium of Europeans.

proposed a regulation by which the Company were to keep separate their commercial accounts, which, after some conversation, was withdrawn. Several other clauses were passed, after observations from different members.

On the clause for providing that 20,000 of the King's troops should be maintained in India at the expence of the Company,

objected to the clause, as being a larger number than was hitherto authorised by law to be employed.

observed; that although a much smaller number had been stated in the last act, yet it was found, in point of fact, that many more troops were necessary there than was calculated upon at that time, and that the number employed was above 20,000 men. It would not now be argued, that India was not able to maintain her own military establishment; and without, at least, 20,000 troops being employed there, no reasonable confidence could be placed in the security of our Eastern empire. It must be recollected that our territory in the East had nearly trebled since 1793, and that an increased military establishment became necessary.

wished the number of the regiments to be employed there, with the complement of each regiment, to be specified, as he conceived that the Company were now paying for 16 regiments, when they ought only to pay for 12.

thought it evident, that if the Company were obliged to pay for 20,000 men, they had a right to ask, that to diminish the expence as much as possible, this force should be divided into as few regiments as possible, which should be kept up complete.

thought the Company had no right to ask of the state to do that for them which they could not do for themselves. It was the wish of government to have the regiments at home as complete as possible, but it was not possible to keep them all complete. It was, however, the constant practice to send to India the regiments that were the fullest; and it was often found difficult to find a regiment full enough to send to India.

observed that as a regiment in India was a situation of great patronage and profit to the colonel, there was an interest which might be made for having a great number of regiments although in an incomplete state.

After a protracted conversation, the clause was finally agreed to. It was agreed, on the motion of Mr. Robinson, that a list of all the pensions granted by the Court of Directors should be laid before parliament. The clause that the bishop and archdeacons should not engage in trade, was, on the motion of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, expunged as implying a reproach on the clergy.

stated, that the majority of the British, resident in India, were Scotch; and that in consequence of there being no church of their religious persuasion in India, they were prevented from attending divine service. He therefore wished that a clergyman of that persuasion should be sent out to each presidency. with moderate salaries assigned them.

said, his right hon. friend was only feeling his ground; but should he succeed on the narrow ground on which he went at present, a principle of great importance would be established—that when an establishment should be made in any of the settlements for the church of England, one must also be made for the kirk of Scotland, and the kirk of Scotland must necessarily be established in all its dependencies.

Several other gentlemen rose to express their opinions on this subject, but on Mr. Lushington remarking that it was irregular to discuss the question, as the right hon. member had made no distinct proposal, the subject was dropped.

then proposed two or three clauses relative to the appropriation of a sum of money for the promotion of native literature in the East, for the encouragement of sciences among the natives, and for the establishment of a native college or colleges.

sen. though friendly to the encouragement of literature and science, conceived that it was going too far to establish a college for the continuation of native prejudices and errors; in fact, to institute a Mahometan college for the Mahometan religion.

professed himself friendly to the principle of the clauses, though he thought there might be some objection to the method of carrying it into effect.

The clauses were then received, with an understanding that they should be debated on the Report.

then proposed a clause for the appointment of three Scotch clergymen, one at each presidency, with a salary of 1,000l. per annum each.

thought the House would act inconsistently, if it adopted the last clause and rejected this.

insisted that the House had not adopted the last clause except for discussion, and that they appeared disinclined to this.

maintained that the church of Scotland was as much a national establishment as the church of England; and unless it was agreed, that India belonged to England and not to the United Kingdom, all those motives of decency, dignity, and decorum, which applied in support of a church establishment, went also to favour the support of the Presbyterian church, especially as it had been stated that the Scotch in India exceeded the English by two to one.

thought the argument went too far: it went to say that wherever there was an establishment for the Church, there should be one also for the Presbytery.

sen. thought the clause ought to be adopted.

supported the clause.

A division then took place.

The different clauses having been gone through, the chairman obtained leave to report the Bill with the amendments to the House. The Report was then brought up and ordered to be taken into further consideration on Monday.