asked upon what ground the sum of 50,000l. was selected as the amount of the proposed grant to Mr. Palmer, particularly after committees of that House had reported that this gentleman was entitled to 84,000l. in addition to his salary from the Post Office.

replied, that the sum alluded to by the right hon. gentleman was inserted in the Bill, because it was estimated to be a fair reward for the ingenuity of Mr. Palmer's invention, and he supposed that those who thought that gentleman should have more, would not object to the Bill, especially as Mr. Palmer had expressed himself content with the proposed grant.

differed from the right hon. gentleman's estimate of Mr. Palmer's services. But he wished to know whether it was intended to grant Mr. Palmer a clear sum of 50,000l. for if the grant were to include all, he really believed, that from the expences incurred by that gentleman in prosecuting his claim, he would not have to receive above 35,000l. This diminished grant he was, however, disposed to consider as a sacrifice to a party in the other House, who, although the privilege of granting money belonged to the Commons, had succeeded in repeatedly defeating the declared sense of this House to do justice to Mr. Palmer—and this proceeding was taken without even requiring any conference with the Lords to ascertain the reasons of such repeated rejection. Mr. Palmer might be induced, under all the circumstances, to express himself content with the proposed arrangements; but as a member of parliament and a friend to justice, he felt it his duty to oppose it.

said, that it was not his intention to propose any farther grant than that specified in the Bill. As to the expences incurred by that gentleman, the public could not be fairly called upon to indemnify him.

could easily conceive that the spirit of Mr. Palmer, wearied out by repeated disappointments, might consent to accept less than the fair amount of his claim, but that could not reconcile his mind to the proposition. However, as it would be competent to any member of that House, notwithstanding this measure, to move in a future session for a farther grant to Mr. Palmer, he should not in that understanding oppose the motion.

vindicated the grounds upon which he had opposed the demand of Mr. Palmer; and as to the observation of the right hon. gentleman, he could not conceive it any attack upon the privileges of that House, because the Lords having a voice in the enactment of any legislative measure thought proper upon this occasion to differ from it.

The Bill was read a third time and passed.

after observing that he was about to submit a motion, which it was the intention of Mr. Perceval (had not his lamentable catastrophe prevented it) to have brought under the consideration of the House, proposed that an advance should be made to the American commissioners. These commissioners had been acting under the authority of that House for no less than nine years, without receiving any pay or allowance, and were they to be paid only according to the rate of ordinary commissioners, they would be entitled to 4,500l. a year, which would produce a demand of 45,000l. Their demand amounted to 60,000l. but into the merits of this demand he did not at present propose to enter. He could not, however, feel it fair towards those gentlemen to allow another session to pass over without making them some advance, and therefore he had to move an Address to the Regent, praying "that the sum of 25,000l. net, to be advanced on account to Thomas Macdonald, esq. and John Guillemard, esq. two of the commissioners appointed for distributing the money stipulated to be paid by the United States of America, under the Convention made between his Majesty and the said United States, and to the personal representatives of Henry Pye Rich, esq. another of the said commissioners, for their care, assiduity, and attention in the execution of the trust reposed in them by parliament."

asked, whether these commissioners had been, since the period of their appointment, as actively and generally employed as other parliamentary commissioners usually were, as if so, they were no doubt entitled each to 1,500l. a year.

answered in the affirmative, stating that these commissioners were distinguished for their assiduity and intelligence, and that they had, by their investigations, reduced claims, originally amounting to five millions, to about 1,400,000l.

The motion was agreed to.

referring to the rejection of this Bill in the House of Lords, which excited his surprise, as well he believed as that of the majority of those he addressed, gave notice of his intention, at the earliest period of the next session, again to bring forward the same Bill.

said, that as a member of the Helleston Committee, he felt peculiar solicitude upon this subject, and from the scandalous transactions disclosed before that Committee, he was most anxious that if any vacancy should occur in the course of the recess, the House should come to a resolution, or take some proceeding, if consistent with parliamentary usage, to prevent the Speaker from issuing his writ for a new election. Some measure of this nature he really thought necessary, in order to guard the House from the disgrace of any representative who might be again returned by such practices as had taken place at the Helleston election.

observed, that no such proceeding as the noble lord wished for was at all practicable, the Speaker being bound to proceed as the act of parliament prescribed.

said, that he should certainly, in such a case, feel himself bound by the statute.

rose to make his motion on this subject, for an Address to the Prince Regent, praying for information respecting all communications with the Prince Regent of Portugal, on the steps taken by that government, in pursuance of the treaty of the 19th of February, 1810, concluded at Rio de Janeiro, as to the provisions for taking efficacious measures for the gradual abolition of the Slave Trade. The latter part of his Address was taken from the express words of the Treaty itself; in which the Regent of Portugal declared his conviction of the impolicy and injustice of the Slave Trade. The House had offered advice on such subjects, both in 1806 and 1810, when the sense of parliament was expressed strongly; and he believed government had acted sincerely in consequence—which sincerity was shewn in an article in the late Treaty with Sweden.—If the information he had received was correct, and he had every reason to believe it was so, then it would appear, that notwithstanding the Regent of Portugal's wishes to abolish the slave trade, the Portuguese trade in slaves, bad, since we relinquished it, been greatly increased, and under fresh circumstances of aggravation and oppression. The Portuguese had taken the ground which we had abandoned in Africa, and by so doing, had disappointed the fair hopes we had entertained of redressing the wrongs of injured Africa, and checked the means of carrying civilization and improvement to that suffering country. Thwarted as we thus were, it had now become time to institute some enquiry, in order to know what measures the Portuguese government had taken to fulfil the treaty. The Portuguese regulations were formerly humane, and contained many precautions. At that time their trade was chiefly on the south west coast of Africa; but a peculiar aggravation of the case, was their recent extension of it to the north, without the same regulations which they had applied to traffic in the south: the result of which was, that they crowded numbers of unfortunate fellow-creatures into small vessels, forming a most detestable scene of misery. They were stowed together, as it was called, spoon-wise, so as to make the decks one area of human flesh. There was no air for days together in that hot climate, and many were of course suffocated, and destroyed by the small-pox, and other infectious and disgusting diseases. These sorrows had actually been extended since the Portuguese engaged to stop them. He hoped the Portuguese Regent would hear of such things with unfeigned concern, from what he had heard of his character. No man, more often than himself, had reflected with pleasure on the long friendship of the two countries. He recollected strong instances of Portuguese fidelity to our alliance, particularly in the seven years war, when Portugal was suddenly threatened by France and Spain with the bombardment of her capital, if she did not renounce her connection with us. The king declared he would prefer that calamity to quitting his connection with England. He trusted the Regent would feel equally alive to his treaty, in which the interests of justice and humanity were concerned. Dearly as he valued this ancient mutual attachment, connected, as he believed it to be, with the true interests of both countries, yet he, for one, could not endure the idea, that while we were supporting Portugal by land and by sea, we should be also supporting a system of cruelty and tyranny, in the face of a positive agreement. Any treaty on any other subject government would feel bound to see enforced. The dreadful evils he adverted to were augmenting daily; and he thought that himself and the House would be chargeable to God and man, if they did not take all proper steps to put an end to them. However justly popular the cause and alliance of Portugal were to this country, yet he must say, that if our attachment to them could not continue, but by the continuation and the increase of such mighty and deplorable evils, all those who were animated by a sense of their duty to God, and to their fellow creatures,—all who regarded the universal rights of nature,—all who felt the common sentiments of humanity,—all who believed in that protection of Providence, which might be forfeited by great acts of national injustice, would rather give it up than pay for it at so cruel a price. But he trusted that we were not yet reduced to so painful a necessity: and that the Portuguese Regent would be induced to correct the evil. In Spain attention had been excited; and a committee appointed to enquire into the circumstances of the slave trade: he hoped they would abolish it. He thought he saw a good omen of this in their abolishing another shameful system,—that of the Inquisition. If the regent of Portugal did not attend to the stipulations of the treaty, the sentiments of friendship for him in this country, would be changed for others of a very different complexion. He concluded by moving the Address.

supported the Address.

said, it was unquestionably advisable to know what steps the Portuguese government had taken. He was perfectly aware of the forbearance of the hon. mover, in not pressing the subject before. There had been no want of exertion on our part, of which the hon. gentleman was convinced. A main objection to the motion was, that at this period of the session, no benefit could be produced by discussion. He therefore wished it to be withdrawn, with a notice for an early consideration of it, next session. Government had met with great difficulties in this business; but were not without all hope, that in the interim between this and next session, some more satisfactory arrangement might be concluded. Indeed, it would be hardly fair to the Portuguese government, to lay all the information before the House, in its present state.

would not object to the withdrawing of the motion; but he thought that more than justice had been already done to the Portuguese government, who seemed to wish to creep out of the engagement. The trade of the Brazils and Portugal was entirely protected by our navy, and we had a right to see our treaties duly executed.

thought it right to persist in the motion, as it would give government stronger grounds in their representations to the court of Portugal, which, virtually existing by our protection, was the only European nation concerned in this shameful traffic, except the more limited participation in it by Spain. The little settlement of the Portuguese in the north of Africa had become the general mart and focus of the slave trade, and prevented all amelioration of Africa in that quarter.

jun. rose to express his sentiments briefly. Unless unceasing vigilance was used on this great question, all the bright hopes, and all the solemn enactments of parliament, would be rendered useless. Efforts had, indeed, been made even here, to evade the abolition of the slave trade; but the wisdom of the legislature had, in a great degree defeated them. He was glad to hear and believe that government were serious and anxious; but it was singular that the only power that encouraged the slave trade was that whose fate was bound up in our greatness, and for whose cause we had exerted unexampled spirit and liberality. Were there no treaty, the knowledge of our views ought to obtain something; but when the treaty was so positive, it was surprising to see the annual introduction of a factitious and foreign people into the Brazils, with- out gradual prohibition, but on the contrary, rapid accumulation. The House should never retreat from its pledges, but always testify its horror and disgust at this iniquitous traffic. It was shocking after all that had been accomplished, that the system should remain, with all its complicated machinery of crimes and sorrows, to as large an extent as when we pronounced our glorious decision against its existence. How could we justify ourselves from criminality, if we failed to exert our due influence, or connived at the baseness of those who carried on the traffic under the shadow of that naval superiority, by the protection of which alone Portugal traversed the seas? The abolition was not merely intended to absolve the national conscience, and wash out the deep and damned spots of our iniquity; it was intended also to open some better views for oppressed and wronged Africa, and generous attempts had been made to soothe her sorrows. But where was the hope of consummating so noble an object, if 70 or 80,000 wretched Africans were to be annually dragged from their native land, and sent in chains to slavery on a foreign soil? Let that House feel in common with every generous heart in the country. As we had inflicted upon Africa an irreparable injury, let us feel a just anxiety to sink our injustice in oblivion, by deeds of kindness and of humanity; by binding up the wounds which we had given her, and by diffusing over her the various comforts, charities, and blessings of civilized and social life.

thought he should lose nothing practical by yielding to the noble lord's request, as he believed government to be sincere and zealous in the cause. If necessary to renew his motion next session, he trusted it would be agreed to unanimously. He paid very high compliments to gentlemen who had spoken, particularly to the last speaker.

The motion was then withdrawn.

after a few prefatory remarks upon the State of our Currency, to which he thought it peculiarly necessary to call the attention of the House, proposed the following Resolutions:—I. "That it is declared by the indenture between his Majesty and the officers of the Mint, bearing date the 28th Nov. 1771, that the right standard of his Majesty's monies of crown gold is, in regard to the piece which is called a guinea, or 21 shilling piece, that there shall be 44 of these, and one ten shilling and sixpenny piece in the pound weight troy, of the fineness of 22 carats of fine gold, and 2 carats of allay; and that every pound weight troy of monies of gold shall be in value 46l. 14s. 6d. 2. That according to this standard the guinea, or 21 shilling piece contains 5 dwts. 8 grs. of gold. 3. That prior to the restriction of cash payments by the Bank of England in 1797, the paper of that Bank, of the nominal value of 21 shillings, was of the marketable value of 5 dwts. 8 grs. of gold, because it was convertible, on demand, into a guinea. 4. That the value of a pound weight troy of gold coin, or of gold bullion of equal fineness, in Bank of England paper, of which the general currency now consists, has of late been 66l. 5. That according to this value of gold, the paper of that Bank of the nominal value of 21 shillings, is of the marketable value of 3 dwts. 19 grs. of gold. 6. That the difference between the value of his Majesty's gold coin, and the value of the paper money of the Bank of England, is equal to the difference between 5 dwts. 8 grs. and 3 dwts. 19 grs. of gold. That is to say, the value of Bank paper money is less than the value of his Majesty's money by 28 per cent. 7. That the House will, early in the next session of parliament, take this circumstance into its most serious consideration, with a view to restore the currency to that value, which is declared by his Majesty's indenture to be the right standard of the money of England."—The first Resolution being read,

said, that he did not conceive it necessary to repeat the arguments upon which the House had, after mature deliberation, come to conclusions which the hon. baronet's Resolutions proposed to overthrow, and therefore he should content himself with moving, "that this House do now adjourn." Which motion was agreed to, and the House accordingly adjourned to the 20th instant.