rose and observed, that, according to the standing order of their House, new notices ought to have been given to those individuals who had signified their consent to the cutting of this canal. The present was a Bill to amend a former Bill passed in the last session; but the amendments were of a description that wholly altered the original Act. It totally changed and varied the line of the canal; and it became a question for consideration, whether those who had assented to the first plan, were bound to consent to the second; he should therefore move, that the Report be received this day six months.

observed, that the question which had been raised by the hon. member was one important to the safety of their own proceedings, and the interests of private property and he therefore wished the attention of the House to be particularly given to it Here was a Bill, founded upon one that had passed last session, but essentially changing its object and character, and which assumed as a principle, that the parties interested in the first were formally bound to consent to the present, though avowedly producing an opposite result from that to which they had originally assented, He could not better illustrate his own conception of the case, than by supposing a canal to be cut, one end of which should terminate at a coal-pit, and the other at a chalk-pit: the persons interested in this undertaking consent to it; but if, afterwards, it were resolved to stop short, and to carry the canal neither to the coal-pit nor the chalk-pit, but only through an intermediate space, it could hardly be assumed, that the parties who had in the first instance agreed to the plan were also consenting to the alteration, when it accomplished neither of the purposes they might be supposed to have in view. Something analogous to this he conceived the present question to be; and it was for the House to consider how they would dispose of it.

said, the House was not correctly in possession of the object of the amended Bill. Its object was, to proceed immediately with part of the work; but it by no means implied that the whole line of canal would not be subsequently cut.

suggested, that the better way would be to let the Bill proceed through its present stage, and postpone the third reading for eight or ten days; to give the parties time to petition upon the question of the standing order. This proposition was acceded to by Mr. Brand.

wished the hon. baronet had explained the nature and extent of the duties to be paid by vessels, according to this Bill; and how far they were different from those already levied by former Acts.

observed, in reply, that there was no port from Portsmouth to London where ships could enter, except Ramsgate; it was but fair, therefore, that they should pay towards, defraying the expences incident to keeping the harbour in a safe and good state.

presented at the bar copies of the Treaties signed on the 1st of March last, between this country and Austria, Russia, and Prussia; and also a copy of the Convention for the Cessation of Hostilities between England and France, signed at Paris on the 23d of April. Having moved that they should be upon the table; he observed, that nothing more would be necessary at present, than to observe, that the consideration of the Convention, and of the Subsidiary Treaties, would take place in a Committee of Supply.

enquired whether the right hon. gentleman and his colleagues had come to a determination not to submit to the House those papers relative to the negociation at Chatillon, which were prepared for it, but which, in consequence of the subsequent extraordinary events in Europe, they had deemed it proper to withhold. He did not see how it would be possible to consider the Treaties now laid before them, without the communication of those antecedent documents.

said, he was not aware, that it was the intention of government to submit those papers to the House; but, at a future period, when the subsidies themselves were under their consideration, it would be competent for any member to move for their production.

.—Then it is determined upon, that they shall be refused?

replied, that he was not prepared to signify that they would be refused.

wished to ask another question, whether any advances of money had been made to any or all of the Allied Powers, subsequent to, and in consequence of, the Treaties that were signed? He did not mean to imply, that any advances so made would have been improper; but he wished to know the fact.

answered, that to some of the Allied Powers advances had been given out of the provision which had been made at the conclusion of the last session, for the general purpose of assisting the Allies.

. Have any advances been made subsequent to the signing to the signing of treaties at Chaumont?

.—Some advances have been made subsequent to the signing of the treaties at Chaumont.

rose to move for some papers respecting the situation of Norway, to the production of which he understood there would be no objection. The hon. gentleman then moved, that there should be laid before the House,

"An account of all sums of money paid to the government of Sweden, in consequence of the Treaty entered into between that country and this, signed March 3, 1813.—An account of the number of troops employed by the government of Sweden in the late campaign, in conformity with its engagements with this country, so far as the same can be ascertained from official documents;—The date of the surrender of the island of Guadaloupe by this country, and of the occupation thereof by the king of Sweden; and, Copies of all orders issued from the Admiralty, for the blockade of the coast of Norway."

In submitting this motion to the House, he wished to ask, whether any negociation respecting Norway was now going on; or whether, from the hostile measure of starving them into a compliance with the demands of Sweden, which had been adopted, there was no room left for negociation?—In the union which was proposed between Norway and Sweden, it was stated that it should take place with every regard to the happiness of the people of Norway; and the first fruits of this was the system of starvation to which he had alluded. He had further to ask, why the treaty of peace with Denmark had not been produced?

observed, addressing himself to the Chancellor of the Exchequer, that he had a few evenings since asked, whether his Majesty's government had, in the general order for the release of prisoners of war in this country, made any distinction with regard to the Danish prisoners? The right hon. gentleman (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) then said, he did not know of any such distinction; and, indeed, as he (Mr. Horner) understood we were in relations of peace with the crown of Denmark, he was not disposed to believe that such a distinction had existed. He had since, however, received an assurance, that an order had been issued by the Transport Board to detain the Danish prisoners of war. This was a subject on which he thought the House of Commons ought not to be left in doubt; he trusted, therefore, that the right hon. gentleman would now answer, whether such really was the case or not?

said, that with respect to the motion of the hon. gentleman (Mr. C. W. Wynn), he was not aware of any objection to the production of the information he required, as far as it could be given from official documents. As to the question, whether any negociations were now going on with respect to Norway, he had no difficulty in saying that such negociations were pending.—With respect to the non-production of the Treaty of Peace with Denmark, he begged to observe, that before it could with propriety be laid before the House, it should be regularly exchanged with that court. This had not yet been done; but as soon as it had, that Treaty would be added to the other documents on the table of the House. He had only to add, what he had before stated, that he knew of no distinction between the Danish and other prisoners of war; except that he understood a gentleman had arrived upon that subject from the Danish government; in consequence of whose interference some little delay had taken place: but he knew of no other cause of detention.

said, he was happy to hear from the right hon. gentleman that negociations were still carrying on respecting Norway. He was happy, not for Norway as a power, but for Norway as a people. The case of Norway, he believed, was not much understood in this country; it was one, however, worthy of the most serious and solemn consideration. They had been told, that the ratifications of the Treaty between England and Denmark had not yet been exchanged; but they had not been told why. For himself, he found it difficult to imagine a reason, when he reflected on the distance between the two countries. Not only, however, were the ratifications unexchanged, but the treaty had not even found its way into the usual channels of intelligence in this country—he meant the daily journals. He had himself been utterly ignorant of its stipulations, till very lately, that a copy of it passed into his hands; and upon examining them, he found the second article provided that "all prisoners of war should be given up, en masse, immediately after the ratification." Here then was the proper explanation, which the right hon. gentleman might have given in reply to the question that had been put respecting the Danish prisoners; but, instead of this, they were told that a person had arrived from Denmark, with powers to concert the return of those prisoners. Were they to understand, that a sort of Veto had been put upon the exchange of them by the court of Denmark; or, was there to be a distinction made between Danish and Norwegian prisoners, and was the commissary come over to separate the one from the other? By another article of the Treaty it was stipulated, that recourse was not to be had to force, for effecting the annexation of Norway to Sweden, unless the court of Denmark should not join the northern alliance. Really, therefore, looking at the present situation of things, at a moment when we are applauding the magnanimity of the allied powers, in every other transaction, and when we are rejoicing in the effects of that wise, moderate and liberal policy, which they have adopted, it is melancholy to think that so bright a scene should be clouded, that the lustre of such achievements should be tarnished by a spot like this: that we should be engaged to starve a nation into submission to Sweden, whom, as a people, they detest, and whom they are resolved to resist to the last extremity. If, according to the Treaty between this country and Sweden, we are bound to accomplish the cession of Norway, and if the Norwegians must be transferred like sheep from one master to another; surely, by the official and solemn surrender made by the Danish government, that end had been accomplished, and they had now, in fact, become the subjects of Sweden. The question then resolved itself into this: whether the House would sanction the government of this country in aiding Sweden to starve a people into submission to her power and rule; they having, in fact, been transferred, as far as it was in the power of Denmark to make the transfer. When all the papers that would be moved for should be laid before them, it would be seen, whether the stipulations entered into by Sweden had been so performed by her as to call upon England for what she was now doing, in co-operating to produce a measure so detestable. He should be most happy to learn, that the negociations now pending had rendered it unnecessary. When the Swedish commissioners entered Norway, their first demand was, that the arms, ammunition, and fortresses of the Norwegians should be surrendered. This demand was instantly resisted. He knew it had been said, that this resistance was the act of a single individual, who was intriguing to secure the possession of Norway to himself; but that the people of Norway were universally desirous of being incorporated with Sweden, and taken under her protection. From all the inquiry, however, that he had made, and from all the information produced by that inquiry, the inhabitants of Norway, a patient, brave, and enterprising people, were resolved, as one man, to sacrifice their lives in the struggle, rather than submit. This sentiment pervaded every part of the country, from north to south, and the peasantry had already armed, and were suffering the most dreadful privations. In fact, the voluntary sacrifices of the peasants at this time were astonishing, and scarcely credible—they subsisted upon dirt, and such things as every other human creature would revolt at; and were determined that Norway should become a desart, ere they would submit to the Swedish yoke. And under whose auspices was all this carried on? Under those of a great captain, who had been elected to the high situation which he occupied; and who, having thus owed his elevation to the choice of a people, entered into a compact with other nations to deliver to him another people who had no choice with respect to their government. He hoped, for the sake of humanity, for the sake of that great person who had achieved so much for the deliverance of Europe, for the honour of this country, for the honour of government, whose steps with respect to foreign relations he had from a certain period been most happy to applaud, that ministers would be able to extricate themselves from the difficulties in which they seemed involved on the subject; and if not, he hoped he should be able to persuade the House of Commons, on an examination and comparison of the stipulations of the different treaties, that the government and the country were in no way bound to be the abettors of this most disgraceful attempt. At present, he would not further trouble the House. He should be very glad to hear from the right hon. gentleman, why the Danish Treaty had not been ratified, and whether any commissioner had been sent from Denmark to make a selection between the Danish and Norwegian prisoners, in order that the one might be retained and the other set at liberty. Before he sat down he begged to recall the attention of the House to the debate on the Swedish Treaty last year; in the course of which a right hon. gentleman, whom he did not then see in his place, asked, whether the terms of it were to be interpreted into a guarantee of the possession of Norway to Sweden? The answer was, No; and more than that, a noble lord, in remarkable mode of expression, observed, that the right hon. gentleman who put the question ought to be better disciplined in diplomatic terms, than to suppose that the Treaty could be interpreted into such a guarantee. The fact was, that no tie existed by which the country was bound, or which called upon the House to sanction, the publication in the Gazette of Saturday last.

observed, that it could not be expected he should be prepared to answer all the questions that had been put to him. With respect to the Treaty with Sweden, it was one which last year had received the approbation of parliament. The House would recollect, that the Treaty between Russia and Sweden was the key-stone of that glorious confederacy by which such signal benefits to Europe had been achieved. For our part, we had done nothing in the course of the whole of the proceedings, but in the strictest concert with our allies, and which we had not been unanimously called on by them to do. It was perfectly true, that we had not engaged to guarantee Norway to Sweden, after the cession of if by Denmark; but that cession had not taken place. It would be improper for him to go more particularly into this subject at present; but he desired that the House would suspend their judgment upon it, until the whole case came before them. The hon. gentleman opposite had been greatly misinformed. It was by no means true, that from one end of Norway to the other there existed a spirit of resistance to the Swedish government. It was equally unfounded, that no liberal offer had been made to Norway on her annexation to Sweden. On the contrary, a more generous offer had been made than in any other case of cession that had occurred in the history of the world. With respect to the causes that had led to the rejection of this offer, the present was not the proper time to communicate them to parliament. As to the Danish commissioners, he was not aware that any officer from Denmark, with such an object as that ascribed to him, was in the country.

asked, whether the offer of a constitution, or of a participation in the Swedish constitution (which the right hon. gentleman had chosen to characterise as the most liberal offer that had ever been made to a nation in the history of the world) was not preceded by a demand to the Norwegians to deliver up their fortresses and arms? He would also ask, if in a country possessed of not more than 7 or 800,000, or at most under a million of inhabitants, 30 or 40,000 persons were not actually embodied to resist the annexation of Norway to Sweden?

said, that in rising to make the motion which he now intended to propose, he felt gratified in reflecting that it would not be necessary to take up the time of the House, by detailing, at any length, those considerations which rendered such a step advisable. The House had already recognized and acted upon them in 1806 and 1810, when they consented to an address to the throne, similar, in effect, to what he now wished them to adopt. It was impossible for any one to open his eyes, and look abroad upon the world, without feeling that there never was a period when the general circumstances of all nations were more favourable to such a motion than the present, and when there existed such powerful motives for them to accede to its object. It was something to have an occasion like this presented, when all the great powers of Europe were assembled in congress to consider and discuss the very elements, as it were, of their own political rights; it was something to have such a moment presented for urging the consideration of the wrongs of Africa. When, indeed, he reflected upon these circumstances, and when he recalled to memory that extraordinary succession of providential events which had placed the world in its present state of hope and security, he could not but contemplate in them the hand of the Almighty stretched out for the deliverance of mankind. And what more acceptable token of gratitude could be displayed towards heaven—what more acceptable proof of our delight and thankfulness for such mercies, than a measure like the one he now meant to propose? It might truly be said, that the great continental powers had been acting in its very spirit and effect; and when, too, were considered the provocations that all of them had received, and some in particular, and the glorious revenge they had taken, saving from ruin instead of inflicting it; the recognition of the principles he was about to recommend was so plain, that it afforded a sure ground and confident hope that they would be acknowledged, in all which he now wished to obtain, as a sequel merely of what they had so nobly begun. There was but one objection that he had ever heard made against the proceeding he meant to recommend; and that was, when he had been talking of the continental powers acceding immediately to a general abolition of the slave trade, the reply had been, why we ourselves did not abolish it till after eighteen or nineteen years of enquiry, and how can we expect that they should do it precipitately? But this was not the fact. When the features of that trade were truly developed, when its character was fully known, when its effects were thoroughly understood, we got rid of it directly. It was on its trial during that time, and its sentence followed immediately upon conviction. When the whole system was unfolded, every one acknowledged that we were bound to abolish it, as a traffic inconsistent with every feeling of justice, religion, and humanity. When the question was first entered upon, no one properly understood its details; by degrees, however, the light broke in upon that den of serpents; and when it did so, and it was seen in all its hideous deformity, there existed but one opinion among men of any sense of duty, or any feelings of humanity. It should be remembered too, that great and powerful interests were opposed to it. It was said, our commerce would be destroyed, our marine would be destroyed, and that our settlements in the West Indies could not subsist at all without a regular importation of slaves; while in Africa they would continue to be brought down to the coast, and when no market was open for them they would be murdered. Thus it was foretold, that nothing but disaster would take place in Europe, in the western hemisphere, and in Africa itself, by the abolition; yet, all these predictions proved fallacious; and therefore, in soliciting other countries to adopt the same course, we call upon them to run no risk, nor to attempt any untried scheme. But, in fact, the greater nations of Europe, and particularly France, had no direct interest in the continuance of this trade. With regard to France, the war had practically abolished it for many years past; and, therefore, if carried on by her, it would be creating it anew. In that country therefore, there was no commerce to be destroyed, no marine to suffer, no manufactures to decay, as a consequence of not participating in this traffic. The hon. member then drew a parallel between what had been the conduct of Buonaparté with respect to the slave trade, and the difficulty which Mr. Fox had found in persuading him that our abolition of it arose from any principle of justice; and what might be expected from the virtues, humanity, and religious feelings of Louis 18. With regard to Spain also, happier results might be anticipated. She was not now in a situation where she feared to displease any particular city; she was no longer placed in those delicate circumstances; her power was more secured, and she was now placed in a condition that enabled her to think of safety and honour in the way that nations and individuals always secured it, by a rigid adherence to just and honourable principles. Looking to Portugal, he entertained similar hopes; and he would not now go into a paper which he held in his hand, and which had been issued by that government. It was a sort of vindication of what is called the Middle Passage; and the principle of it was, that the slave trade should be carried on by the ports of Brazil, till the population of that extensive country was in proportion to its magnitude. He had really never read a paper which contained so much feeling and humanity, (a laugh.) Any person perusing it, might think that its whole object was, to diffuse the greatest possible happiness among the most favoured individuals. It was, in truth, a melancholy document; and yet he was pleased with it. It at least shewed, that the Portuguese government were attentive to the calls of humanity, though in this instance it had been perverted, because they were deceived as to the occasions for exerting it. When they were reminded, that this trade was wholly incompatible with humanity, and when the Prince Regent of Portugal was convinced of the impolicy of supplying the Brazils with a factitious population, there could be no doubt that he would resolve to co-operate cordially with this country. This co-operation would be more prompt and effective also, when the removal of the court of Portugal to Europe should have taken place. With regard to the other powers of Europe,—Russia, Austria, and Prussia, who were unstained by a traffic which we, to our shame be it spoken, had once participated in, let it not be supposed that they would be indifferent to its annihilation, or that they would be tardy in assisting to complete that object. In sparing Paris, and in the sudden and complete abandonment of every hostile feeling, the allied powers had afforded a pledge of further magnanimity and humanity of conduct. He trusted, that all would concur in this grand object. Government had already obtained the acquiescence of Sweden. Denmark had abolished the slave trade at an early period. America the same. And here he begged to guard himself against the imputation of being supposed to wish, by this motion, to remind his Majesty's ministers of that sacred duty which he was persuaded they were ready cheerfully and spontaneously to perform. His object was merely to strengthen their hands, and, by the renewal of a solemn declaration from parliament, to show that their former proceedings had originated not in a transient or mistaken fit of humanity, but in a just and sound view of all the bearings and relations of the subject. He must repeat, that he really thought there was something in the present state, and circumstances of things which justified the most favourable expectations. It would be refreshing to the mind, after so long a period of calamity, to witness a general acknowledgment of the grand and immutable principles of justice and humanity. It would raise Great Britain still higher in the scale of nations, if, after all she had done and suffered for Europe, she should ask, as a compensation, not any political or commercial advantage, not territory or wealth, but only an acquiescence in the establishment of a principle so intimately connected with, the happiness of mankind. The most dreadful consequences would result to Africa, should foreign powers not consent to unite in the desired object. That wide continent would again be made the scene of horror; and our praises and thanksgivings to the Divine Being for his recent blessings to us, would be accompanied by the shrieks and screams of those whom we were persecuting. But he trusted this would not be the case. Whatever might be his opinion of the Roman Catholic religion, to the professors of that religion Europe owed much of its existing liberty; and he hoped that they would feel that their religion, no less than Protestantism, called on them to abolish that inhuman traffic which Mr. Pitt had truly called "the greatest practical evil that had ever been suffered to exist in the would." He concluded by moving, "That an humble Address be presented to his royal highness the Prince Regent, to assure his Royal Highness, that this House, relying, with perfect confidence, on the solemn assurances received by parliament in 1806 and 1810, that his Majesty's government would employ every proper means to obtain a convention of the powers of Europe for the immediate and universal abolition of the African Slave Trade, beg leave humbly and earnestly to represent to his Royal Highness, that the happy and glorious events which promise the general pacification of Christendom, the present union and assembly of its greatest sovereigns, and the great and generous principles which they proclaim as the rule of their conduct, afford a most auspicious opportunity for interposing the good offices of Great Britain to accomplish the above noble purpose, with the weight which belongs to her rank among nations, to the services which she has rendered to European independence, and to the unanimous and zealous concurrence of her parliament and people: "That we feel ourselves authorized, by our own abolition of this trade, of the guilty profits of which we enjoyed the largest share, by the fellowship of civilization, of religion, and even of common humanity, to implore the other members of the commonwealth of Europe to signalize the restoration of its order and security by the prohibition of this detestable commerce, the common stain of the Christian name, a system of crimes by which the civilized professors of a beneficent religion spread desolation and perpetuate barbarism among helpless savages, whom they are bound, by the most sacred obligations of duty, to protect to instruct, and to reclaim: "Humbly to represent to his Royal Highness, that the high rank which this kingdom holds among maritime and colonial stales imposes a very serious duty upon the British government at this important juncture; and that, unless we interpose, with effect, to procure a general abolition, the practical result of the restoration of peace will be to revive a traffic which we have prohibited as a crime, to open the sea to swarms of piratical adventurers, who will renew and extend, on the shores of Africa, the scenes of carnage and rapine in a great measure suspended by maritime hostilities, and the peace of Christendom will kindle a thousand ferocious wars among wretched tribes, ignorant of our quarrels and of our very name: "That the nations who have owed the security of their navigation to our friendship, and whom we have been happy enough to aid in expelling their oppressors, and maintaining their independence, cannot listen without respect to our voice raised in the cause of justice and humanity; and that, among the great states, till of late our enemies, maritime hostility has in fact abolished the trade for twenty years, no interest is engaged in it, and the legal permission to carry it on would practically be a new establishment of it, after the full developement of its horrors: "That we humbly trust, that in the moral order by which Divine Providence administers the government of the world, this great act of atonement to Africa may contribute to consolidate the safety, and prolong the tranquillity of Europe, that nations may be taught a higher respect for justice and humanity by the example of their sovereigns, and that a treaty, sanctioned by such a disinterested and sacred stipulation, may be more profoundly reverenced, and more religiously observed, than even the most equitable compacts for the regulation of power or the distribution of territory."

said, he was happy to give his most cordial concurrence to the motion of the hon. gentleman; and he could not refrain from hoping, that when the subject should be submitted to the consideration of that most illustrious assembly of sovereigns, its important views would be effected, and they would be anxious to wipe away the iniquitous stain. He could not but hope, that the unanimous declaration of the British parliament would have a due effect; and that the hon. gentleman would witness the conclusion of that happy work, which he had so ably and so perseveringly carried forward.

said, he was happy to give his unqualified approbation to the Address; and agreed with the Chancellor of the Exchequer in opinion, that it could not fail to have great weight with the Allied Powers on the continent. Experience had proved, that too great extension of empire had only led to the degradation and unhappiness of that portion of mankind who possessed it. Luckily for the world, the late events had decidedly shewn this, and brought the different powers to a sense of the real state of things, which contributed to make an empire or a kingdom truly powerful, or only comparatively so; and it would be making a mockery of what had passed, and losing sight of all the advantages which had really taken place, if we were to suffer those advantages to be confined to Europe, and not extend them to Africa; a quarter of the globe which had been so long and so grievously afflicted by the cruel and unjust treatment it had received from the European powers. Whatever advantages had been derived to this country from the Slave Trade, taken in a commercial point of view, they were certainly much greater than those of any other power; and having so cheerfully sacrificed them for the sake of promoting the ends of justice and humanity, we were certainly entitled to the right of endeavouring to bring our Allies into the same praise-worthy principles; and it would be an act of hypocrisy worse than that of the Inquisition, (which, when it condemned a criminal to death, delivered him over to the secular power with a recommendation of mercy) if we did not exert ourselves at the present auspicious moment to obtain the concurrence of all the powers of Europe in a measure, of the philanthropy, the advantage, and necessity of which we had so long been convinced.

rose, not to express his sentiments on the abolition of the Slave Trade; that was unnecessary, as they were already well known to the House; he rose to declare it to be his opinion, that the vote which they were about to come to that night, would not be a barren vote; but one that would materially aid the great cause they were anxious to promote. Their unanimity on this occasion would not merely support what they had already done, but would do much towards persuading the great powers of Europe to unite with England to put down the Slave Trade. Let it not be said, when this language was held, that the English were always vaunting of their importance in, and influence over Europe. On such an occasion, they had a right to expect that their authority and example would produce the happiest results. With those powers who had not acknowledged the injustice of this traffic in human blood, the authority of Great. Britain must have some weight; and with that larger portion, who, approving the principle acted upon by England, feared the application of it in their own case, our example must prevail. The apprehensions they at present entertained, must be in a great measure removed, when they saw that we, after cutting off that trade, which was to us a source of wealth and power (if it ever had been a source of wealth and power to any nation on earth), had lost nothing by obedience to the dictates of humanity, but had still been able, not only to defend ourselves, but to contribute largely to the restoration of the independence of Europe. With those powers who had not recognized the propriety of abolishing the Slave Trade, he would now take a higher tone than he thought would have been wise in the day of their distress, when, struggling with difficulties, they looked to this country; and he would take a higher tone with them for this reason: were they in some sort dependant on us, a strong remonstrance on this subject would have gone with too much of authority; but now that the danger was past, and they had recovered their independence, we might assume a loftier tone without appearing to insult them, by holding out a threat if they refused to comply with our wishes. Spain and Portugal could now defend themselves without our assistance; and they could decline attending to our representations, without fear of being abandoned to ruin. This then was the time when we could speak with most freedom; for as we could urge it with more of delicacy than formerly, so we could press it with more of firmness. The happy adjustment of the affairs of the world, which seemed now about to take place, would be incomplete, if an attempt to put an end to the Slave Trade did not form one grand feature of it. The technical consent to its abolition of those powers who were not actively engaged in it, ought to be obtained; for if this were not done, their flags would be abused by individuals belonging to other countries, who would be ready to avail themselves of this subterfuge to avoid punishment The sanction of all the great nations of Europe to its being done away, was necessary, and of vast importance; not so much for the mighty power they possessed, as for the use they had made of that power. If their consent were not given to the abolition of the Slave Trade, things would not merely remain as they are in this respect; but the traffic in slaves would be greater than it had been for many years. The question then was, whether the æra of a general peace in Europe should secure the repose of Africa, or furnish a new starting post for the plunder and devastation of that quarter of the globe. He hoped, the voice of the people, heard through the unanimous vote of that House, in favour of that which justice, humanity, and sound policy, combined to recommend to every nation, would not appeal to the assembled majesty of Europe in vain.

said, he would not attempt to detain the House but for a very few moments, lest what he might say should weaken the effect produced by the speakers who had preceded him. He could not, however, withhold himself from expressing his approbation of the conduct of ministers, in having so warmly seconded the Address; and hoped they would use their strenuous endeavours with the Allied Powers to induce them to concur cordially in the measure, which he feared would otherwise be nugatory.

could take upon himself to state, that those connected with the West India colonies were as anxious as any other class of persons could be, for the universal abolition of the Slave Trade. Unless, however, the House and the country went farther than they had yet gone in this business, though they had washed their own hands of the guilt, they had done little towards lessening the evil which they proposed to remedy; as, while the subjects of other countries engaged in it at all, they did more in proportion as this country did less. From the Report of the African Society it appeared, that up to the year 1810, the average number of slaves obtained from Africa annually amounted to 80,000; one half of which were carried away by the Spaniards, and the other half by the Portuguese. The traffic which was formerly carried on in English ships was thus kept up in Spanish and Portuguese vessels. The abolition of the Slave Trade had produced one good effect, that of greatly ameliorating the condition of the slaves in the colonies. The negroes were much better treated, and the old system of having night and day gangs had been abandoned. The total abolition of the Slave Trade would be a glorious consummation of the happy events lately witnessed in Europe; and he thought the Prince Regent could not be called upon to perform a more grateful task, than that which the resolution before the House, went to assign, to him.

could not refrain from ex expressing a hope, that the peace of Europe would give repose to all parts of the world; and that those events which restored the inhabitants of one quarter of the globe to freedom, would not consign the natives of another to bondage and oppression.

said, those were deceived, who imagined that every man in England wished for the abolition of the Slave Trade. Before he knew any thing of the present motion, it had come to his ears, that there were persons in this country base enough to wish for the return of peace, on account of the facilities it would afford for carrying on this detestable traffic under another flag. He was glad that this motion had been so ably supported by his right hon. friend near him (Mr. Ponsonby), and the right hon. gentleman opposite (Mr. Canning); as the demonstration, thus made, would convince those persons to whom he had alluded, that the legislature was intent upon procuring the perfect abolition of the Slave Trade throughout the world. At a former period, when we recommended the abolition of the Slave Trade to the other powers of Europe, it was thought we ought to set the example, by abolishing it ourselves. It was under such circumstances that the last peace was concluded; and reflections were then cast on the advocates for the abolition of the Slave Trade in that House, because such a step had not been taken. That blot remained on our character no longer. We had now set the example. He was glad to concur in the Address, and he hoped it would produce a general and beneficial effect—beneficial even according to the most sordid calculation—as the trading interest of every country would profit by it. He had been present at many of the debates that preceded the abolition of the Slave Trade in this country, which perhaps boasted the greatest display of eloquence (from the members then on both, sides of the House) ever witnessed in the world. Mr. Pitt commenced the march, of one of his speeches, by appealing to those who would only consider their interest, who had no feeling but in their purse; and demonstrated, by arguments which could not be answered, that it was their interest to put an end to a traffic so disgraceful. He had then, with that eloquence which he so well knew how to use, applied himself to persuade them to do it. This argument ought now to be held out to the deluded governments of Spain and Portugal, and to that most deluded go vernment which attempted to justify the Slave Trade. They ought to be made to understand, that their interest required that this traffic should be no more. He could not anticipate opposition to the motion; and, but for the desire he felt to express his own feeling on this subject, he should have thought it quite unnecessary to add one word to the able speeches of those who had preceded him.

observed, it must be remembered, that the chief opposition to the abolition of the Slave Trade came from Liverpool, from Bristol, and from those connected with the West Indies. They had lived to see that which was too extraordinary ever to have been prophesied or expected. They had seen (on the present occasion) a motion, which had for its object the total annihilation of the Slave Trade, supported and eulogized by the eloquent member for Liverpool, by the member for Bristol, and by a gentleman intimately connected with the West Indies, who, he believed, might be considered to act almost officially for the colonial interest. This circumstance was so remarkable that he could not help noticing it. Nothing could be more consoling than this reflection; and nothing could hold out a more well-founded hope that the whole world would eventually join in the same object.