House of Commons
Wednesday, June 8, 1814.
Petition of Distillers in Scotland, Working for Exportation to England
A Petition of James Haig of Lochrin, and James Stein of Kilbagie, distillers, in Scotland, working for exportation from thence to England, was presented and read; setting forth,
"That it appears, from various Acts of parliament of the United Kingdom, that doubts have arisen whether the regulations under which the drawbacks and countervailing duties paid or payable on spirits the manufacture of Great Britain and Ireland, imported from either country into the other, do not operate as a bounty on the exportation of spirits from Great Britain to Ireland, and as a duty on the exportation of spirits from Ireland to Scotland, contrary to the 6th article of Union, and it has consequently been found expedient to suspend the exportation of Irish-made spirits into Great Britain, and of British-made spirits into Ireland, until proper provision can be made for regulating the intercourse between Great Britain and Ireland in relation to spirits the manufacture of either country; and that this subject is not only of great importance to the interests of the distillers, but also involves very seriously the interests of the landholder and farmer, as well as of the public revenue, all which combine to press it on the early but deliberate con- sideration of the House; and that, in 1809, a select committee was appointed to enquire into the regulations which govern the drawbacks and countervailing duties on the importation and exportation of spirits, the manufacture of Great Britain or Ireland, from one country to the other respectively, and also what alterations it may be expedient to make in respect of the same, in order to place the intercourse between England and Ireland and Scotland and Ireland respectively, in the article of spirits, upon those terms of reciprocity which are required under the articles of Union; and that the committee, after long and diligent enquiries, at last produced a voluminous report, (ordered to be printed May 30, 1809,) in which, among other things, it appeared to be their opinion that, the better to ascertain the countervailing duty on spirits imported to or exported from Ireland, the internal duty on spirits made in Ireland should be regulated, as in England and Scotland, by some determinate strength, which in Ireland has not hitherto been done; and the said committee further resolved it to be advisable, and for the advantage of the revenue and interest of the fair trader, that no spirits should be exported from Great Britain to Ireland, or from Ireland to Great Britain, which shall not have been made solely for such export in distilleries not working for home consumption at the same time; which resolution the petitioners humbly hope will, from justice and expediency, be carried into effect; and that, subsequently to the date of that report, sundry changes have been made, as well in the rates of duty as in the internal regulations which govern the trade of distilling, whereby the relative situation of the two countries is materially altered, and which, in any arrangement that may now be intended, it will be necessary to countervail, and otherwise to provide for; and that, accordingly, on the 6th of April 1814, another select committee was appointed by the House to enquire de novo into the regulations which govern the drawbacks and countervailing duties on the importation and exportation of spirits the manufacture of Great Britain or Ireland, from one country to the other respectively, and also what alterations it may be expedient to make in respect of the same, in order to place the intercourse between England and Ireland and Scotland and Ireland respectively, in the article of spirits, upon those terms of reciprocity which are re- quired under the articles of Union between Great Britain and Ireland, and that they do report their observations and opinions thereupon, from time to time, to the House, with power to send for persons, papers and records; and that the said committee have had various meetings, but, as the petitioners are informed, have examined no witnesses or papers, nor have hitherto reported any resolution thereon; and that, in the mean time, it is necessary for the protection of the interests of the petitioners, hitherto provided for by the faith of parliament, that the legislative enactment now in force, and which, if not renewed, will expire on the 1st of July next, be further continued, for a time to be limited; and also that no Bill contrary to the report of the committee in 1809 shall be passed, except upon the further examination of witnesses, and upon an enquiry made into the matters above stated, which evidence the petitioners are ready to supply to the House or to the committee, to whose examination the subject at present stands submitted; and praying the House to consider the case of the petitioners, and to allow them to be heard, by their counsel and witnesses, on the matters above stated, and thereupon to make such provision as in the wisdom of the House shall seem meet, or, if it should be necessary, in order to give sufficient time for such enquiry, that the House may be pleased to pass a Bill to continue, for a further time to be limited, the law at present in force."
Petition of the Distillers of Liverpool
A Petition of Robert Greenham, jun., and George Marsden of Liverpool, distillers, was also presented and read; setting forth,
"That in the year 1809, a committee of the House as appointed to enquire into the regulations which govern the drawbacks and countervailing duties on the importation and exportation of spirits, the manufacture of Great Britain or Ireland, from one country to the other, respectively, and also what alterations it may be expedient to make in respect of the same, in order to place the intercourse between England and Ireland, and Scotland and Ireland, respectively, upon those terms of reciprocity which are required under the articles of Union between Great Britain and Ireland; and that the said committee did proceed to the examination of evidence, and did report to the House certain reso- lutions founded thereon, which the petioners have been led to believe would form the basis of any legislative arrangements to be adopted on the subject; and that no such arrangements have as yet been made, but the intercourse, in the article of spirits, between the two countries, has been and is now suspended by temporary Acts of parliament, the last of which will expire on the 1st of July next; and that, on the 6th of April last, another committee of the House was appointed for the same object as that of 1809, and the petitioners are informed that the said committee has been prevented from proceeding to the accomplishment of its purpose; and that, since the year 1809, several regulations have been introduced into the distillery laws of Ireland, and the duties on malt and on spirits have been increased; and that the petitioners are informed, that it is the intention of his Majesty's government to propose a temporary measure, the effect of which will be to allow the intercourse, but will leave the drawbacks and countervailing duties on spirits exported or imported from or to either country, for future adjustment; and that the petitioners humbly conceive it will be highly injurious to the public revenue, and ruinous to the British distiller, to permit the intercourse of spirits between Great Britain and Ireland previously to the complete adjustment of the said drawbacks and duties producing the reciprocity required by the Act of Union; and praying that an arrangement may be made, founded on the resolutions adopted by the Committee of the House in 1809, and, on such further evidence as may have become desirable, arising out of regulations established since that time, or that the suspension of intercourse in spirits between Great Britain and Ireland may be further continued."
Petition of Distillers in Lowlands of Scotland
A Petition of several distillers in the Lowlands of Scotland, was also presented and read; setting forth,
"That the Act to suspend the importation of British or Irish made spirits into Great Britain or Ireland, respectively, will expire on the 1st clay of July 1814; and that the consideration of the laws regulating the intercourse of spirits between I Great Britain and Ireland, respectively, has, during the present session of parliament, been referred to a Committee of the House; and that the Committee so ap- pointed have hitherto, as the petitioners understand, made no progress in the consideration of the subject referred to them, and (supposing any change of the existing laws should be deemed requisite), as it will now be impossible to accomplish the investigation necessary to the settling interests so important to the respective countries before the expiry of the present law, the petitioners pray, that if it shall be deemed expedient to continue farther the non-intercourse law, as it at present stands, that no Bill may be passed which will affect the interests of the petitioners, as secured to them by the Articles of Union."
The said Petitions were ordered to be referred to the said Committee appointed in the present session of parliament; and the first mentioned Petitioners are to be beard, by their counsel or agents, upon their petition, if they think fit.
Hackney Poor Bill
moved the third reading of the above Bill.
said it was impossible for the House to allow such a Bill to pass. The object of it was to make the landlord liable to poors' rates, instead of the tenant, and it was enough to state that, in order, as he conceived, to secure its rejection, unless some peculiarly strong case could be made out with respect to the parish of Hackney. The Bill, indeed, was not unexampled, because there were two or three parishes who had obtained similar acts in their favour, from the inadvertency of the legislature; but they were most unjust, and ought to be repealed, in order to put all parishes upon an equal footing. Conceiving the present Bill to be highly objectionable, he should move that it be read a second time that day six months.
supported the Bill.
thought that no special case had been made out to justify so dangerous an innovation on the general law, as this Bill went to make. He would therefore vote for the amendment.
cordially approved of the Bill, in consequence of several circumstances that had come to his knowledge; and because he wished to see the parish of Hackney placed in a similar situation with some of the contiguous ones. A great proportion of the houses in Hackney were of low rents, which did not subject the tenants to the assessment of poor rates; but as the landlords enjoyed the profits, he thought they ought to bear the proportion of the taxes.
thought the Bill highly objectionable, and the arguments used in support of it equally so. They were to pass this Bill into a law, because the next adjoining parish had a similar law. Upon that principle all the contiguous parishes which had not such a law might apply for it next session, and so on throughout the whole kingdom. But was that the way they ought to legislate for the country? If the laws that had been passed in favour of certain parishes were obnoxious, let them repeal those laws. There was another clause in the Bill to which he strongly objected, empowering the trustees of the poor to punish them in any way they thought fit, with the consent of the justices at the quarter sessions. This was in direct contradiction to the law of the land, and contrary to specific resolutions to which the House had come in the course of the present session upon the subject.
approved of the Bill.
had expressed his approbation of the Bill in the committee upon it, and had heard nothing since to make him alter his opinion.
was against the Bill.
contended that the parish of Hackney was not entitled to the indulgence now claimed; and he knew, if it should be granted, that it was the intention of the adjoining parishes of Tottenham, Edmonton, and Newington, to apply for a similar one next session. He should, therefore, oppose the Bill.
stated, that there were upwards of 1,000 houses in the parish of Hackney, which did not contribute one shilling to the poors' rates, and that within the last two years 295 such houses had been built. He did not mean to say that their object was to evade the assessments, but he thought it looked rather suspicious.
After some further conversation between Mr. Courtenay, Mr. Preston, Mr. P. Moore, and Mr. Mellish, who stated his willingness to withdraw the clause respecting the punishment of the poor, the House divided, when the numbers were, For the third reading 39; against it 52.—The Bill was consequently lost.
Catholic Board
observed, that some time since he had very fully expressed his sentiments in the House respecting the unwarrantable proceedings of the Catholic board assembled in Dublin, and though he had ever been a friend to public investigation when legitimately exercised, he could not but condemn much of the conduct and measures of that board, as tending to great eventual mischief. With this impression upon his mind, he felt it to be his duty, as a member of parliament, as well as from his private feelings on the subject, to ask the right hon. Secretary for Ireland, whether the proclamation which he had heard was issued on the 3d of June, for the suppression of the board, was authentic? If he was answered in the affirmative, he should beg permission of the House to give notice of a motion.
was happy to be now able to answer any question on this subject without that reserve which he had found it necessary to observe on the two occasions alluded to by the right hon. baronet. On the 3d of June, the lord lieutenant and council of Ireland issued a proclamation, prohibiting the assembling of those persons who had assumed the title of the Catholic board. It was matter of regret to him to have been obliged to answer the question of an hon. member, relating to this board, with so much reserve as he had done; but at the time that the question was put he could not have done otherwise, consistently with his duty. He had not the slightest objection to have the document produced, and would therefore willingly agree to the motion which the right hon. baronet had said he would make for that purpose.
then said, that as the right hon. Secretary had admitted the proclamation to be authentic, he thought it his duty to declare his unqualified approbation of the temper and firmness which the executive government of Ireland had manifested on that important occasion; and as it was an object to give the most extended publicity to the act, he should move, "That an humble Address be presented to his royal highness the Prince Regent, That he will be graciously pleased to give directions, that there be laid before this House a copy of the proclamation by the lord lieutenant and privy council of Ireland, for the suppression of an assembly under the denomination of the Catholic board, dated 3d June 1814."
seconded the motion. He said that though he had not thought the answer of the right hon. gentleman to the question, he had put respecting this board, by any means satisfactory, yet he was now quite satisfied with the explanation of the right hon. gentleman. As to the inexpediency of putting down that most unconstitutional and dangerous assembly, he was convinced that there would be more who would complain that it had not been done long ago, than that it was done now. One good reason for the delay which had taken place might be, that those persons could not now cloak their proceedings under the pretence of assembling to frame petitions, as owing to the late happy events, this pretext was fortunately removed. The object of that meeting had, latterly, completely developed itself, by chewing that it assent-bled, not to aid the just cause of the Catholics, but to sow dissentions and provoke irreconcilable enmities.
had only to say, that he felt perfectly confident that when the subject was examined, it would be found that the motives by which the conduct of the Irish government had been guided in this matter, could be very satisfactorily explained. The lower orders, and a great proportion of the population in Ireland, had been misled by the professions of the Catholic board, and were not aware of the mischievous tendency of their proceedings. The mode in which the proceedings of this assembly had been conducted; the absurd, ludicrous, pitiful discussions that took place in it; the abandonment of the instructions of those who were at the head of the Catholic religion; the pompous titles which they had assumed—had now alienated the affections of those who had once been their supporters, and had shewn them to be the real enemies of the cause of which they had wished to appear the promoters. They had also, he trusted, deprived themselves of that public sympathy and public regret, which sometimes attended the execution of the laws, and the punishment inflicted upon such persons.
The motion was agreed to.
Petitions Complaining of the Societies of Orange Men in Ireland
rose and said:—Mr. Speaker, I hold in my hand ten petitions, signed by very numerous and respectable bodies of the inhabitants of the North of Ireland, both Protestants and Catholics, complaining that the public peace is kept in a state of continual disturbance, by the existence and conduct of certain Orange Societies. The petitioners form no political party, but apply to the House as belonging to the primary relations of life, as husbands, fathers, and brothers, entitled to the protection of the state, and to have the public peace preserved by the impartial administration of the laws, against an association which renders the North of Ireland less civilized, and less secure than the savannahs of the savage Americans. The petitioners state, and do so with perfect accuracy, that this association is illegal, that is in respect to that class of Orange-men, who are embodied by a secret oath. The Act of the 50th of the King, c. 102, rendering all associations in Ireland illegal, which are organized by a secret oath. They say that the House of Commons having declared the existence of the Orange Societies in England illegal, and that it was the duty of the executive government to repress them by enforcing the law; they have an equal right to the same declaration against the same association in Ireland, and the same enforcement of the law by the Irish executive government. At present it is not my intention to say any thing that shall provoke any debate, or to found any motion on these petitions. The subject of the existence of this illegal association is now brought fully before the House; and it is obligatory on the executive government of Ireland to carry into effect the declared sentiments of the House on the nature of this association, though not directly applied to Ireland. If, however, the government of Ireland should not interpose and fairly administer the law; and if the same system of outrage and disturbance should disgrace the North of Ireland, as prevailed there last July, I shall certainly bring forward a motion early in the next session of parliament, of censure of the executive government. Part of the prayer of the petitioners is to have all illegal associations suppressed. We have just now heard the government have suppressed the Catholic board as being in their opinion an illegal association. Their conduct, on this subject, therefore becomes peculiarly deserving of being closely watched; for if they shall confine their exertions to this single attempt to preserve peace in Ireland, and suffer the Orange Associations to exist in direct violation of an unquestionable enactment of the law, their conduct will be in every respect unjust and partial.
Sir Henry then presented ten Petitions of Protestants and Catholics of Ireland, the friends of civil and religious liberty and of internal peace and concord, in the neighbourhoods of Ballibay and Keady; of Belfast; of Dungannon and Armagh; of Killileagh; of Larne and Whitehouse; of Lisburn; of Moira and Magheralin, in the county of Down; the parish of Segoe, in the county of Armagh; and of the town and parish of Newry; setting forth,
"That the petitioners have long lamented the distracted state of Ireland, in which a faction, calling themselves Orange-men, bound together by a secret, and, as the petitioners conceive, an illegal oath, have disturbed the peace by their riotous and tumultuous proceedings; they arrogate large claims for loyalty, of they boast exclusive possession, but their conduct proves that many of them only make a show of it for interested purposes; to he truly loyal is to be strictly obedient to the laws; and that their processions, decked with party insignia, and frequently with military arms, on certain stated anniversaries, produce much irritation in the minds of those against whom the insulting show is chiefly directed, and more especially as they carefully exclude all Catholics from their lodges; that these processions have a powerful effect in keeping up a spirit of animosity among neighbours, and perpetuating an organized system of hostility towards all who will not join with them: that they not only, in their direct consequences, have led to tumults, riots, and murders, but also, by their raising a spirit of opposition to their proceedings, other antagonist societies have arisen, by which the peace of the country is farther endangered, and thus such irritating proceedings appear not remotely to portend the horrors of civil war, unless timely exertions are made to repress the meetings and processions of Orange-men; and that the petitioners, emboldened by the discussions which took place in parliament near the close of last session, on the illegality of establishing Orange Societies in England, beg, in the most fervent and earnest manner, that Ireland may be equally placed with Great Britain on a similar footing of security, by the suppression of all illegal societies; and that, in their present anxiety of mind, the petitioners utterly disclaim any appellation of political party, and recognizing only the primary relations of life, call with loud and urgent voice, as fathers of families, as husbands, sons, and brothers, upon parliament, imploring its immediate and effectual interposition for the salvation of the people, by preventing a repetition of such monstrous outrages; they call upon the constituted authorities of the empire to maintain peace and good order in the land, and invoke the sacred responsibility of legislation to take timely measures of guarding the state and securing the supreme authority from such dangerous associations as make allegiance conditional, on principles unknown to the British constitution."
Ordered to lie upon the table.