, in bringing this subject under the cognisance of the House, was of opinion, that there existed no necessity why the surveyor-general of the Works should be a professional architect, as he might have two or more architects under him to assist him with their advice. By such arrangement many officers, who were now employed to superintend particular buildings, would be dispensed with, and a considerable saving would accrue to the public. He concluded by moving for leave to bring in a Bill "for the better regulation of the conduct of the business of the office of Works, and the expenditure thereof."

said, that the commissioners of military enquiry had recommended a measure to be brought forward on this subject, and the principle of his right hon. friend's Bill met with his approbation. The expenditure at present was immoderately great, and threw a heavy burthen on the civil list, which the House had no power to controul by previous estimates. The hon. gentleman proposed to give, as examples of the truth of his observation, the Receptacle for Lunatic Criminals, and the New Mint, where expences had been incurred that had not been in the contemplation of parliament, and the same would have taken place with respect to the Custom-house, had he not incidentally noticed it. The hon. gentleman then alluded to the bridge and the temporary buildings erecting in the parks; and enquired if the expence had been noticed in the quarterly estimates of the lords of the Treasury, or if the buildings had been erected by the order of any board.

said, he should feel extremely thankful either to the hon. gentleman, whose experience was so extensive, or to any other hon. gentleman, who might assist him in promoting the measure which he now proposed to introduce. With respect to the temporary buildings which were now erecting in the parks, he had only to say, that no specific estimate of their probable expence had been prepared; but before they were commenced, a general application had been made to the Treasury, to know what directions it was intented to give for the reception of the two sovereigns, or indeed the three sovereigns; as it was then understood that the emperor of Austria would have accompanied the emperor of Russia and king of Prussia, who were about to honour this country with their presence. The Treasury then gave directions that measures should be taken for the reception of these august personages, commensurate with the dignity and magnificence of this great nation. The buildings alluded to were in consequence commenced, but it was soon found they could not be finished within the time which those illustrious visitors proposed to stop; upon those general directions, however, the proceedings, which had been since carried on, were grounded.

wished to know whether it was understood that the Treasury had given its consent to an indefinite expenditure about these temporary buildings and fire-works, without having an estimate previously laid before them. He must enter his protest against classing those expences under the head of royal magnificence, which it was necessary to display on the present occasion. He saw nothing like royal magnificence in fitting up a parcel of trumpery booths, and letting off fire-works. Whatever attempts there might be in any quarter to imitate the French in these respects, he believed that we should not be able to rival them in those exhibitions, and that all we could do in this way would not have astonished our illustrious visitors. As those visitors had, however, now left the country, it was evident that those costly preparations had failed in the object for which they were intended, and therefore it would be right now to limit the future expenditure on this account, as far as was possible. It appeared, however, as if the expenditure had increased in proportion as our illustrious visitors were approaching Dover, on their departure from this country. We now heard that there was to be a naval fight on the Serpentine river, and that boats for this purpose were actually building at Woolwich. Now, whatever taste Englishmen might have about fireworks, yet he was pretty sure that John Bull would never relish the representation of a sea fight on the Serpentine river, by boats that were to pass for two and three deckers! As to the expence, he had made some enquiries from an hon. member (colonel Congreve), and the information that he had received was, that the expence of the fire-works would be about 15,000l. He considered, that besides the expence, there would be some danger in fire-works of such magnitude; and, as a few unfortunate persons had already been blown up in preparing those fireworks, he wished to know whether any provision for their families would be among the estimates of the expence of them. He thought that a good deal of firmness was necessary in the lords of the Treasury, to resist unnecessary expenditure, from whatever quarter it might be suggested; and that they should not allow such waste of the public money to go on, to please the fancy of any person whatever. Those temporary buildings and bridges must have struck their eyes in going to, and returning from, their different offices. It must be recollected that, notwithstanding the difficulties of the times, the expences of the civil list were greatly increased, and were constantly increasing. Although a large sum had been applied from the droits of the Admiralty, yet there would be a deficiency in this year of 188,000l. which would be to be provided for. He approved generally of the principle of the Bill now proposed, as he hoped that it would serve as an effectual check to all those embryo palaces, and villas that, as he understood, were about to start up.

wished to ask a question which he considered to be connected with this subject. When the Bill for making a new street from Carlton-house to the Regency Park was brought in, he suggested the expediency of rewarding the architect who was employed to superintend the pulling down of houses in the execution of the plan, by a fixed salary, in preference to a commission of 5 per cent. on the value of the houses which he might pull down. He wished to know whether his suggestion had been adopted?

answered that a commission had been allowed to the architect, and upon investigation it would be found that his remuneration hitherto had been extremely moderate. If desired, he should be happy to give the House any information which might be required upon this subject. With respect to the observations of a right hon. gentleman, he was happy to state, that the Treasury had anticipated his wishes, and had directed that the preparations which were going on should be contracted as much as possible—and in particular, he feared the public would not be gratified with the magnificent sea-fight on the Serpentine river, to which the right hon. gentleman had alluded.

condemned the custom which had been followed in the cases of the Custom-house and Post-office, of entering upon expensive undertakings, without previously laying estimates before parliament. Without respect to the removal of the Post-office from Lombard-street, remonstrances on the subject had again and again been made to government, by the principal merchants of the city of London. It had remained for ages in Lombard-street, the most central part of the city, and it was now proposed to remove it more than three quarters of a mile from the residence of all the principal merchants. It was said that Lombard-street was too narrow, but it was now to be widened; and yet this was precisely the time chosen for removing the Post-office from it. The inhabitants of the western parts of the metropolis had comparatively no interest in the removal, for the inland mails arrived so early that the letters were delivered to individuals at as convenient an hour as could be wished for; but the foreign mails came in at all hours, and it was of the greatest importance to foreign merchants, who were obliged to be perpetually sending to the Post-office, to have their foreign letters with the least possible delay. He believed the country was put to the whole of this expence merely with the view of allowing some of the clerks of the Post-office to gel sooner to their country-houses.

said that the inconvenience that would result to merchants on account of their foreign correspondence, had been taken into consideration; and he understood that there was an arrangement now made by which their foreign letters would be received at the office as late as formerly, and the delivery accelerated. He believed that there was no room to be got in the neighbourhood of the Post-office, in Lombard-street, sufficient to give the accommodation which was required. Besides, the tenures of the premises in that neighbourhood, and of the Post-office itself, were so unsatisfactory, that it would not be advisable to lay out much money on those premises. Part of them were free hold, part leasehold, and part copyhold, and therefore they were not eligible premises to expend a large sum of money upon.

conceived that a great deal of mischief had resulted from an arrangement which was introduced with an economical motive, and which had changed the whole nature of the board of works. He approved of the present Bill, as it went to place the control in a board, instead of leaving it to any one individual.

could not avoid complaining of the inequality by which the metropolis and adjoining counties were, in fact, put to the expence of those great public buildings. It was from the tax on coals or culm paid by them, that this fund, called the Orphan's Fund, was created, out of which those large sums were taken. As to the difficulty of procuring ground in the neighbourhood of Lombard-street, it was a thing he could not comprehend. If, by an act of parliament, we would compel the proprietors in the neighbourhood of Aldersgate-street to sell their properties for the purpose of building a new post-office, he could not see why an act of parliament could not also oblige the people in the neighbourhood of Lombard-street to sell their properties.

alluded to the temporary buildings in the Park, and observed that he understood some of them were made for the express purpose of being blown up. Such kind of buildings might indeed be called temporary, in the strictest sense of the word!

Leave was then given to bring in the Bill.

informed the House, that he had received a letter from lord Cochrane, stating that he should not be prepared to make his defence before that House so soon as Friday, and expressing a wish that the order for his attendance should be postponed to Tuesday next.

would have wished to have seen in his place the hon. gentleman who made the motion (Mr. Broadhead) but as he felt confident that he would not resist the wish of the noble lord who was so much interested in the motion, he should, in his absence, take the liberty of moving that the motion be accordingly postponed.

observed, that he had delayed reading the letter till now, in the hope that he might have seen the hon. member in his place.

The order was then postponed till Tuesday next.

presented to the House, by command of the Prince Regent, Papers respecting the arrangements between his Royal Highness and the Princess of Wales, upon their separation, and the payment of her Royal Highness's debts. The noble lord then gave notice, that he should, on Monday next, move that these Papers be referred to a committee of the whole House, in which it was his intention to move for an augmentation of her Royal Highness's income.

wished to know if the Papers now on the table had been communicated to her Royal Highness?

answered, that orders had been given to make such communication to her Royal Highness.

asked if the noble lord knew that the communication had actually been made.

stated, that her Royal Highness would receive it in the course of the present day.

then observed, that he was to understand that the Princess of Wales had received no previous communication that the Papers were to be laid on the table of the House that day. He afterwards begged to put one question on the subject of these Papers: whether among them was included the deed of separation mentioned by the noble lord on a former night, as having been signed by the Prince and Princess of Wales, and' sanctioned by the addition of the name of his Majesty?

replied, that, in the late discussion upon this subject, he had not referred to any formal deed of separation, but to the arrangement of a separate provision for the Princess of Wales on leaving Carlton House, which had been signed by the parties, and approved by the King.

enquired whether that instrument was among the documents just presented? He had understood the noble lord, on a former night, to say, that, it was an actual formal deed of separation, and not merely a deed of provision. Every paper, whether deed, bond, or writing, ort the subject, ought to be laid before the House, and he hoped that they were now all upon the table.

answered in the affirmative.

The following are Copies of the said Papers:

PAPERS respecting the Payment of the Debts of the Princess of Wales, and the separate Income which his Royal Highness, with the sanction of his Majesty, settled upon her Royal Highness, June 1809.

I. PROPOSAL signed by the Prince, and accepted by the Princess signing her name to it, and countersigned by the Prince's Chancellor.

It having been represented to the duke of Portland and Mr. Perceval, by Messrs. Blagrave and Walter, solicitors, employed by the creditors of her royal highness the Princess of Wales, and through his Grace and Mr. Perceval, to his royal highness the Prince of Wales, that the debts of her Royal Highness amounted to the sum of 41,000l.; the Prince most graciously proposed, and now proposes, to take upon himself the arrangement of the debts of her Royal Highness to that amount, although under no legal obligation to pay those debts. His Royal Highness was also graciously pleased to propose, and now proposes, to increase the income of the Princess of Wales to the sum of 17,000l. net, by adding the sum of 5,000l. to the sum of 12,000l. (to which sum will be added her Royal Highness's pin-money 5,000l. a year, received by her Royal Highness at the Ex- chequer;) and his Royal Highness further proposes, that the income of 17,000l. shall commence from the 5th day of July next.

This gracious Proposal was made conditionally; and his Royal Highness most reasonably, amongst other conditions, intimated, that he and his revenue must, by act of parliament, or by an order of his Majesty in council, be effectually indemnified against all debts which shall in future be contracted by her Royal Highness, and which shall not be discharged out of her own income. But it being thought advisable not to apply to parliament at present for such indemnity, and that the purpose could not be effectuated by an order in council, it was suggested that if any claim should be made against the Prince or his revenue, for any debt of the Princess's (the treasurer of the Prince being regular in making payment to the Princess's officer of the income of 17,000l. by equal quarterly payments) for the purpose of fixing the Prince or his revenue with such debts; that application should be immediately made to parliament thereupon, for an act to secure the Prince and his revenue for the future against all debts of her Royal Highness; the 17,000l. per annum continuing to be regularly paid.

In the course of this transaction, it was discovered by Mr. Perceval, and communicated by him in a letter to Mr. Adam, that the Princess's debts would exceed the sum of 41,000l, by about 8,000l; for which excess, Mr. Perceval stated, that he could not then accurately or distinctly account, but that it had not been, by any means, all incurred during the discussion; on the contrary, that he conceived it to arise principally from the introduction of the demands of other creditors, probably on the private-purse account, who had not given in their debts before to Messrs. Blagrave and Walter. As, however, it would be contrary to the good faith of the proposed arrangement, to throw this excess upon his Royal Highness, it occurred to the Lord Chancellor and Mr. Perceval, that it would be advisable to submit to his Majesty, on the part of his Majesty's servants, that his Majesty should be graciously pleased to make a grant from his droits, which might discharge it.

Mr. Adam, having laid this matter and Mr. Perceval's letter before the Prince, received his Royal Highness's commands to state to the Lord Chancellor and Mr. Perceval, that the main and principal motive which had uniformly directed his Royal Highness's determination, and which he had never for a moment lost sight of in this transaction, had been, to prevent (in these times of great and necessary public expenditure) any debt of his, or any other for which he might be considered liable, becoming directly or circuitously a charge upon the public.—That he had likewise been influenced by the desire of seeing justice done to the creditors of the Princess; although his Royal Highness is under no legal obligation whatever to pay those debts; and by the object of obtaining an indemnity against future excesses, debts, and demands, of her Royal Highness. On these grounds, his Royal Highness gave it to be understood to the Lord Chancellor and Mr. Perceval, that he did spontaneously take upon himself the payment of the sum stated in Mr. Perceval's letter to Mr. Adam of the 30th of May, in addition to the sum of 41,000l., formerly undertaken to be liquidated by his Royal Highness. After this communication, Mr. Perceval considered it to be necessary to ascertain, with as much accuracy as possible, the precise sum by which the debts exceeded the sum of 41,000l., and not to leave it under the uncertain statement of about 8,000l. And Mr. Perceval having examined the same, found that the excess above 41,000l. amounted to 10,056l. This state of the debt Mr. Perceval again communicated to Mr. Adam, anxiously wishing to know from Mr. Adam, what was to be done respecting the additional 2,000l., over and above the 41,000l. and the 8,000l.

Upon this matter being submitted by Mr. Adam to the Prince, his Royal Highness commanded him to signify to Mr. Perceval, that his Royal Highness could proceed no further; and that he considered it to be the duty of those who advised the Princess, to represent to her Royal Highness, that, considering the manner in which he had acted, both in respect of payment of debts and increase of income, that this additional demand should be discharged by her Royal Highness, and should neither fall upon the Prince nor the public; but be met by that restricted mode of expenditure on the part of her Royal Highness, to which, in common with himself, and other branches of the royal family, her Royal Highness ought to conform.

Under all these circumstances, and with a view to secure regularity in the expenditure of the Princess, and that all the demands upon her own income may be administered in such manner as is necessary to answer the intended objects, it is proposed, that the Princess shall, by a writing under her hand, appoint an officer of her own to receive the income now proposed to be fixed upon her Royal Highness by the Prince of Wales, from the treasurer of his Royal Highness; and that the Princess's officer shall receive instructions by that appointment, to settle the course of payments in like manner, and in like time, as the payments on behalf of his Royal Highness are directed to be settled by an Act of the 35th year of his Majesty's reign; and that the same officer shall be directed to appropriate a sum of money, by quarterly payments, to discharge the debt which is due, over and above those sums of 41,000l. and 8,000l. which his Royal Highness has undertaken to discharge.

Upon this proposal of the Prince of Wales, and with a view to secure in the mean time, and in the fullest manner possible, to his Royal Highness, the indemnity so reasonably required on the part of his Royal Highness, and with a view to accede to the other conditions, it is proposed, if his Majesty, as the father of his family, shall graciously so please, that the Prince should be furnished with authentic documents to prove that, in the faith of the transaction, it was thoroughly understood, and that his Majesty was graciously pleased so to understand it, and to think it reasonable that it should be so fully understood; that it would be contrary to what the Prince so reasonably and justly made an indispensable condition, and contrary to the absolute and essential faith of the transaction, that the Princess, having her debts, to the amount undertaken by the Prince, paid by his Royal Highness, and receiving the 17,000l. per annum, should exceed her income; and that, therefore, in the case before stated, immediate application should be made to parliament for such act as is before mentioned, it being always understood that this was a final arrangement, if carried into effect, as to the income which his royal highness the Prince of Wales is to allow to her royal highness the Princess of Wales: and it was further agreed and understood, that this document should be signed by the Prince, as making the pro- posal, and by the Princess, as signifying her Royal Highness's assent and concurrence to all the parts of it; and that the Lord Chancellor and the Chancellor of the Exchequer, who have been honoured with the knowledge of what has passed upon this subject, and such other of his Majesty's confidential servants as his Majesty shall please to point out, and the Chancellor of the Prince of Wales, shall put their names to the same.

(Signed) GEORGE, R.

WILLIAM ADAM. CAROLINE, P.

II. PAPER to which his Majesty's name is signed, as approving the transaction, and the Princess's, as testifying her Consent to the Act of Parliament, and countersigned by the Lord Chancellor, the President of the Council, the first lord of the Treasury, and the Chancellor of the Exchequer.

His Majesty having been made acquainted with the foregoing proposal, for the purpose of learning his Majesty's pleasure how far his Majesty might deem it fit, as the father of his family, to do any such act on his part as the proposal has reference to, thinks it proper by this writing, signed by his Majesty, and with his Majesty's approbation, to be placed in the hands of the Prince of Wales, to signify, that his Majesty thinks it reasonable that it should be fully understood, and that his Majesty does so understand it, that it would be contrary to what the Prince reasonably and justly made an indispensable condition, and contrary to the absolute and essential faith of the transaction, that the Prince (regular payment of the 17,000l. per annum being continued) should remain liable in any way for the future, to the debts of the Princess of Wales; his Royal Highness having liberally undertaken, when thus secured by his Majesty being graciously pleased to sign this writing, and by the signature of the Princess of Wales, and the confidential servants of his Majesty, in manner proposed, to settle the debts of the Princess of Wales, to the amount of the sums of 41,000l. and 8,000l., making in all 49,000l., and to increase her Royal Highness's income to the net sum of 17,000l.; it being fully understood, that if her Royal Highness should exceed that income, and any demand in consequence thereof should be made on the Prince or his revenue, which shall not be discharged by the Princess when made known to her Royal Highness (the income of 17,000l. being regularly paid by the Prince's treasurer in equal quarterly payments of 4,250l.) in that case, and in consequence thereof, application shall be immediately made to parliament, praying that an act may be passed, indemnifying the Prince of Wales for the future from being liable to the debts of the Princess of Wales, the Prince continuing the income of 17,000l. in the manner specified above.

ELDON. (Signed) GEORGE, R.

CAMDEN. CAROLINE, P.

PORTLAND.

SP. PERCEVAL.

III. WARRANT, appointing an officer to receive and appropriate her Royal Highness's increased income.

Caroline, Princess of Wales, and so forth: To all to whom these presents shall come greeting. Whereas, under an arrangement sanctioned by his Majesty's approbation, his royal highness the Prince of Wales has undertaken to discharge certain debts, by us contracted, to the amount of 41,000l. and 8,000l. making in all the sum of 49,000l.; and has further undertaken, that the allowance of 12,000l. yearly, heretofore to us made by his said Royal Highness for our household expenditure, should be increased to the sum of 17,000l. yearly, to take place from the 5th day of July next ensuing, and to be issued from his Royal Highness's treasury, to such person as shall be by us appointed for that purpose, being the officer entrusted with the superintendence and management of the concerns of our household, in even and equal portions or payments of 4,250l. in each quarter of the year, clear of any deduction or abatement whatsoever: Now, we, reposing especial trust and confidence in the care and fidelity of Anthony St. Ledger, esq. our vice chamberlain, do by these presents nominate, constitute, and appoint, the said Anthony St. Ledger to be our treasurer and receiver-general, with full power and authority to receive for our use the before-mentioned allowance of 17,000l. yearly, and to give acquittances for the same to the Prince's treasurer, and to apply the monies so from time to time to be received, to the payment and discharge of all our household accounts; and in order to prevent the accumulation of debts in future, we do hereby enjoin and command the said Anthony St. Ledger, in the adjusting and settling of our said accounts, to observe and follow, so far as the cases may be made to assimilate, the same course of proceeding as is prescribed for regulating the mode of expenditure of the revenues of the Prince of Wales, by the Act of the 35th of his Majesty's reign, intituled "An Act for enabling his Majesty to settle an annuity on his royal highness the Prince of Wales, during the joint lives of his Majesty and of his said Royal Highness, for making provision out of his revenues for the payment of any debts that may be due from his Royal Highness, for preventing the accumulation of debts in future, and for regulating the mode of expenditure of the said revenues:" And whereas the before-mentioned sums of 41,000l. and 8,000l., at which the debts by us contracted have been stated, are found, upon further investigation, to be short of the actual amount of such debts, by the sum of 3,306l. or thereabouts, occasioned as well by certain omissions in the statements delivered in, on our behalf, as from arrears arising on the current expenditure pending the negociations which preceded the present arrangement: our will and pleasure therefore is, that the said Anthony St. Ledger, out of the said yearly allowance of 17,000l. do set apart, in each quarter of the year, the sum of 125l. making 500l. yearly, and do apply the same to the liquidation of the said additional debt of 3,306l. or whatever may be the amount thereof, together with any further debt that shall appear by us contracted at the termination of the now current quarter, to end on the 5th day of July next; and that the said Anthony St. Ledger do continue so to set apart and apply the said quarterly sum of 125l. until the whole of the said additional debt, and any further debt that may be by us contracted in the present current quarter, shall be wholly liquidated and discharged. Given at Kensington Palace, the 18th day of June, in the year of our Lord 1809.

By her Royal Highness's command.

IV. WARRANT, authorising the payment of the increased Income.

GEORGE P.

Whereas under an arrangement, sanctioned by the approbation of our royal father the King, we have undertaken the payment of certain debts contracted by her royal highness the Princess of Wales, to the amount of 41,000l. and 8,000l., together making the sum of 49,000l.: and we have further undertaken, that the sum of 12,000l. yearly, as heretofore by us al- lowed for her Royal Highness's household expenditure, should be increased to the sum of 17,000l. yearly, to take place from, the 5th day of July next ensuing, and to be clear of any deduction or abatement whatsoever: our will and pleasure therefore is, that you do pay, or cause to be paid, unto such person as shall be appointed by her Royal Highness for that purpose, being the officer entrusted with the superintendence and management of the concerns of her Royal Highness's household, the before mentioned sum of 17,000l. yearly, by four quarterly payments of 4,250l. in each quarter of the year, immediately as the money receivable for our use at his Majesty's Exchequer, shall come into your hands; such payment to be made without any abatement or deduction whatsoever, and the first quarterly payment to be issued in the month of October next ensuing: and for so doing, this, together with due acquittances for the same, shall be to you a sufficient warrant. Given at Carlton House, this 20th day of June, 1809.—By his Royal Highness's command,

(Signed) J. M'MAHON,

Privy Seal and Secretary.

To our right trusty and well-beloved general, Samuel Hulse, our Treasuser and Receiver-General, and to our Treasurer and Receiver-General for the time being.

wished to ask the noble lord one question, before the discussion of the Treaty was entered into. He wished to be informed, what arrangement had been made between this country and Holland, with respect to the possession of the Dutch colonies, and particularly as to the Cape of Good Hope and Ceylon.

replied, that as to Ceylon, it was already an integral part of our empire, having been ceded to us by a former treaty. As to the other colonies, there yet remained a negociation between the two crowns. It was evident that the policy of the arrangement to be made with Holland, as to the colonies taken from her during the war, depended, in a great measure, on the security of the peace to be concluded with France. He did not apprehend any difficulty in an arrangement between two powers who were so identified in interests and feelings.

wished to confine his question to the Cape of Good Hope.

flattered himself, that colony would also form a part of our empire; but the sacrifices made by Holland might be mitigated by other arrangements.

The order of the day being read, for taking into consideration the Treaty of Peace and amity between his Britannic Majesty and his most Christian Majesty, signed at Paris, the 30th of May, 1814,

rose to move an Address to the Prince Regent thereon. He said, he should have thought it necessary to make some apology to the House for rising to address them on a subject of such magnitude, if he had not felt it to be his duty, and that of the representatives of the nation, to express their congratulations at the peace which was now happily concluded. He felt this a most satisfactory duty to discharge, and he expected that the House would cordially agree with him in approbation of the Definitive Treaty. He had reason to believe that it had given universal satisfaction from the general demonstrations of joy with which it had been received in every part of this kingdom. In order that the House might see how far this peace had realised all the objects for which the war was originally undertaken, he should begin by reading an extract of his Majesty's Message to parliament, on the 11th of February, 1793. The noble lord then read an extract, in which his Majesty expressed a reliance on the "firm and effectual support of the House of Commons in prosecuting a just and necessary war; and in endeavouring, under the blessing of Providence, to oppose an effectual barrier to the further progress of a system which strikes at the security and .peace of independent nations, and is pursued in open defiance of every principle of moderation, good faith, humanity and justice." During the progress of the long war that begun under such circumstances, that system of aggression on the part of Prance, which struck at the independence of all other nations, never once changed its character or varied its features; it continued to increase its system, until at length it bad overcome the greater part of the powers of Europe. Every thing that had been recovered for Europe, was recovered principally by the exertions of this country; which had not only set a noble example, but afforded the most effectual assistance to other nations. He thought it was but justice to this country, and to those, who in the commencement of the war, saw the real nature of it, to say that it was by the perseverance of the country in those principles which were at first laid down, that those objects which we had in view from the beginning were now obtained. Independent of the great physical force which France was able to oppose to us, we had successfully resisted the attacks that had been directed against this country in its financial and commercial system. This success was mainly owing to the perseverance of this country, under the burthens of heavy taxation, scarcity of the necessaries of life, and want of employment for the labouring classes. He believed that no other people on earth would have exhibited so much perseverance, firmness, and patience under such trying circumstances. It was the example which this country had set, that had roused the whole of the powers of the continent against the common enemy. With respect to the Treaty itself, he did, not think it necessary for him now to enter into the detail of it. He should principally consider what were the objects of France and this country at the beginning of the war. The objects of France were conquest, and the destruction of the maritime greatness and resources of this country. In those objects she had completely failed. The views of this country were avowed at the beginning of the war, and from that avowal it had never deviated. We disclaimed the principle of making conquests from France, or of interfering in her internal affairs. The security of this country, and of the other nations of Europe, was our great object for entering into the war, and that object had now been most satisfactorily obtained. This happy result was brought about doubtless by the hand of Providence; but, in the next place, it was the perseverance of this country which afforded a rallying point to the other nations of the continent against the common enemy. He then proceeded to take a review of the value of the different settlements which we retained. Tobago was desirable because the settlers were principally descendants of Englishmen, and anxiously wished to be incorporated in our empire. Malta had been always considered as a most important possession for a maritime nation from its commanding situation in the Mediterranean. He also considered the stipulation respecting Antwerp as of very great importance. That port was to be in future merely commercial, and we were no longer to apprehend the equipment of hostile fleets there. He believed that if at any time within the last 20 years, peace could be had without any acquisition of territory to us, but merely attended with the downfall of the destructive system established in France, this country would have gladly embraced such a Peace. The restoration of Louis 18, gave a great pledge for the security of the peace. As to the question of the Slave Trade, as that was a subject which had been fully discussed for two successive nights, he did not wish to go into at length. Although no man more cordially detested the Trade than himself, he was yet fully convinced that the noble lord (Castlereagh) had used every exertion in his power to abolish it, and that no blame attached to him if more was not done. The first object was undoubtedly to arrange the peace with France conformably to the views of the allies. The noble lord concluded by moving,

"That an humble Address be presented to his royal highness the Prince Regent, to return his Royal Highness our sincerest acknowledgements and thanks, for the important and satisfactory communication which his Royal Highness has been graciously pleased to make to us of the Definitive Treaty of Peace, concluded at Paris the 30th day of last month; with his most christian majesty the king of France and Navarre:

"That while laying before his Royal Highness this early testimony of our utmost gratitude for the re-establishment of peace, upon terms so honourable to his Majesty's crown, so advantageous to his people, and so wisely considerate for the interests and the honour of all; we beg leave also to express our unbounded joy and satisfaction, that the great objects of the war should have been so fully accomplished; and we cannot but regard the restoration of so many of the ancient and legitimate authorities upon the continent, as affording the best prospect of that solid peace and permanent tranquillity so essential to the interests and happiness of Europe and of the world:

"That we beg leave further to express to his Royal Highness our most grateful sense of the uninterrupted blessings with which this country has been so pre-eminently favoured by divine providence; and feeling, as we do, that the wisdom and firmness which have been evinced by the united Kingdom, during the whole course of this long and arduous struggle, have insured to us the objects for which we have so strenuously contended, we cannot but also indulge the well-founded hope, that the effects now resulting from our fortitude and perseverance, will serve as the most useful and salutary example to our latest posterity."

seconded the motion. He fully agreed with the language of the Address, that the objects for which the war had been commenced were obtained by a peace equally honourable to all parties. By this peace the country obtained all the securities it could desire, without any loss of national honour. The name of England was now higher upon the continent of Europe that ever it had been before. Within the last few years the stoutest hearts could hardly have indulged hope that the balance of power could so soon be restored in Europe. Thanks were due to the noble lord for the talents and moderation with which he had conducted himself during the negociation of the Treaty. It was true that all the objects of the war had been obtained. It was first undertaken for the overthrow of that democracy which arose in France; and next, for the suppression of the military despotism which succeeded to that democracy and threatened the ruin of Europe. The Revolution, however much to be lamented in its origin, was in the end productive of some advantages, for it taught this important lesson, that neither, just authority nor the liberties of the people were to be trifled with. Upon this occasion, he could not be silent as to the principles which had uniformly guided the councils of this nation during the long war. To the principles of Mr. Pitt it was that the successful issue of the war was due. And he could not but remark that this great statesman, and those who had so ably followed up his principles, had got the two ablest men to carry their designs into effect. He alluded to lord Nelson and the duke of Wellington. He left the discussion of the particular stipulations of the Treaty to those who were more able. All the objects of the war were obtained, and the Peace was altogether as glorious to the British nation as any that had ever been made.

noticed the unfortunate mode in which the mover arid seconder of the Address had effected their design of securing unanimity, by introducing topics that could not but create dissent. What connection the duke of Wellington had with the plans and principles of the late Mr. Pitt he could not discover. The mover and seconder had talked of the unvaried system on which this long war had been conducted, whereas, in truth, there perhaps never was a war, the grounds of which, during the contest, had been so often changed. At one time, the object was to extirpate the revolutionists; at another, the object was indemnity for the past and security for the future; and at another, to destroy the colossal power of Buonaparté. It was impossible for any man, who thought as he did, to concur in this Address, which declared that the Treaty "was considerate for the interests and the honour of all." That the interests of the people of Ireland was considered, it was absurd to contend. The 13th Article of the Treaty was, in his view, completely objectionable, since it would prove the ultimate ruin of our fisheries—it resigned the most important parts of the coast of Newfoundland, of the river St. Lawrence, and Labradore. These fisheries were the most important nurseries of the navy, as might be seen from the fact, that America formerly employed 1,500 schooners in the river St. Lawrence alone, which employed above 12,000 seamen. The basis on which these fisheries had been conceded was the Treaty of 1792, a period when France was in a condition to dictate terms to England. The city which he represented would be peculiarly injured by this Article. The right hon. baronet concluded by observing, that he could not concur in the Address as having consulted all interests, but more especially on the ground of the most defective stipulation on the subject of the African Slave Trade, and by hoping that some arrangements would be made to protect the persons concerned in those fisheries, which had been so great a cause of our maritime strength and our maritime successes.

maintained, that more concessions had not been made to the French by this Treaty, on the subject of the fisheries, than had been made on the occasion of the former treaties of peace with that country. All the possessions which had been given to her, were only such as to enable her to maintain and protect those fisheries. It was true that a remonstrance had been made to the board of trade on this subject, but he did not think that they could refuse to put the French in the same state with relation to these fisheries, as they had been in before the war. As to the extent of coast given to France, it was no more than was absolutely necessary for curing fish, and less could not have been given in order to enable her at all to profit by the share which she had in the fishery. He never heard any thing more visionary than what the right hon. baronet had said about this country employing 1,500 vessels, and 12,000 seamen in that quarter. He was quite prepared to meet the right hon. baronet on this subject on any day he would appoint, but at present it came upon him by surprise. He only wished the House not to go away with the impression that France had, by the 13th Article of their Treaty, obtained any new right.

said, that though he rose to propose an amendment, he was as far as any man from under-rating the exertions of his noble friend opposite to him, or from undervaluing the blessings of a peace which had exceeded the most sanguine hopes of the most sanguine anticipators. It was thus that nations favoured of Providence were blessed—by the wisdom of their councils and the valour of their arms, which insured a superiority over all enemies. Before he adverted to the main subject for which he had risen, there were a few topics to which he wished to advert. Though nothing could be more unprofitable than a retrospect of the events of the last twenty years, or to point out our varying opinions as applied to varying circumstances, which could lead to no end but to leave all persons in the possession of their own ideas; yet he should recur a little to past events, for the purpose of doing justice to a right hon. friend now no more. It did not appear to him that there had been any material alteration in the views on which the war was conducted. At the commencement of the war with France, we were in considerable danger from the aggressions of that country, and the opinions of a considerable party in this: Mr. Pitt accordingly talked at that time of indemnity for the past, and security for the future. These were then what he considered should be the foundation of terms of peace at that time. Then again, when the power of Buonaparté became overwhelming, his ideas of the terms of peace were necessarily changed. That colossal power, directed by a man of most extraordinary military talents, was the great object of dread, and the reduction of it, the great object of our exertion. In mentioning the name of Buonaparté it was impossible to avoid the reflection, that in false, and he might say in immoral and irreligious principles, were contained the seeds of their own destruction; for this great power, directed by the greatest abilities, had only ended in shame and disappointment, when directed against the happiness and independence of mankind. He was thankful that the present Treaty had been made before the general arrangement of the affairs of Europe, because it was better that this country should not be too much involved with the continent. Confederacies on just principles and for great purposes, were highly useful, as the event had lately proved; but he should have deeply regretted if the peace of this country had been liable to be disturbed for the sake of securing to this or that nation, that portion of territory which might be assigned in the final adjustment. He hoped that; at the general Congress, our government would enter into no such guarantee as might lead to a future war. War, unfortunately, had become so familiar to nations, that very little sufficed to excite it; it had become so long a habit, that to many it almost appeared essential to man's nature. He rejoiced that the throne of France was filled, not by a military despot, but by the successor of the hereditary monarchs of that nation; but instead of thinking, as some did, that the war could not break out again, because it had lasted so long, he conceived that, for this very reason, we should be more upon our guard. The monarch no doubt must have the most affectionate feelings towards this country, which had received and supported him in his adversity and exile; but it must be considered, that France was not now what she formerly was: the king was the monarchical head of a military country. The greatest moderation was necessary from all parties; there should be a general disposition to concede, conciliate, to bear, and to forbear. He was not much acquainted with the subject of the Newfoundland fishery, but he was not disposed to grudge to France a share of that lucrative trade. He was so far from feeling any jealousy at the prospect of her commercial greatness, that he sincerely hoped that she might have all that increase of wealth and happiness which so great and high-minded a people deserved. Her habits at present were too military, either for her own repose or the repose of the world; an increase of commercial advantages might tend to excite different objects of pursuit, at once lucrative, humane, peaceful.

There was one other topic upon which he wished to touch. It was that most wise, most upright, and benevolent article of the Treaty, by which it was stipulated that no persons belonging to the ceded countries, or any others, should be persecuted or disturbed for any opinions or line of conduct which they had adopted under a different government. He was the more anxious to refer to this generons stipulation, on account of the afflicting intelligence which had lately arrived from Spain, of the distress and persecution of several members of the late government. If these men had been the enemies of their king and country, they would have been protected by such a provision as that now mentioned. But when he considered that these men, instead of being the friends of Buonaparté, were the very persons whose firm and unshaken minds had, through all circumstances, remained faithful to their nation and their sovereign; who, with a noble adherence to their principles, fearless and disinterested, unseduced by the most flattering promises, unterrified by the most threatening dangers,—still kept on their way, and in spite of disaster, and in the face of despair, upheld the dignity of their native land and its exiled monarch;—when he considered this, it seemed to him too much even for credulity itself to believe, that such illustrious men could be the objects of personal resentment with the prince for whose rights they had laboured and had conquered. [Hear! hear! from all parts of the House.] It was a subject he had very much at heart, and not the less because one of those eminent characters had written to him some time ago, stating his intention to move in the sitting of the Cortes for the abolition of the Slave Trade. This he was prepared to do even when his country was occupied with so many other important objects, and though its prejudices on that subject were so strong, and its supposed interests so great. This distinguished person was Signor Arguelles. And could the House be backward in its wishes to make some return for his meditated benefits to the great cause of abolition? He had thought to propose an address to the Prince Regent on the subject, but he should relinquish that course, in the hope that his noble friend would use his powerful influence, to prevent these praise-worthy men from becoming the victims of a cabal.

He was ready to give his Majesty's ministers the greatest praise for the skill and temper with which they had assisted in preserving the union of so many and variously-interested powers. This praise was also due to the duke of Wellington, who had succeeded in harmonising the discordant feelings of different nations; who had shewn in the greatest degree the seemingly-incompatible qualities of heroic courage and high-mindedness, of the mildest moderation and forbearance; who had overlooked all personal vexations, and scoffs, and insults, from the very people whom he was serving, and kept his eye steadily fixed on the great object, where he saw his own glory and his country's glory inseparably connected. He trusted that the House would pardon him for this digressive tribute to the character of a great man.

He now felt it due to himself to say, that he still entertained the same opinions, and in precisely the same force, as to one article of the Treaty, which he had before expressed. Of that article he could never think with approbation. He was aware that the subject was beset with difficulties; and he could confirm what had been said by the noble lord, that the French people by no means gave us credit for humanity on account of the abolition, but thought we were actuated by selfish views of commerce, hypocritically disguised under a better name. But with deference to the noble lord, he conceived that those very persons who made such imputations were not so high-minded but that they might have been easily worked upon by motives of interest. For his own part, he still had hopes that truth would prevail, and that the French would feel the sacrifices which we had hazarded for the sake of humanity, and know that, in the same cause, we would willingly submit to sacrifices still greater. He hoped, that by some additional sacrifice an abolition might be procured from France, which would be more effectual than the same measure, if obtained by compulsion. It was a favourable omen of further and complete success, that the discussions in another place (Freemason's-hall) on this subject, had found their way into the principle French Journal. As he .did not wish to disturb the unanimity of parliament, and at the same time desired to preserve his own feelings from being misconstrued, he should propose the following clause, as an amendment to be inserted in the Address.

"That, with reference to the first additional Article, this House having on the 27th instant humbly conveyed its sentiments to his Royal Highness, we defer the expression of any further opinion until that whole matter shall have been discussed and settled at the approaching Congress, to which it is stipulated to be referred under the said Article; relying on the known justice and humanity of his Royal Highness, that no effort will be wanting on his part to give the fullest and speediest effect which the circumstances of the negociation may allow, to the wishes so repeatedly declared by us, for the abolition of the Slave Trade."

This Amendment, the hon. gentleman observed, was the same in effect as the Address of the 27th; but it would save the House from the expression of their satisfaction at the continuance of a traffic that was all blood—a traffic composed entirely of rapacity, injustice, violence, robbery, and murder, aggravated by foul and cruel treachery. He could not but hope, that when the noble lord went to the Congress, reinforced with the sense of the strong feeling of the House and the country, the power of the cause and additional sacrifices might prevail; and we might at least console ourselves, that the more efforts we made on this subject, the more worthy we were to enjoy the blessings of Providence. The hon. gentleman then proposed his Amendment.

thought that the Address carried on a former night was sufficient to express the sentiments of the House, but if the hon. gentleman thought the objects of the House made more distinct by being repeated, he had no objection to the Amendment.

The Amendment was then ordered to stand as part of the motion nem. con.

said, that although he generally approved of the Treaty, he could not express his opinion, without glancing at what had been said by the hon. mover and seconder of the Address, in praise of the system of policy which had been adopted. Instead of feeling entire partiality to the system of Mr. Pitt, he must say, that the false policy with which the affairs of this country had been conducted in his time, had been the sole cause of originating that military monster which the united efforts of the allied powers had so happily suc- ceeded in crushing. This system of policy ought, therefore, by no means to be compared with that different spirit which had dictated the united deliverance. He was ready to give full credit to his Majesty's ministers, and to admit that their co-operation on the late occasions had been directed by great wisdom: at the same time, it was impossible not to see that the general alliance had originated in the disgust and indignation of all Europe at the conduct of the late government of France. It was not surprising that the allies, seeing the actual state of Europe, should have advised this country to make those exertions, which were far superior to the petty and pitiful efforts that had been adopted at an earlier period. However, the great object being gained, he was ready to admit that this country had nothing to complain of in respect to the commercial regulations of the Treaty. Taking into consideration the value of the colonies which had been given up, he was rather inclined to think that we had been too liberal, and had given up more than could have been reasonably expected. The leaving of the fisheries open was more than had been granted upon former occasions. He was inclined to give credit to our minister for not pressing the commercial treaty, because the prejudice which prevails at the present time against us, as a trading people, must have operated to our disadvantage. He would rather have seen the Mauritius included amongst the cessions, because those islands would be of little advantage to us; they could not be retained without a considerable expense; and as we possessed Saint Helena and the Cape, we could be in no want of stations for our India ships on their passage. But the worst consequence of our retention of the Mauritius would be, that it would induce France to fix herself on the great island of Madagascar, where she could carry on the Slave Trade in connection with the southern coast of Africa, to a great extent. On the subject of the Slave Trade generally, he must say that the greatest apprehension ought to be entertained of its falling into the hands of France, for if it were, our possessions in the West-Indies would experience incalculable injury. Those markets which might become the depots of slaves, would also become the centre of all the colonial produce, and would finally command the whole carrying trade of the West Indies. That the French would pursue this Trade, was greatly to be feared; for, unless we could expect their morals would be deeply altered, it was not to be believed that they would feel disposed to give up the Trade in five years. Thus, whatever colony had the command of the Slave Trade, would also command the sugar trade, and every other. Respecting the territorial regulations about to be arranged, he only hoped that care would be taken not to place the minor states in a situation which would make them subservient to their neighbours. On the whole he considered the Treaty as just and moderate in the extreme.

concurred entirely in the sentiment that the war had had the same object from the beginning to the end. It had been said to have three distinct objects at different times.—1. To overturn the republic. 2. To procure indemnity for the past, and security for the future. 3. To overthrow the tyranny of Buonaparté. But these three objects, so far from being incompatible, were one and the same. For our whole object in all these was to oppose an effectual resistance to the dangerous aggressions of France. He approved of the Treaty of Peace, because it had been concluded on the principles on which the war had been conducted, principles which had always had his support, and of which the event had proved the justice.

said, that he differed from the last Speaker. We had not put down French principles by our opposition to them, but they had put themselves down by being incompatible with human nature. As for indemnity for the past, we had procured no such indemnity: though we had procured security for the future, the only indemnity for the past which a wise government, situated as were, would look to or hope for. Lastly, the power of Buonaparté was a power, which no man in the House or in the country had not wished to overthrow; with respect to that object there had been no difference of opinion, though there might have been as to the means of accomplishing the end. But the overthrow of that power was not owing solely to this country or even to the allies: it was owing more to Buonaparté himself than to any resistance which had been made to him. The learned gentleman said it was painful to make objections to a Treaty like the present, but there were some parts of it which he deemed imprudent, and others which appeared to him highly disgraceful. By making this Treaty with France at the time we did, Great Britain had placed herself in a disadvantageous situation. He had heard it said, that it was proper to conclude a peace while the impression of the victories of the allies was fresh on the minds of the French people, and that Great Britain would go to the Congress with more weight and influence in consequence of the Treaty being signed: neither of these positions appeared to him to be well founded. If, indeed, sacrifices had been demanded of France, there would then have been some appearance of truth in the statement; but this was neither the case in point of fact, nor would it even then have been true policy, because no country could long submit to conditions forced from them by the immediate pressure of circumstances. As to the second point, the supposition that England would go to the Congress with more weight and authority from having signed the Treaty, he could not conceive the subject in that point of view. England had necessarily lessened her weight in such a Congress, and her influence over France, by having given up her colonies—the only equivalent she had to offer for any sacrifices to be demanded from or made by other powers. He deprecated that clause in the Treaty which supported the claim of Sweden to Norway. He had not been present in the House when that question was debated, nor should he go into it now, any farther than to enter his protest against it as one of the most ruinous and disgraceful measures in which this country had ever embarked, and which gave him more pain than almost any subject could do, except the one to which he should next advert, the introduction of the Article relating to the Slave Trade.—The learned gentleman panegyrized, in glowing terms, the services rendered to the cause of the abolition by the hon. gentleman near him (Mr. Wilberforce). Human nature, indeed, owed that hon. gentleman the most important obligations, and if he was not to reap the fruits of his long labours, it would be owing to the noble lord on the other side (lord Castlereagh). It was asked, would the advocates of the abolition require ministers to go to war with France for the accomplishment of their object? But in answer, he would ask, would France go to war with us for the maintenance of the Slave Trade? For himself, he declared his full conviction that such an apprehension was preposterous. It was also asked, whe- ther the friends of the abolition would require the French government to be insulted by insisting upon the immediate adoption of their principle? but in answer, he would ask, had not the French government been actually insulted? For that government was required to declare, that the Slave Trade was contrary to the principles of humanity and justice, and on this condition she was allowed to continue that Trade for five years. Thus, truly was the feelings of France consulted, and its honour saved. If French understanding was thus to be managed, he could not suppose such management likely to influence the understanding of England. The people of France were not, the noble lord said, sensible of the wickedness of this Trade, and therefore they were not disposed to abstain from it; but it was calculated, that after they had embarked capital in it, and derived profit from it, they would then become disposed to abandon it altogether. What a profound calculation! How creditable to the judgment of those by whom it was indulged! But the fact was, that this Article betrayed an entire forgetfulness of the honour of this country and the interests of humanity. The noble lord, indeed, seemed to forget in this transaction the honour of his colleagues, for the public and the House could not have forgotten this conduct of the noble lord and his colleagues on the discussion of the Slave Trade in parliament. Therefore their character must suffer by their acquiescence in this odious Article. The thinking part of the country would naturally apprehend, upon a full view of the case, that if the question for the immediate abolition of the Slave Trade, instead of being brought forward with the cold fidelity of duty in consequence of the Address of parliament, had been pressed upon France in the firm tone which the noble lord was entitled to assume, and urged with the zeal and ardour which an anxious friend to the abolition was likely to feel, France would have yielded, and the object of humanity would have been attained. But, unfortunately, this object had failed through the noble lord, and, therefore, notwithstanding all the eclat which attached to the Treaty before the House, he had no hesitation in declaring, that he would not barter his own obscure and humble name, for all the honour or fame that the noble lord might possess or aspire to, accompanied with the disgrace of having subscribed to an article so scandalous as that which sanctioned the continuation of the Slave Trade.

said, that while he felt as warmly as the hon. and learned gentleman who spoke last, for the abolition of the Slave Trade, he could not concur with him in blaming the conduct of the noble lord or his colleagues in the great transaction under discussion. Indeed, he felt inexpressible satisfaction, that from the Amendment adopted on the proposition of his hon. friend, he was enabled, without qualification or reservation, to express his entire approbation of the Treaty before the House, which he had no hesitation in declaring to be the most glorious that had ever been concluded by the government of England. It was undoubtedly true, that he differed from those who thought that the question of abolishing the Slave Trade would, if insisted upon by this country, have ever led to a question of war or peace with France—or that if we had firmly stated "no abolition, no colonies," our perseverance in that statement would have produced war. But although, in this view, he differed in opinion from the noble lord, it did not therefore follow that he imputed blame because the noble lord and his colleagues had entertained and acted upon a different calculation. He rather, indeed, took blame to himself, and perhaps his hon. friend (Mr. Wilberforce) partook of that blame, for not pressing the insertion of a sentiment in the Address of the 5th of May last, sufficiently decisive to urge the noble lord to insist upon the immediate and general abolition of the Slave Trade, and thus to arm the noble lord with the authority of parliament, to use a tone of firmness, to France and others, upon this important subject. To his hon. friend, he had privately communicated his opinion as to the expediency of embodying such a sentiment in the Address alluded to, but front a desire to secure unanimity, that course was not pressed. The House then declining to speak in the language of decision, a discretion was left to the noble lord and his colleagues, which discretion was, he had no doubt, exercised to the best of their judgment; and therefore, although he differed from the opinion, he could attach no censure to the conduct of ministers. As to the insinuations thrown out against the sincerity of the noble lord and other ministers (with respect to the abolition of the Slave Trade) who had in parliament differed from him and others on the dis- cussion of that subject, he was enabled to declare, from personal knowledge, that when he came into office in 1807, the cabinet were unanimous in assenting to the completion of the Bill for abolishing the Slave Trade, although of that cabinet he alone, and his late right hon. friend (Mr. Perceval), were among the advocates of that measure in parliament. But the noble lord, and others of the cabinet, finding the sense of parliament and the country decidedly in favour of the abolition, promptly acceded to the measure, and the Bill alluded to received the royal assent. He saw no reason therefore, to entertain the suspicions to which he had adverted: and he must also deprecate the suspicions expressed as to the sincerity of the French government. To say the least of it, he could not think it politic to express any such suspicion. It certainly could not serve to promote the success of the great object in view, to promulgate any doubt of the disposition of the French government to perform its contract by abolishing the Slave Trade five years. Indeed, he saw no good ground to question that disposition; but in a short time the sincerity of the French government would be brought to the test, for she stood pledged to co-operate with us in producing the general concurrence of the other powers of Europe in the abolition of the Slave Trade, and he trusted that on this occasion it would be stipulated, that each power should become a guarantee for the others' observance of the contract for this desirable end. The noble lord would, he had no doubt, seek to render the stipulation on this subject as effective as possible. But with a view to the object, he was persuaded that our policy was not to express any suspicion of the sincerity of France, or to insinuate any doubt of her disposition to perform her contract, but rather, in a tone of confidence upon her good faith and adherence to her bond, to call for her co-operation in the great cause of humanity in promoting the universal abolition of the Slave Trade.

With these sentiments, as to the Article respecting the Slave Trade, which was the only one of doubtful complexion in the whole Treaty, he could see nothing in this great transaction in which he did not concur, nay, which had not his most cordial approbation. There were some details which he did not think it material to couple with the consideration of this important Treaty, but it might not be amiss ‡ to state, that he had received some representations with respect to Newfoundland, which, however, would rather more require to be attended to by the noble lord on those discussions with America, which were shortly to be expected. True it was, that on this point respecting Newfoundland, it was proposed by some to leave us on the same footing as that settled by the peace of 1783. But with all deference, that was not a period or a compact to which we should now look for the guidance of our conduct. We should not now look for precedents to the humiliating conditions extorted from us by a triumphant enemy; or by a separating friend, who, of the two, was much more forward to exact from us. No, we must not revert to those arrangements, which were to be regarded as trophies of victory to our enemies, and monuments of degradation to ourselves, as rules to direct our judgment under existing, and, happily, very different circumstances.

While he was ready to compliment the ability with which the last speaker had stated and argued his view of the subject, he hoped that it would not be considered inconsistent with that compliment, or the respect which he felt for the learned gentleman's talents, if he expressed an entire difference of opinion from him and others, as to the policy of concluding a separate peace with France. This he thought, in fact, the most eminently meritorious part of the conduct adopted by his Majesty's ministers. For it was wise to set matters right with France first, to place her in her natural position—to restore her to light and reason, and steadiness, in order that she might be enabled to walk upright to the general Congress that was to restore and settle the affairs of Europe. It was to be considered that France was not yet in her proper state, that there was only a change of monarch, while the limbs and vital springs remained still the same, and that she therefore required time to repair her losses, to re-establish her order, to arrange her affairs. But according to the learned gentleman, we had, by concluding a peace with her, been shorn of our strength. With deference, however, to the opinion of the learned gentlemen, we should by this Treaty go to the Congress with an accession of strength, for we should go to it with an accession of character. We had by this Treaty clearly manifested the integrity of our object, we had disabused Europe, we had removed all suspicion, and it would be idle to disguise that some suspicion did attach to our views; but by this Treaty we had not only secured peace to ourselves, but given peace and tranquillity to others, and on such grounds as could leave no doubt as to the purity of our views in the prosecution of the war.

There was one point to which he thought it necessary here to advert, not with a view to discussion, but merely to ask information from the noble lord—and this information he was induced to ask in consequence of what appeared in the public papers. It was said that Italy was to be divided into independent states, and it would be most satisfactory to him to learn, that in the final settlement of that territory, the interests of the government of Naples, which had proved itself among the most faithful of our allies, would be duly considered. Keeping that consideration in view, the prospect which the Treaty held out—in the settlement of the ancient governments of Europe—in the restoration of genuine tranquillity—was peculiarly cheering to every friend of humanity, of social order, and rational liberty. Thus the great objects of the war, which, overleaping the Truce of Amiens, had, for twenty years, been steadily and uniformly pursued, were at length happily attained. Thus the principles upon which the war was undertaken were established—thus our pledges were redeemed—thus our perseverance was rewarded. And such a great and gratifying result, so much exceeding the most sanguine calculations, could only be attributed to the interposition of an over-ruling Providence.

The hon. and learned gentleman who spoke last had said, that he would not desire the production of the Treaty proposed at Chatillon, because it must be matter of regret, if, in that document, it should appear that more concessions were offered to Buonaparté than had been granted to the present government of France. But he could not think that ministers were to be blamed if peace had been made, or nearly made, with Buonaparté"—at least such blame could not be imputed by those who had so often called upon government to make peace with that man—who had so often deprecated the indulgence of any personal prejudice likely to prolong the war. But the fact was, that no such prejudice prompted the prosecution of that war, which was now so gloriously terminated, in the attainment of that which was beyond its original aim and object—he meant the restoration of the ancient dynasty. Yes, he could say most truly (and the statement could not now be supposed a mere answer to those who deprecated perpetual war), that however desirable that restoration, it never was the object of the war with any of the governments by which it had been carried on. But the policy of the war was fully explained in the able paper of lord Grenville, in which alone the cause of the Bourbons was mentioned. The re-establishment of that family, however, was never, he repeated, the object of the war. The real object of the war was the establishment of our own security, and the tranquillity of the world: and, with a view to this object, it was necessary to resist the principles of that violent convulsive republic, which, having desolated France, sought to shake all the established thrones and governments of Europe. With that view, we had resisted the military despotism which grew out of that convulsive system. We contended against the Jacobinism which gave birth to the war in all the shapes and forms which it had assumed to disturb us and the whole civilized world; and we had finally conquered. Yes, we had completely conquered; and he declared that, in pursuing this glorious conquest, he thought nothing more praise-worthy than the signal patience which this nation had manifested. The people of this country were, in fact, not so much entitled to praise for what they had achieved, as for what they had endured; not so much for the valiant promptitude with which they marched to the battle, as for the manly steadiness with which they stood at their post. It had been said that the spurious fire of French liberty, which burned only to consume, would have burned out without our interposition. But we had promoted and witnessed its final extinguishment, and we had the proud satisfaction of seeing, that the nation in which it raged, had at length come to our own country for the pure flame of national liberty. This he conceived a high source of national congratulation. He doubted much, indeed, whether that undisputed dominion of the sea, which was the conquest of the war, or whether the splendid achievement of our gallant army, and its unrivalled leader, afforded so much matter for just congratulations, as that result, as to find, that after overcoming the wild, enthusiastic, delusive spirit of liberty which desolated France—that after being the saviors, we had be- come the models of Europe. Let us hope, for the interest of mankind, that this model would be generally adopted—that all nations would endeavour to introduce that vital spirit, that germ of strength, which had enabled so small a country to make such extraordinary exertions to save itself, and to deal out salvation to the world.

He agreed with the noble lord (Castlereagh) as to the propriety of abstaining from the use of any force, to press the adoption of our moral conceptions and political principles upon any nation whatever. But he hoped and trusted, that a consideration of the nature of our institutions, with the capabilities which they conferred, and the effects to which they led, would have a due effect upon all governments and people. That in reviewing the unparalleled exertions which such a limited population had made to repel unparalleled dangers—that in considering our signal triumph with elevated spirit and augmented strength, the great cause of all would be duly estimated. That such would be the result there was every reason to hope, from what had already happened; and this was a proud reflection. It was impossible, indeed, for any British subject not to be gratified in such a happy state of things. But the same feeling animated the parliament and the people, and therefore he cordially concurred in the propriety of laying the expression of our congratulation at the foot of the throne.

contended, that if it could not be shewn by the noble lord (Castlereagh) that every effort was used to restore to Ferdinand the kingdom of Naples, that must prove a slur upon the government of this country. The king of Naples had proved a faithful ally to this country, at a time when every one else had deserted us. It was a notorious fact, that Naples had been lost to the king of Sicily, by his attachment to England. The honour of the country, therefore, would receive an indelible stain, if every effort was not made to procure its restoration.

declared it not to be his intention to disturb the unanimity of the House on the present occasion, although, certainly if the words proposed by his hon. friend, as an addition to the Address, had not been received into it, he should have opposed it. It was not his wish to resume the debate on the Slave Trade, as he had twice already taken an opportunity of delivering his sentiments on the subject, and the House had heard enough from him on that point. He must, however, still be allowed to repeat, that that could never by him be called an honourable treaty of peace, which had such an article in it. He could not give his vote, therefore, in support of the proposed Address, without stating, in a few words, the grounds of that vote. This was a Treaty of pacification between the allied powers and France, but on which no provision was made as to any of the great questions of territorial arrangements between the other parties independently of France, but which were referred to a Congress to be there adjusted. He should not, therefore, say a word on those points, presuming such a discussion to be premature, and that it would be pernicious to debate them. He must protest, however, against a doctrine which he had heard uttered that night, that it was the interest of this country to abstain as much as possible from interference in continental interests and connections. He maintained quite the contrary of this. He contended that it was not her interest to keep herself insulated, and apart from the affairs of the continent; but that she was to find her safety in the safety of the continent of Europe; as the continent of Europe was to find her safety in the safety of England. It was for this reason that he had never urged ministers to endeavour to take any advantage of a favourable aspect in the situation of our own affairs, to endeavour to conclude a peace, till a peace could be procured as favourable and honourable for the powers on the continent as for these islands. When he said this, he did not mean to recommend a meddling and officious interference in the affairs of other countries; but only a watchful care and anxiety that the interests of one power should not be sacrificed to the ambition of a more powerful neighbour. If this reservation was allowed to him, and the discussion of the particular points of arrangement, as they should be adjusted at the Congress, was to take place, at some future opportunity he should agree to the Address on the Treaty as now proposed. There were one or two points, however, on which he could not help saying a few words. One of the points to which he referred was the state of Poland. The partition of it, he had no hesitation in saying, was the circumstance which first endangered the safety of Europe, and led even to the French Revolution. No man could deny this; and if the noble lord opposite was to be the negociator at the Congress which was to take place, or whoever was that negociator, the interests of Great Britain and of the world required that he should attend to that circumstance. For, unless there was a return generally to those principles which had prevailed previous to the partition of that country, in an adherence to that system, would be found the seeds of perpetual contest. The principle which dictated the partition of Poland had dictated the conduct of Buonaparté also. He denied that the one was more mischievous than the other. He wished that the return to those principles should be universal. He wished that every idea of partition should be abandoned, not by France only, but by all other countries; and that a return should be made throughout Europe to that system which had prevailed previous to the partition of Poland. Who was right or who wrong at the commencement of the war was little to the present purpose, nor should he disturb the harmony of the debate by any enquiries on that subject, though he was not without a decided opinion on the point. As to the Treaty itself between France and England, he perfectly approved of it. The noble lord was right in concluding it. France had, no doubt, got some advantages, but they were not greater than they ought to have been, and the noble lord was correct in agreeing to them at once (with the exception always which he had set out with mentioning) rather than postpone the conclusion of the Treaty probably for a month.

said, he was in parliament, when the war, now happily concluded, first broke out, and he had constantly been in opposition to the persons by whom that war was conducted. He had hoped that the Address submitted for the adoption of the House would have been so worded, and also that the speech introducing it to their notice would have been so framed, as to render that unanimity, which the noble mover courted, possible. When the noble mover and seconder of the Address, however, attacked those whom he had supported throughout, the question was not whether he could vote for the Address, but whether he could tamely submit to admit it as a fact, that all which he had said, or thought, and still thought, was founded in error. Men in general were admitted to be liable to error; but the supporters of the war, they were now given to understand, were infallible, and had had their counsels marked by wisdom throughout. He had originally opposed the administration of the noble lord (Castlereagh) also; but seeing an alteration in the tone of that noble lord, from what he had remarked in his predecessors, and that, too, at a moment when more than ordinary success might have been supposed to have made him less moderate, he had reposed confidence in the moderation of that noble lord; telling him that he did so, and that the time would come when he should be able to declare, whether or not that confidence had or had not been deservedly reposed. That time had now arrived, and he could tell the noble lord that, in every respect, except that article in the Treaty which regarded the Slave Trade, and to which he ought never to have put his name, the noble lord had fully and completely deserved that confidence which he had reposed in him. He could tell the noble lord that there was one part of his history which, in his opinion, redounded more to his honour than all the rest of that important business, which (except in the article already alluded to) he had brought to so glorious an issue—and that was, that when he went to negotiate, he fairly tried the experiment of doing so with the then ruler of France; and though the papers had not been produced, Mr. Whitbread said he was fully convinced the negociation at Chatillon had been broken off only in consequence of the folly, madness, or what else, of Buonaparté himself. The noble lord's firmness, however, was not damped; he persevered in his undaunted course; and by his firmness contributed to keep the allied powers together, till the business was brought to a conclusion. Mr. Whitbread said he had often recommended to ministers to make a peace with the ruler of France, if that could be done: there was no evidence of the impracticability of such a measure, till the noble lord had tried it: being then found impracticable, no man rejoiced more in the restoration of the Bourbons, coupled as it was with the safety of Paris, from destruction, than he did.—The hon. member then paid a compliment to the magnanimous moderation of the emperor Alexander; for, considering the destruction of Moscow, and the lengthened irritation of the pursuit, he could hardly have believed it possible that Paris would have been entered by the Russians, and not destroyed. A right hon. gentleman (Mr. Canning) had rhetorically talked of the disposition to imitate the British constitution, which was felt and acted upon by the different nations of Europe. A very different course, however, had been pursued in Spain, and he earnestly intreated that some means might be found to rescue the present government of that country, from the indelible stain that it had incurred in the imprisonment of such men as Arguelles and Quintana, and that those patriots might be saved from a cruel death.—Looking to the Treaty as a whole, always excepting the Article on the Slave Trade, it was an instrument which met his hearty approbation. At the same time, considering the various interests to be discussed at the approaching congress, it appeared premature, that the Austrian general in Italy should already have proclaimed the annexation of Lombardy and other states of Italy. There was one thing about the Treaty which he considered most indecorous: the king of Sardinia had been stripped by it of a part of his territory, without his privity or consent. This was not acting on the principle of restoring ancient rights. Genoa also had been solemnly promised the restoration of its ancient constitution by lord William Bentinck; the faith of the British nation had been pledged; and yet the rumour now was, that the king of Sardinia was to be indemnified at the expense of Genoa, and what was more, at the expense of British good faith. He would say, that if the great powers did not abstain from the partitioning system, the nations of Europe would yet be deluged with blood. The hon. member alluded to a report that the German states were to be placed under four protectorates, of which Hanover was to be one. A measure of this sort would secure, with a witness, our connection with the continent! He observed with regard to Norway, that the subjugation of that unfortunate country was made, by the Treaty, to receive the guarantee of France also. France was made to sanction the cession of Norway to Sweden, in return for the restoration of Guadaloupe.—The hon. member concluded with adverting to what appeared to him the declamatory harangue of a right hon. gentleman. What did all his exultations amount to? Merely that five coalitions had erected Buonaparté into the colossus of Europe, but that Buonaparté's madness had unmade himself, and restored the Bourbon dynasty. He begged the noble lord would consider what he had said merely as an exposition of his sentiments. If he should be compelled to say No to the Address, that negative would apply to the arguments by which it had been supported, and not in the slightest degree personally to the noble lord. He had placed his confidence in the noble lord, and, with one exception, he did not regret that he had done so; he trusted, however, when he returned from the approaching Congress, and when they met him again in that House next session, they would be able to say to him, You have done completely well—you have redeemed the only error with which we charge you.

rose and observed, that nothing could ever efface from his mind the grateful recollection of that candour and liberality with which he had been treated by the House, both during his absence from it, and in his presence while there. Perhaps, in quitting this country, on a late occasion, he had engaged himself in a course of transactions, not strictly within the sphere of his official business; but he had felt it his duty to be absent, and it was most gratifying to him to reflect, that when he returned, his absence had been sanctioned and approved of by that House. With regard to the great question then before them, it certainly involved many important points, on which they would naturally expect an explanation from him; and he should not feel that he had discharged his duty to the House, to Europe, or to himself, if he abstained from affording such information as might make that great transaction understood in all its bearings.

One part of it, namely, the Slave Trade, had already undergone considerable discussion, and he did not mean to enter into a re-examination of it on the present occasion. He could not, however, in fairness and candour, refrain from observing, that notwithstanding all he had heard on that question, notwithstanding every disposition on his part to receive the opinions of those hon. members who spoke upon it, he was still deliberately of opinion, that nothing could have been more unfortunate for the cause itself, nothing could have had a more direct tendency to obstruct its ultimate success, than if parliament had gone the length of fettering the crown by any mandatory injunction. Equally prejudicial to the interest of that cause would it have been, to have demanded its recognition by the French government as a sine qua non, whether France had yielded to our demand, or whether she had rejected it. He would not, however, argue the question any further, but content himself with that explicit declaration of his sentiments upon it.

In referring to the other topics connected with the Treaty, he perfectly concurred in the opinion expressed by his hon. friend, that it would be the greatest act of folly, the greatest act of human presumption, to attribute the extraordinary issue of those events, which were now diffusing joy and triumph not only throughout this country, but throughout Europe, to any man, or any set of men. That sacred cause had prospered, because it was consonant to the eternal and immutable principles of truth and justice: the seeds of its triumph were sown in the day of adversity and peril; they had sunk deep into the minds of all the potentates of Europe, and it was enough of satisfaction for this country the consciousness that it had done no act, that it had suggested no advice, which could check or turn aside the current in which that great cause was flowing to its redemption. We had watched it step by step; we had followed it steadily and firmly; we had accompanied it in its progress to final and complete success; but he agreed with an hon. member, that its close would have been incomplete had it not terminated in the restoration of the ancient family to the throne of France. The Bourbons, in returning to the throne of their ancestors, had conferred a signal benefit on France. They had given her a social character, and put her within the pale of nations; they had, by destroying that military system, and subduing that spirit of conquest and spoliation, which had been fostered to so fatal an excess by her late ruler, enabled her to establish permanently, social relations with the rest of Europe.

These were advantages which could not have resulted from any peace concluded with the individual who recently governed that country. He was prepared confidently to assert, from the means of information which the course of the negociations at Chatillon had afforded him, that the mind of that individual was so deeply wounded by the transactions which had occurred, that no secure nor durable peace could have been made with him. The terms of a peace, indeed, might have been established, but no moral, no permanent peace, founded upon mutual good faith and mutual anxiety for its preserva- tion could have been accomplished. Even supposing he could have been awakened from that dream of ambition which had so long deluded him, and that, instead of being the agitator and disturber of the world, he had appeared as the only person sincerely desirous of peace, and eager for its attainment, still there was that feeling throughout Europe with respect to him, that any peace concluded with him would necessarily have been viewed with an eye of jealousy and suspicion. While, however, he (lord Castlereagh) felt all the difficulties which that state of things created, and with all those embarrassing circumstances full in his consideration, yet he felt satisfied that so long as he should continue de facto at the head of the French government, so long as he had the power of swaying the destinies of France, there was no alternative for this country but to treat with him. But he could not disguise from himself, nor could the House disguise from itself, that if the discussions at Chatillon had ended in peace, that peace concluded with Buonaparté, would have been but little congenial to the state of the public feeling in this country. The hon. member, however, (Mr. Whitbread), had done him no more than justice in believing, that had he been conscientiously convinced of the policy, expediency, or necessity of concluding a peace with that individual, no apprehensions of what might be the public feeling upon such a peace would have deterred him from bringing the negociation to a conclusion.

The House should bear in mind also, an important fact connected with this part of the subject. If we had refused to negotiate with France, while subject to the dominion of that individual, from that moment we should have laid the ground for the dissolution of that great confederacy which was arrayed against him. The principle of disunion would have been immediately introduced by such a determination. The allies had professed their willingness, and practically had acted up to their profession, to treat with him so long as he should continue at the head of the government, and could give validity to its acts. The House would remember that he (lord C.) had gone out from this country expressly to treat with him, in conjunction with our allies; but after he had ceased to rule, a very obvious change of policy presented itself. The project which the allies gave in at Chatillon, was, after he had been successively victorious in five engagements, and when a considerable degree, he would not say of despondency, but of uncertainty and doubt, prevailed as to the issue of the campaign. At the same moment, also, the allied powers entered into that solemn engagement at Chaumont, by which four of them engaged to bring into the field 600,000 men; the most important contract, whether the magnitude of the force to be brought forward, or the object to which it was to be applied, was considered, that the history of European diplomacy perhaps could furnish! The temperate but firm conduct of the allies, which they manifested throughout the whole of their proceedings, had largely contributed to their successes. To that alone might be attributed the glorious result of their entering Paris in triumph as friends and deliverers. There was no doubt but that the capital might have been entered, in a military point of view, under different circumstances; but the most calamitous consequences must have ensued from such an occupation of it. The triumph of the allies in this respect arose entirely from the errors and infatuation of the late ruler of France. Had he not removed himself to such a distance from the capital, had he not made so many false military movements from that spirit of exaggeration which he sustained to the last moment, and if prince Schwartzenberg, by a prompt and decisive manœuvre which would immortalize him as a general, had not appeared to fall into the snare which was laid for him, by which means he gained at least five marches upon his antagonist, the French troops might have been interposed between him and Paris, and which, if then entered at all, must have been entered as a scene of warfare and misery, and not in triumph.

An impression had gone abroad, he knew, that the negociations at Chatillon were broken off, in consequence of intelligence received there of the transactions that had taken place at Bourdeaux. Nothing could be more unfounded than that supposition. The movement in the west of France was certainly known at Chatillon, but the further progress of the negociations was not suspended until the allies were unequivocally convinced that Buonaparté was trifling with the negociators. The immediate consequence of breaking off those negociations was the advance of the allied army, composing a body of 100,000 men to the gates of Paris; and he trusted the House would feel that the manly declaration put forth by them when there, contributed essentially to that happy and prosperous termination of the contest which afterwards took place. That declaration, which announced the determination of the allies not to interfere in whatever might be the decision of the people of France, with respect to their future government, gave an impulse to the public feeling which could not have existed under any other circumstances. It was a spontaneous movement on their part. The first communication received from Paris, by the allies while they were at Chatillon, which could at all be regarded as an authentic instrument of any persons of consideration there, was after the rupture of the negociations at Chatillon had been made known in Paris, and that there existed no prospect of any peace being concluded with the head of their government.

Having thus entered into those explanations which he thought the occasion required of him, he should now proceed to state the principles by which Great Britain had been guided in negociating the Treaty then before them. The language uniformly held by this country to the continent had been, that if the people of Europe were willing to fight for their own liberties, England would stand by them, and aid their efforts; but if, from want of ability or want of inclination, they shrunk from the contest, that then England was determined to do justice to herself, and would provide by her own strength for her own security. We had conquered every colony belonging to France. Not a flag waved among them that was hostile to this country: but we were, notwithstanding, disposed to make large and liberal surrenders of our conquests, if we could be satisfied that they would contribute to the permanent tranquillity of Europe. It was necessary, we contended, that France should be reduced in her territorial limits, and, above all other points, we maintained the necessity of restoring that ancient and faithful power Holland, and providing such a barrier for her as would secure her against any future encroachments upon her liberty and indedendence. In proportion, too, as Holland could be made strong and secure, her claim to the restoration of her colonies would be considered by us as advanced with additional force and propriety.

He trusted that Holland, with the proposed union of territory and possessions, would be perfectly able to maintain her independence. Although the arrangements on that subject were not complete in the Treaty which had already been signed, they would be concluded, and he had no doubt satisfactorily to all parties, in the negociations which were approaching. If in the general arrangement new combinations of territory took place, that would not be surprising after a war of such duration and extent, in the course of which the limits of kingdoms and empires had been in a state of perpetual fluctuation.

With respect to the liberality which had been manifested by this country in her colonial cessions to France, he would only say, that there was no principle of the truth of which he and those with whom he had the honour to act were more persuaded than this; that it was expedient fully to open to France the means of peaceful occupation, and that it was not the interest of this country to make her a military and a conquering, instead of a commercial and a pacific nation. It was on another principle that we had withheld from France Tobago, namely, that it had been first settled by Great Britain, and that in fact every individual at present on the island was a subject of Great Britain. The French government, feeling the force of this circumstance, had not dissented from our withholding the island of Tobago from our other West India cessions. With respect to the East Indies, our propositions had been met by the French government in a spirit of the utmost fairness and accommodation; and with an evident disposition to come to an equitable adjustment. It had been laid down by us as a principle, that where the empire was practically on the side of one power, it was better for the happiness of India and for the peace of the two European states that France should entirely abandon the empire of India to us on the one hand, while, on the other, we should afford to France every facility of commerce in that quarter of the globe. To this the French government acceded. Her commercial stations in India were, therefore, ceded to her, with the exception of the Mauritius, which had been claimed by the British government, not on account of any commercial advantages resulting from its possession, but because in time of war it was a great maritime nuisance, highly detrimental to our commerce. In the two last wars, the injury to our commerce by the occupation of the Mauritius on the part of the enemy, as a cruising station was incalculable.

While on the subject of withholding some of the French colonies, he would recur to the West Indies to observe, that we had there retained St. Lucie, not for its commercial advantages, but on the following grounds: France possessed the four best ports in the West Indies. We had no port at all equal to them. Those ports were Guadaloupe, Martinique, St. Lucie, and the Saints. It being the opinion of our naval authorities, that one of these was necessary to our security, we had demanded the Saints, as the least valuable in any other respect than as a harbour; being little more than a barren rock. The French government had an impression, however, that the possession of the Saints was essential to the preservation of Guadaloupe. To us it certainly did not appear that Guadaloupe would be at all endangered by our occupying the Saints; but as all that we wanted was a good port, we accepted the offer of the French government to give us St. Lucie, an island which was more valuable in other respects (although not to a great degree) than the Saints. He hoped, therefore, that the House would perceive in the whole course of these arrangements, that his Majesty's government had been actuated only by a wish to secure the possessions of Great Britain, and that they entertained no desire whatever to cut down the commercial prosperity of France. With respect to the Newfoundland fishery, he was fully aware of the great importance of that subject; but it appeared to him that it would have been invidious, and that it would only have excited a feeling of jealousy, to have tried to exclude France from the share in that fishery which had been secured to her by her two preceding treaties with Great Britain.

As to the question of indemnity, the article in the Treaty relating to that subject was extremely interesting in its nature. Although his Majesty's ministers felt that they could not dictate to an independent government the course which it should pursue in its internal administration, they could not contemplate, without great pain, the probable establishment of a system of perpetual resentment in France. But they felt also that they should injury the cause of conciliation if they did more—they never attempted to do more, than to obtain indemnity for those individuals, obnoxious by their proceedings to the existing government of France, who were inhabitants of the ceded colonies. Un- doubtedly, however, his Majesty's government recommended most strongly to the French government an abstinence from all ulterior measures of a severe and sanguinary nature, although they had not the right to dictate the practice of such moderation.—A right hon. gentleman had put a question to him with respect to the state of Naples. When it was recollected, however, that the British government had contracted no engagement with the person at the bead of that state, but that merely a cessation of arms had been agreed upon, it could not be expected that he should explain the course of policy which it was probable would be eventually pursued with respect to it.

Upon the whole, he flattered himself that the deepest impression had been made upon the continent of the disinterestedness of England. He flattered himself that it had been incontrovertibly manifested, that the whole policy of England throughout the war had been founded on the great and broad principle of contending for the common security. He flattered himself that all the imputations, that we had engaged in the war or continued it for purposes of selfish ambition, had been removed; that the conduct of Great Britain had been vindicated; that it had been proved she had been driven into the war by nothing short of an over-ruling necessity; and that she was ready to sacrifice every thing, of which, for her own security, she had been reluctantly compelled to take possession, as soon as it was manifested that she could make that sacrifice without danger. If (concluded the noble lord) the country has for 20 years sustained the most severe burdens, and sustained them with a noble fortitude, it is at least gratifying to her to find, that she has come out of the tremendous contest in which she has been engaged with the accomplishment of that security for which she contended; and with a reputation unstained by reproach. She bravely stood by the powers of Europe in circumstances of unprecedented peril; feeling that it was her duty to enter the list in defence of all those moral and political principles which were endangered—abstaining from too cautious and minute a calculation of the chances of the conflict, and leaving the result to Providence, we have at length, Sir, closed the war, as conquerors, certainly—but enjoying the benedictions, not only of those with whom we fought, but ultimately of those against whom we fought. There is no feeling more powerful in Paris at this moment than veneration for the English character. Sir, I trust that the course which we have pursued through the whole of this eventful crisis, will prove permanently beneficial to the world. I trust that the emergency which placed the French family, and so large a portion of French subjects, in England, will in its consequences soften the asperity which has too long subsisted between the two countries, and which has been the pregnant source of rivalry and war. I trust that feelings of mutual kindness have been implanted in the breasts even of the lower orders of the people in the two nations, and that they may long retain the relations of peace and friendship. If no other blessing had been derived from all that has happened, it would be no unsatisfactory one to feel that the spell is dissolved by which Great Britain and France were supposed to be necessarily enemies. It is the interest of both countries to foster the amicable dispositions which have arisen. For the inclination of the British government to do so, I can safely be responsible. Nor can I hesitate for a moment to believe, that such will be the desire manifested by the government of France. Sir, we received the family of the Bourbons in this country in the manner in which I hope we shall always receive the unfortunate and the virtuous. I believe that that family entertains towards us in return the utmost cordiality of sentiment. We acted fairly and candidly by them. We told them, that although we wished them success, we could not prematurely mix their cause with ours. When the French people returned to their allegiance to that family, we were among the first to recognise their title, and to congratulate them on their restoratian to the throne of their ancestors. Sir, I am sure that the House must feel, that the situation in which this country is placed by all these glorious events does us immortal honour. We have no small reason to be grateful to the illustrious person at the head of the government, for having taken charge of the vessel of the state at a moment of the utmost peril and alarm. By the earnestness with which that illustrious person has discharged his public duty—by the vigour with which he supported the cause of our allies—by the unrelaxing system of policy which he maintained in all our various relations, he has had the supreme satisfaction of restoring peace, not only to this country but to Europe. Sir, his Royal Highness has another most valuable and most lasting gratification—that—although that venerable individual is unfortunately incapable of participating in the joy of the times—he has thus fulfilled the wish which was nearest the heart of his sovereign and father, while his Majesty sat on the throne.

could not refrain from warmly expressing his thanks to the noble lord for his lumimous exposition of those principles which could lead only to a just and successful issue. The noble lord, like that gallant commander whose achievements had so frequently been the theme of the applause of that House, appeared to rise with the difficulties which he had to encounter. He thanked the noble lord for having so fully justified the confidence which he (Mr. S.) and those of his friends, with whom he was in the habit of political concurrence, had expressed their willingness to repose in him; and when he considered the great ability displayed by the noble lord in the late negociations, and contemplated the probability that he would assist in those which were approaching, he entertained a rising hope, and an increased confidence, that even that unfortunate subject which was the only cause of the least difference of opinion with respect to the Treaty, might be happily terminated. It was his perfect conviction, that if, at the commencement of the long war in which we had been engaged, affairs had been conducted in the spirit manifested by the noble lord, the contest would many years since have been brought to a happy termination; and the country would have happily saved a hundred millions of debt and the loss of thousands of lives.

The Address, as amended, was then agreed to; and at two in the morning the House adjourned.