was rather astonished to hear that an act affording such room for oppression and injustice, was about to be renewed in a time of peace. He certainly expected, after the charges which had been brought forward against the proceedings under the Alien Act, that an enquiry into those proceedings would have taken place before any proposal was submitted for a renewal of it. He had to complain of so long a time having been suffered to elapse, without giving any notice of the renewal. The quarter sessions would next week draw a number of members to the country; he hoped therefore the hon. member would not move the second reading of his Bill in their absence.

The Bill was then brought in, read a first time, and ordered to be read a second time on Friday se'nnight.

said, this was one of the most important subjects that could come under the attention of parliament. The question was, whether those duties which were laid on during the war, and one part of them before the war, were to be continued on the return of peace? If these duties were to be continued during peace, the right hon. gentleman opposite would probably inform the House of his idea of the means which our manufacturers would then have of meeting their rivals in the markets of the continent. Being aware of the importance of this subject, he had taken pains to enquire into the state of the manufactures of the continent; and from what he had been able to learn, it was his opinion, if this duty were continued, that the cotton manufacturers of this country were in very considerable danger of being soon driven out of the continental market. During the war, the commerce of the world had in a great degree centered in this country. This was a sort of security to the manufacturer, and enabled the country to draw a considerable revenue from raw cotton. He wished to learn from the right hon. gentleman, whether he thought there was any thing peculiar in the present state of things, by which those persons in Manchester, who were paving a duty of one-fifth of the value of the manufacturing material, could, in ordinary times in this country, where living was twice as dear as on the continent, and taxes were so high, be enabled to keep up a competition with the manufacturers of other nations with any degree of success? There was no doubt that, from capital and other circumstances, we had long been able to undersell foreign manufacturers, notwithstanding their advantages in other respects; but there was little doubt that in time the persons of this country possessed of manufacturing capitals would emigrate to other countries, where they could be settled more advantageously.

said, the 5th of July next year was the period to which the present duties were limited, and he saw no reason why a duty which produced so great a revenue should be repealed before that time. The House aware of the present blockade of America, which prevented the nations of the continent from obtaining an adequate supply from the United States; and in obtaining a supply from the Brazils, we had at present very superior advantages. He saw nothing, therefore, in a state of peace at which our manufacturers had any cause to be alarmed. With respect to the prophecy of emigration of manufacturers, it had been repeated year after year, for the last hundred and twenty years.

expected to have heard some reasons front the Chancellor of the Exchequer, why the raw material of the cotton manufacturer should be subjected to taxation any more than the raw material of other manufacturers. The imposition of such a tax was contrary to every received opinion on the subject of manufacturing prosperity. This manufacture had grown up to an extent unparalleled in the history of the world, without our being in the enjoyment of any advantage with respect to the raw material; and in spite of the tax we had been enabled to maintain our superiority, principally owing to the agitated state of the rest of Europe; but with the continuance of this tax during peace, we should not be long able to support the competition.

, for the same reason that he lately wished to prevent the corn trade of this country from being subjected to negative disadvantage, now contended against the impolicy of subjecting the a manufacturer of cotton to positive disadvantage. It was no doubt true, that there were many circumstances which enabled a rich country to sustain a competition with a poorer country possessed of the advantage of cheapness of labor and provisions; but this was the first time, he believed, that it was tried to add to the disadvantages of the richer country, a heavy tax on the raw material.

said, the right hon. gentleman well knew, that contrary to expectation, peace had not brought any advantages to our manufacturers, and that the manufacturers of this country were at present in a considerable degree of alarm. He had stated the peculiar advantages this country enjoyed in the importation of cotton. This was the first time that he had heard the war with America stated as an advantage to the manufactures of this country. Several gentlemen, who had examined into the state of the manufacture of France and other countries on the continent, were surprised at the progress which they had made. In France the lower sorts of yarn were successfully manufactured: and when once the coarser sorts of yarn were established, the step to the finer sorts was easy.

After a few words from Mr. Forbes, Mr. Fawcett, sir Charles Burrell, and Mr. Alderman Atkins, the Petition was ordered to lie on the table.

, in pursuance of his notice, rose to move the Thanks of the House to the various branches of the public service of the country. When the circumstances under which hostilities had been conducted, with a very short interval during twenty years, and the great exertions this nation had been called upon to make, and had made, were considered, he felt assured that there never was a period when parliament would express its gratitude with more heartfelt satisfaction. Through dangers, external and internal, we had been carried with unexampled success. In noting the various departments of the public service, it would be obvious to all, that if our nave, during the last few years, had not accomplished such mighty achievements as be- fore adorned its history, this deficiency was to be attributed, not to any relaxation of its efforts, or diminution of its zeal, but to the pre-eminent success by which it had formerly been attended. In truth, recently, little or nothing had been left for our navy to perform. Although no such splendid victories as those of the Nile or Trafalgar had occurred, the House would feel that its thanks were equally claimed for services that excited less notice, but were scarcely of less importance. The blockade of the enemy's ports was a source of difficulty and danger, and by the vigilance of our shipping, the trade of Great Britain had been carried on with little less interruption than occurred in times of profound tranquillity. Our army had, of late years, run a bright career, which in rapidity or glory had never been exceeded. It had now assumed a new and exalted station among the warlike powers of Europe, and it was a proud reflection for the House to recollect, that all its achievements were mainly to be attributed to the support given in parliament to the gallant efforts of our military forces. By the Treaty concluded at Chaumont, singular as it might seem, the contingent Great Britain was to furnish to the continental war, was equal to that of Russia Austria, or Prussia, 150,000 men, besides which, she was to provide a subsidy of five millions. Calculating that each million would provide 70,000 men, the number of troops that she, on this scale, might be estimated to have in the field, was above 425,000. Splendid as had been the achievements of our army, the noblest triumph and the proudest victory was to have shewn, in the face of the world, that these mighty exertions had not been made upon any selfish or monopolizing system, but for the purpose of protecting and re-establishing the general liberties of Europe. During the last campaign in Spain, Portugal, Italy, and the Low Countries, the actual British force in the field exceeded 90,000 men. Such a lofty situation as these efforts had gained us, must draw down the admiration and veneration of surrounding nations upon ourselves, upon our armies, and upon that illustrious individual who had taught our soldiers the art of war on so grand a scale, and had led them to the fruits of their perseverance and discipline, victory and glory. The next division of the service that claimed the gratitude of parliament was the regular militia, which had made the most extensive sacrifices: from the militia chiefly those troops were drawn that had liberated the continent, and during the last seven years it had supplied no less than 100,000 men: so that all our triumphs might, in some degree, he traced to this source. To the local militia the country were also much indebted; it had merited and obtained the favour and confidence of the people, and was now to be deemed an essential part of our military system. Under their protection, the inhabitants of country felt themselves perfectly secure, and by their activity and regularity, government had been enabled to render more extensively useful other portions of the service.—The volunteers, who had so readily stepped forward in defense of their country, had lately been, by the altered circumstances of the country, greatly reduced in numbers, but those that had retired as the danger had withdrawn, were still ready to step forward on any occasion when they were required: no man could look back a few years and not do justice by declaring, how much we were indebted to the volunteers of the empire for the happy situation in which it now stood. They had ever been prepared with the utmost alacrity to take upon themselves the duties of the interior, to relieve those who might be required for other duties. His lordship congratulated the House, in conclusion, upon the perfect state in which all our military and naval establishments were now found. Instead of lassitude, the consequence of protracted exertions, nothing but activity and energy, increasing with our difficulties, was visible to the last moment of the struggle: neither the country, nor its resources, had been for as moment exhausted, nor had even a breathing time been required at the hottest period of the contest. Undismayed and unwearied, we had pursued one design, and that design we had gloriously accomplished. He had, therefore, to congratulate the House, not only on the termination of the war, but on the stability and firmness given to every department of the service, by which the character of the country had been exalted, and its glory secured. He moved, therefore, "That the Thanks of this House be given to the officers of the Navy, Army, and Royal Marines, including the troops employed in the service of the East India Company, for the meritorious and eminent services which they have rendered to their King and country during the course of the war."

While the question was reading from the chair, lord Castlereagh interrupted the Speaker, by observing, that he had omitted to notice the service of the royal marines; but their exertions spoke better for themselves than any language he could employ.—The motion was then put.

rose for the purpose of supplying what he conceived to be an omission—he meant a vote of Thanks to his royal highness the Commander in Chief. This proposal would come from him with the better grace as a disinterested tribute of just applause, because on every occasion when the conduct of the duke of York had come before the House, particularly on his re-appointment, he had given it his disapprobation, and by his vote had recorded his opinion. He submitted, however, that at the close of an eventful war, during which the services of his royal highness had been so eminently useful, it was not unfit that a motion like that which he had suggested should be adopted. He was not capable of entering into the subject, but no one who had witnessed the progress of our army, would refuse to acknowledge that it was mainly indebted for its discipline and consequent success to the duke of York. Since the investigation which had taken place in the House, the impartiality with which rewards and promotions were distributed, was exemplary.

fully acquiesced in the propriety of noticing his royal highness the commander in chief, in a particular manner; and suggested also the propriety of making specific mention of the troops of the East India Company.

felt that the army of India was equally entitled to the gratitude of the country, but he submitted that Thanks generally to the army would include the troops employed by the East India Company. He said that no man was more ready than himself to allow the merits of the commander in chief to their fullest extent; and if the House desired it, he should feel no objection to mention the name of that illustrious individual, in the vote of Thanks to the army.

thought the eminent services of the commander in chief ought not to be overlooked.

bore testimony to the merits of the duke of York, and to the consequent improvement of the army.

expressed his opinion, that the Thanks to the army generally, if conveyed to the troops in India, would be sufficient.

noticed the exertions of the duke of York in favour of the widows and orphans of deceased officers and soldiers.

paid a due compliment to the merits of the Indian army, and observed, that the officers in the Company's service held king's commissions, and would thus be necessarily included in the vote.

The motion was carried, nem con. as was the following: "That this House doth highly approve and acknowledge the services of the petty and non-commissioned officers and men employed in the navy, army, and royal marines, during the course of the war; and that the same be communicated to them by the commanders of the several ships and corps, who are respectively desired to thank those under their command for their exemplary and gallant behaviour." And it was ordered, "That Mr. Speaker do signify the said Resolutions, by letter, to the commissioners for executing the office of lord high admiral, and to his royal highness the Duke of York, captain general and commander in chief of his Majesty's forces."

It was next moved, "That in addressing his royal highness the duke of York, Mr. Speaker do particularly express the high sense which this House entertains of his royal highness's unremitting, and effectual exertions for the improvement of the British army."

expressed doubts as to the propriety of adopting the Thanks to the commander in chief which had been moved. He was disposed to go the full length of the eulogium which had been passed on his royal highness, but it was a different thing to express that gratitude by a vote; for that vote would seem to convey a censure on the other heads of departments, who were entitled to the gratitude of the House. He had reluctantly offered these suggestions, as he thought the proposition was the result of a hasty thought, and not of deliberate judgment, as many members had left the House, not knowing that such a proposition was to have been made.

concurred in the motion, although he should not have given any support to it, if he had conceived that it would have formed a precedent which the House should necessarily follow on another occasion. The length of time was one of the grounds of the proposition; for, excepting two years of retirement, his royal highness had commanded during the whole of the late war. It had been suggested at the end of the last war, when the exertions of the Admiralty had been so signal, to thank that board, but it was found that there had been three heads to that department—lord Chatham, lord Spencer, and lord St. Vincent. There was no feeling more universal than that of gratitude to the duke of York, and he concurred in it with the greatest pleasure, although he had concurred in the opinions of his hon. friend (Mr. Baring) on the subject of the former discussion respecting the conduct of his royal highness. It might be proper, however, to insert some word to prevent the resolution from conveying any imputation on the Admiralty.

suggested the insertion of the word "long" in the vote before the word "unremitting." This was acceded to, and the vote standing, was carried unanimously; the following resolutions were then agreed to, nem. con. "That the Thanks of this House be given to the officers of the several corps of militia which have been embodied in Great Britain and Ireland during the course of the war, for the seasonable and meritorious services which they have rendered to their King and country.—That this House doth highly approve and acknowledge the services of the non-commissioned officers and men of the several corps of militia, which have been embodied in Great Britain and Ireland during the course of the war; and that the same be communicated to them by the colonels or commanding officers of the several corps, who are desired to thank them for their meritorious conduct.—That the Thanks of this House be given to the officers of the several corps of local militia and of yeomanry and volunteer cavalry and infantry which have been formed in Great Britain or Ireland during the course of the war, for the seasonable and eminent services which they have rendered to their King and country. That this House doth highly approve and acknowledge the services of the non-commissioned officers and men of the several corps of local militia, and of yeomanry and volunteer cavalry and infantry, which have been formed in Great Britain and Ireland during the course of the war; and that the same be communicated to them by the colonels and other commanding officers of the several corps, who are desired to thank them for their meritorious conduct."

expressed a wish that the Report should be printed.

confirmed the statement of the noble lord, and bore testimony to the disinterested conduct of the persons who had been appointed to distribute the grant, who had declined repayment of their expenses.

remarked, that the grant in question, and its application, must have had an admirable effect in strengthening the tie which binds us to our most ancient and faithful ally. Such an union existed between our troops and those of Portugal, that when the British troops separated from them they broke their ranks, to display their attachment to these their companions in the glorious works which they had achieved.

The papers were laid on the table.

said, that the object was to propose a grant to this gallant officer, similar to those which had been given to the other general officers commanding in Spain. This nobleman had been absent when the other Messages were brought down, and it had been thought that his paternal estate would have rendered parliamentary interference unnecessary. The noble lord had, in a manly and candid way, shewn to the earl of Liverpool, that his family estate had been in cumbered by the expenses of his ancestors, but that when those incumbrances were removed, it would be sufficient to maintain the rank to which he had been elevated in due splendor. The omission had arisen entirely from inad- vertence. He should propose a grant to lord Combermere, similar to that which had been made to the other gallant generals, with this difference, that it would only be granted for three lives.

It was then resolved, that an annuity of 2,000l. net, be granted to lord Combermere, and the two next persons on whom the title of lord Combermere should devolve.

The motion was agreed to, as was a similar grant to lord Exmouth.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer, in moving the grant to lord Exmouth, recapitulated the great services of this gallant officer through the whole of the two last wars, especially in the command of the Mediterranean fleet. Mr. D. Giddy and Mr. Forbes also bore testimony to the merits of lord Exmouth.

, in proposing the annual vote of the war taxes, said, he had the satisfaction to inform the House, that there had been in the present year a considerable increase. The following was the comparative statement of the product of the different taxes, for the years ending in July 1813 and 1814:—The customs, in the first year, amounted to 9,189,000l; in the last, 9,640,000l. The excise, in the first year, 23,000,000l. In the second, 24,130,000l. The stamp duties had increased from 5,169,000l. to 5,475,000l. The property tax, from 13,065,000l. to 14,300,000l. The land tax, notwithstanding the progress of the redemption, was, in the first year, 1,162,000l. in the second year, 1,106,000l. The Post Office had increased from 1,378,000l to 1,409,000l. The assessed taxes, from 6,022,000l. to 6,470,000l. The total amount of British revenue had increased from 58,907,000l. to 62,968,000l. being an increase of more than four millions. Of these, war taxes had arisen from 21,522,000l. to 23,797,000l. The right hon. gentleman concluded by moving, that 20,500,000l. war taxes be continued to his Majesty, for the service of the current year.

said that the increase in the property tax must have arisen from en-creased vigilance in the collection, though the excise had encreased from our encreased wealth. Though the present state of the revenue was most satisfactory, yet a general revision of the duties would be necessary, in part, for the encouragement, and in part for the prevention of smuggling. He wished to know whether the Chancellor of the Exchequer had any intention to bring forward a general view of the state of the finances in the present session; which he thought would be advisable, though nothing conclusive could now be done.

said, that on opening the budget, he stated his intention of laying before the House such an exposition of the financial circumstances of the country as the hon. gentleman alluded to, and he probably might take an opportunity of so doing upon bringing forward the appropriation bill; when he hoped our finances would be found in such a state as, connected with the splendid results of the late glorious war, would afford universal satisfaction.

expressed a hope, that some measures would be taken to relieve the landed interest, as it must be obvious that the tannery would be unable to bear the burthen, especially of the property tax. This tax had, it was known, been hypothetically imposed with reference to the average price of corn, but that price was now so likely to fall, that it would be well if the tenantry should be able even to pay their rents, with the ordinary taxes upon consumption, without the aggravated burthen of the property tax.

observed, that the Treasury had committed to able hands the consideration of fit and proper arrangements with regard to the subject noticed by the hon. member, and he had no doubt that satisfactory measures would be adopted.

The motion was agreed to.

, in rising to move, pursuant to notice, for certain documents relative to the erection of a new Post-office, complained of the great extravagance by which the plan was characterised. He observed, that to make room for the projected edifice, an immense mass of valuable buildings, extending from Foster-lane, Cheapside, to St. Martin's-le Grand, must be taken down; even church-yards must be removed, and the peaceful ashes of the dead disturbed. And this, too, for the purpose of forming a Post-office in a situation highly inconvenient to the merchants of the city of London—from whom he should, in a day or two, present a petition, deprecating the proposed removal. The estimate of the expense for making this alteration was 280,000l. But that sum, he believed, would not do more than compensate those whom it would be necessary to remove from their houses, in order to form the necessary scite. The House, he was sure, would pause before they gave implicit credit to the city estimates, which were not remarkable for their accuracy. The improvements on Snow-hill, had been estimated at 100,000l., but they consumed near 300,000l. There were a variety of situations to which the Post-office could be removed, at an infinitely lower expense, and greatly to the satisfaction of the merchants. There was, for instance, behind the Bank, a parcel of miserable buildings, that could be purchased extremely cheap, and the situation of which was sufficiently convenient. The scite of the South Sea House, where an establishment was kept up merely to pay a few dividends, might be made use of. Or a Post-office might be erected where the Excise-office now was; and the latter could be removed to the site of the Custom-house, which had been recently burned. But certainly no place could be so absurd or extravagant, as that which had been selected for the purpose. The manner in which the business had been introduced to the House appeared to him to be most objectionable. Government, it seemed, were to be at the expense of erecting this building, and the guarantee for that purpose was contained in a private Bill. He did not think it was respectful to the House to introduce a measure of such magnitude, in the shape of a private Bill, to be discussed in a committee above stairs. He considered it, in fact, to be a government measure; for the corporation of the city of London had comparatively little to do with it. He hoped the right hon. the Chancellor of the Exchequer would, in consideration of the importance of the measure, refrain from pressing it in the present session. That the House might form a proper judgment on the subject, he should move, "That there be laid before the House, the plans, if any are prepared, of the new intended Post-office, with an estimate of the probable expense of its erection; the ground plan of the scite intended for the same; with a specification of the houses necessary to be taken down; and an account of the compensation to be granted to such persons as may be removed from their premises."

apprehended that there were no plans prepared but those laid before the committee upon the Bill; but he should not object to the hon. gentleman's motion. He asserted that the Bill alluded to by the hon. gentleman, was not a government measure, but originated in the corporation of London. That the proposed erection was necessary, must, he thought, be obvious to any one acquainted with the present Post-office; and as to the situation mentioned in the Bill, he could not conceive how the allegation of inconvenience to the merchants could be sustained. For the merchants of London would, under the new arrangement, receive their letters an hour earlier, and be enabled to deliver them an hour later, while in other parts of the town, letters would be received half an hour earlier, and the delivery in the evening would be half an hour later. A measure, therefore, calculated to produce such general accommodation he could not consent to abandon.

expressed himself decidedly hostile to the plan proposed. In his view of the subject, it would not take less than 500,000l. to carry it into effect. On the other hand, if an attempt had been made to purchase buildings in the immediate vicinity of the Post-office, 25 or 300,000l., he had no doubt, would have gone as far as 300,000l. in the situation which had been selected. He conjured the House not to throw away so large a sum of money as 280,000l. without more deliberation. The taxes, last year, amounted to 60,000,000l., the interest of the national debt was 40,000,000l. Such was our situation, that many gentlemen, conversant with the subject, were of opinion, that no reduction in the public burdens could take place for some time. If the people thought those burdens were necessary, they would bear them cheerfully; but, if they saw 280,000l. thrown away so inconsiderately, they would be justified in complaining. The question ought, he conceived, to be postponed for the present; and, in the ensuing session of parliament, a committee could be appointed to enquire what alterations it was necessary to make in the Post-office. It had been said, that the corporation of the city of London were so anxious for the erection of this new Post-office, that they agreed to defray one-third of the ex- pence. Now, the fact was, they would not advance one farthing for the purpose; but they would appropriate to that end a part of the orphans' fund, arising from a tax on coal and culm, which parliament had given them to pay their debts. He wished to know, whether, in appropriating a part of the orphans' fund to the erection of the Post-office, the corporation of the city of London did not, in fact, make use of the public money.

said, the fund alluded to was so anomalous, that it could scarcely be compared with any other. It could only be assimilated to those local taxes which existed in Ireland and Scotland, and which, however extensive, were never considered public funds.

The motion was agreed to.

observed, that those gentlemen who had attended the discussion which had taken place on a former evening, when he submitted to the committee certain propositions for the financial service of Ireland, would bear in mind that he had recommended this new duty, not merely as a financial measure. It was a subject upon which he had felt earnestly, and he had pressed the adoption of this Resolution, in the hope, that if, even by interested motives, he could not induce the residence of the Irish landlord in the midst of his tenantry—if he could not bring into contact the proprietor and the tenant of the soil, at least he gave a direct interest and inducement to that intercourse, which, in a greater or less degree, must have been the result. To dwell on what would be the advantages in respect of internal improvement and domestic peace, would be unnecessary now, when he was about to relinquish his plan. He had not even felt himself called upon to dwell on them, even when he recommended it. He had not concealed his expectation and his wish, that in point of revenue, this tax must have been unproductive; the amount of its estimate would prove that he hoped so. The right hon. gentleman said, that he had not been guilty of the injustice of desiring to tax the Irish absentee; he felt that such a tax was at all times in its principle objectionable, and since the Union, at least, was still more so; yet he had not deemed it inconsistent with the soundest principles of economy, to hold out an inducement to the Irish proprietor, to make himself more intimately acquainted with the wants and interests of those who were dependent upon him; such a result he had anticipated from the measure which he on a former night proposed. Since that night, however, the communication which he had received from some of those, for whose opinions he felt great respect, had made him hesitate as to pressing forward this Resolution at this period; he doubted not of its principle, and if he continued to perform the duties of that office, he had now the honour to hold, he should probably feel himself called upon to propose to the legislature a measure founded on the same principles he felt sensibly the kindness with which the House had received, on a former occasion, that statement of the general situation of Ireland, which he had taken the liberty of bringing before it, and having had the good fortune of carrying with him the concurrence of all the representatives of his country, he would not make so ungrateful a return for their support, as to urge this measure through parliament at so late a period of the session, with the knowledge of that opinion which many of them held upon it. The produce of this tax, for the first year, he had estimated very low, and as the provision already made had been ample, it was not necessary to supply it by the imposition of any additional public burden. The right hon. gentleman presumed to hope, that the grounds upon which he had recommended, as well as those upon which it was now relinquished, had not been misunderstood or forgotten. He was not precluded from recurring to it on a future occasion, if the exigencies of the state called on us for increased pecuniary exertion, the people of Ireland and their representatives in parliament, might then have a more extended opportunity of examining those measures by which they were to be affected, and he, too, might hope for their concurrent support of those propositions, which not less his anxiety for their dearest interests, than his sense of duty, had induced him to recommend for the adoption of parliament.

moved the going into the committee on the Bank Restriction Bill.

was surprised at the bringing forward this subject without any formal notice. He thought it very objectionable to make fresh suspensions of the cash payments of the Bank from time to time. It impeded the return to the common currency of the kingdom, and prevented the country banks from making any preparations for this object, till they knew that a time was fixed for the Bank to resume its usual payments.

After an explanation from the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and a conversation on the subject between Mr. R. Smith, Mr. Grenfell, Mr. Baring, sir H. Parnell and the Chancellor of the Exchequer, the blank was filled up with the 25th of March next, as the day for taking off the restrictions.