said, he could not help taking this occasion of paying a tribute to the distinguished services of the noble lord. That noble lord had never had an opportunity of receiving the Thanks of the House for any great engagement, because the navy had before so effectually fulfilled their duty as to sweep the seas of their enemies; but in conjunction with the army in Spain, his service had been of the most meritorious nature, and had mainly contributed to the expulsion of the French from the Peninsula. Throughout the whole extent of the Mediterranean, not a ship of the enemy had been able to escape the vigilance of his cruisers; and the French in Spain had not received a single convoy of provisions to enable them to maintain themselves longer in that country. He had blockaded in Toulon as large and fine a fleet as ever France had, with an inferior force, and had even detached squadrons from that force occasionally to injure the enemy in other quarters; and when a part of the Toulon fleet contrived to get out to sea, it was astonishing to all to see the manner in which he ran his large three-decker close to the rocks in pursuit of it. In the ports of Genoa, Naples, Venice, and the Seven Islands, wherever his attention was requisite, whether for attack or defence, he was every where present. It was impossible to speak in too high language of the economy and management of his fleet. In that fleet, in which every thing was sent from England, his seaman-like management, his humanity and attention to the wants and comforts of the crews, were most conspicuous. Though he had under his command the largest fleet which had ever been so long absent from England, there had never before been an example of so small an expense of stores and of the health of the seamen. Five three-deckers had lately returned to this country, after many years absence, in the most perfect state, and with the proportion of persons in ill health less than in any other fleet in the ordinary course of service. While he paid a tribute to the noble lord, it was but justice to say, that he had indeed been most ably seconded. Of the two admirals next in command, namely, vice-admirals sir Sidney Smith and Fremantle, it was impossible to speak in too high terms. The conduct of the latter, at the taking of Trieste, was fresh in the recollection of the House.

, hearing a near relation of his mentioned, took the opportunity of paying a short tribute to his merit.

The Resolution was then agreed to.

rose to call the attention of the House to the Letter to the chair from her royal highness the Princess of Wales, in which she was pleased to intimate to the House, that it would be more satisfactory to her if the vote of the committee of 50,000l. was reduced to 35,000l. per annum. It was certainly his duty to conform to whatever was most acceptable to her Royal Highness. He merely wished at present to state what were the considerations which had influenced his conduct on this occasion. He should not have thought of submitting the proposition which he made to the House, if he had not previously apprised her Royal Highness of the measure which he had in contemplation. On the evening of the day on which he had laid the papers connected with this subject before the House, he made a communication to her Royal Highness of these papers, and of the course of preceding which he meant to follow. He was honoured with a reply from her Royal Highness, stating her willingness to accept the grant offered her, because it was not clogged with any conditions derogatory to her rights or her honour, and was not an act of grace or favour on the part of the crown, but one of mere right and justice. Thus he had had every reason to consider this provision as having been accepted by her Royal Highness, being as she was pleased to state it, not an act of grace or favour, but of justice. On the evening when the vote took place, he informed her that in a day or two he hoped to be able to lay the Bill before her, and that no regulations should be inserted in it of a nature differing in any degree from the regulations in the resolution of the Committee, and that as she was possessed of those regulations, she could judge whether they were not in every respect conformable to her wishes. He afterwards transmitted to her Royal Highness a copy of the Bill, framed in conformity with the actual vote which had taken place. He had been honoured with a reply, in which her Royal Highness still intimated that she accepted of the provision, and again stated that she considered it not in the light of an act of grace or favour, but an act of justice. Now, what he wanted at present was to be assured of what her Royal Highness's wishes really were; because, if this renunciation of part of the sum voted to her was the spontaneous wish of her Royal Highness, he would feel himself precluded on a principle of public duty from voting any part of the public money to a subject who was not inclined to receive it. He must conceive that the letter to the chair was more conclusive on that subject than the one to himself; because, while the letter he had received was couched in general terms, the other was specific. In following his present intention, therefore, he conceived himself to be acting in the spirit of her Royal Highness's wishes on the subject. If parliament, however, thought proper on this occasion to relax, and to agree to the diminution of what it had voted as an act of justice, he hoped that no persons would be allowed, on that account, at any future period, to revive in that House discussions connected with the royal family—discussions which were painful to every person in the country who felt a proper respect for the royal dignity, and could not be sufficiently deplored by every person in the House. If they now receded from what they were pleased to vote to her Royal Highness as an act of justice, he hoped they would not again hear the question of an act of justice revived. He trusted it would now be considered that every disposition had been shewn to make every arrangement in this case consistent with her Royal Highnesses comfort; and that parliament would be relieved from all future application on her behalf. If there were any individual who could give the House fuller information of her Royal Highness's sentiments, he could wish him to lay such information before them. He understood the letter to the chair came by the hands of an hon. gentleman opposite. Both letters, that to himself, and the one to the chair, were of the same date, the 5th instant; but the former being more general, he should feel no hesitation, if he received the assurance of the hon. gentleman opposite, that in so doing he was fulfilling the wishes of her Royal Highness, in moving, that the vote of 50,000l. a year to the Princess of Wales be reduced to 35,000l.

said, he had to complain of the noble lord for putting an interpretation on the conduct of himself and his friends, as if they had been the agitators of the questions in that House regarding the Princess of Wales. This was a construction, the justice of which he for one would always strenuously deny. The noble lord had correctly enough stated the communication which had taken place between her Royal Highness and himself. When the noble lord, on presenting the papers, relating to her Royal Highness, to the House, was first asked, if he had made any communication of those papers and of his intentions, the noble lord answered that measures had been taken for making that communication. The noble lord did communicate the papers, and in the letter to her Royal Highness, he informed her that he had made a communication of them to the House, and that it was his intention on a future day to move an augmentation of her allowance. To this letter her Royal Highness returned an answer without any advice from himself, or any person with whom he was in the habit of acting. He would repeat part of the contents of his lordship's first letter. After stating that he had made that evening to the House a communication of the document relating to the separation in 1809, he acquainted her that those papers had been referred to a committee of the whole House, in which it was his intention to move that her allowance should be augmented to 50,000l. per annum. He thought he was correct, then, in his assertion that the noble lord had not made any communication to her Royal Highness, till after the statement in that House. The noble lord had communicated correctly the substance of her Royal Highness's first letter; the consent and acceptance in that letter were expressed in very general terms. When the noble lord sent the bill, a written answer was then also returned to him, intimating also a general acquiescence in the measure. This letter was also written by her Royal Highness without any adviser. After that he had no hesitation in saying, that when he was consulted on the subject by her Royal Highness, he stated to her that the sum was disapproved of by him, as being larger than circumstances required—larger than what he could consent to vote for,—and larger than what he thought the noble lord ought to have proposed. Her Royal Highness did then say that she approved of the proposition of the noble lord, but the amount of the sum had never entered into her consideration; she then wrote the letter to the chair in her own hand. He thought that the sum of 35,000l. a year was amply sufficient for her situation at this time, till the period should arrive, fixed by act of parliament, at which she would have to receive 50,000l. a year. Her Royal Highness therefore gratefully and thankfully accepted of the 35,000l. a year as fully sufficient for all her purposes. However painful any discussions on the subject of her Royal Highness, or any member of the royal family might be, all he could say, was, that whether the allowance should be 50,000l. or 35,000l. a year, things were precisely in the same situation in every respect. There was not entertained by the friends of the Princess of Wales, the slightest idea that she was less in need of the protection of the House, by receiving 50,000l. a year, than by receiv- ing only 35,000l. Her Royal Highness had accepted the provision, on the condition that it was not derogatory to her honour; and whether the sum should be 50,000l. or 35,000l. she had not the slightest idea that the difference of the sum made in that respect the slightest difference in her situation. He should have voted against the 50,000l because he thought that sum improper, and he would now vote for the 35,000l. because he considered it what the circumstances of her Royal Highness required.

said, that he should not have proposed the grant of 50,000l. had he been informed that it was the wish of the Princess of Wales that the sum should not be so considerable, but from the note of her Royal Highness he naturally implied directly the reverse. It was impossible that she could think, at the time he communicated the intended proposal, that the vote had already been passed for a sum, the whole of which, be imagined, was in justice due to her. The hon. member had fairly avowed that he had been the adviser of her Royal Highness, but he (lord Castlereagh) should be sorry to find hereafter that the council given had induced the Princess of Wales to adopt a different line of conduct from that which her real feelings dictated. The design of the House was to give a liberal income, but if the Princess of Wales had now finally receded, on consultation, from what his lordship had first understood to be her spontaneous and uncontrolled desire, he should most cheerfully accommodate the resolution to her wishes by altering the vote to 35,000l. The same amendment must also be made in the Bill. The determination of parliament would, undoubtedly, make a beneficial change in the circumstances of her Royal Highness; instead of being dependent upon the voluntary provision allowed by the Prince Regent, her income would by right be derived from the consolidated fund, and that sum must, pro tanto, form a part of the income she would receive in case of the death of the illustrious individual now placed at the head of public affairs.

observed, that an intimation had been given that a clause was to be introduced into the Bill to prevent her Royal Highness from incurring debts for which the public might be liable. All circumstances considered, he hardly thought it delicate or prudent in the noble lord to make allusions to royal debts. Such a provision as that suggested, might render some enquiry upon this point necessary; and if a discussion were to be forced, regarding the debts of the Princess of Wales, he would not shrink from his duty in calling the attention of the House to the debts of other branches of the royal family. His principal object in rising was to prevent the House from running away with the idea, first introduced by the noble lord, that all the recent discussions arose from a desire on the part of the Princess of Wales to obtain money. The truth was, that these debates arose from circumstances which he did not wish to revive, and the object of the pecuniary allowance was only to recognise the Princess of Wales, who had been abandoned by all, as under the protection of the House of Commons. In her letter her Royal Highness expressly called it "an extraordinary and unsolicited mark of munificence," and it was not candid in the noble lord to endeavour to create the impression that the uniform design of the Princess of Wales was to extort money; such an intention had been denied by her Royal Highness and by all her friends. He did not see much reason to complain of the conduct of the noble lord in other respects, excepting that he had gone a little too far in leading the House to believe that he had consulted the Princess of Wales. Mr. Tierney said, that one of his principal objections was, that the Princess of Wales had not been treated as a person fit to be consulted. The noble lord had brought down a parcel of papers, and had given notice of a motion, but the wish of her Royal Highness was never asked, whether the sum should be larger or smaller than what was proposed. This might be thought the more extraordinary as the noble lord had never before shewn any reluctance to pay sufficient respect and reverence to the members of the royal family. It was, no doubt, a new principle of action which the noble lord did not understand, to see an individual consulting the public interest instead of her own, in refusing 15,000l. a year, and he hoped this case would not be drawn into a precedent hereafter, to lead the noble lord to make smaller offers than the actual merits of persons interested required.

was of opinion that it would have been highly indecorous to have negociated with her Royal Highness upon the extent of the sum she required; he had, however, gone so far as to mention the amount, and if the Princess of Wales had felt any personal repugnance she would have informed him of it in her note, instead of stating that she considered it as an act of justice. He was not to presume that what her Royal Highness termed an act of justice to herself was, at the same time, an act of injustice towards the public. Since that period, however, it seemed that she had been better advised, and that she had determined to do injustice to herself rather than do injustice to the pubic. As to his having given a wrong colour to the recent discussions, by asserting that money was the object, all that he had argued was, that such must be the result since parliament could only interpose by pecuniary relief. Such, in common sense, ought originally to have been the motion, and then the House would never have been troubled with subjects distressing to itself, but doubly painful to the various branches of the royal family.

observed, that he had distinctly stated, on a former debate, that he had had no private communication with the Princess of Wales; he had, however. Advised, that her Royal Highness should not accept 50,000l.: it was very likely to appear to the noble lord an extraordinary proceeding, and, no doubt, he would not have advised it. When, however, the noble lord talked of the indelicacy of making a bargain with the Princess of Wales, he seemed entirely to forget one of the documents he had laid upon the table, in which the income of her Royal Highness was reduced to 17,000l. The augmentation made by the liberality and justice of parliament was, no doubt, very acceptable to the Princess of Wales, but it was no less creditable to her Royal Highness to have had so much consideration for the situation of the public.

remarked, that at the time the document, just referred to, was signed, it was absolutely necessary that there should be some understanding: the parties also were the Prince and Princess of Wales. It did, however, not become the minister of the crown, in submitting a proposal to the liberality of parliament, to make the amount of the vote a subject of negociation with the Princess of Wales.

begged to be allowed to say a few words upon what had fallen from the noble lord. The Princess of Wales had not been treated even fairly by him: he had said a great deal on the supposed change in her determination re- garding the 50,000l. upon advice with her friends. He appeared to have forgotten that the late Mr. Perceval had been one of her advisers; that he had written an elaborate defense of her Royal Highness, which had long been concealed, but at length was published; he had forgotten also that once her Royal Highness had had the benefit of the advice of lord Thurlow, and more recently of lord Eldon. Did the noble lord mean to say, that because some of her friends were dead, and others no longer continued to be her friends, that her Royal Highness was to be left entirely without council and assistance? It might, by him, be deemed hardihood; but Mr. Whitbread boldly avowed that he had advised the Princess of Wales respecting the letter she had written to the Speaker. Did the noble lord mean to assert, that in the discussions in which Mr. Perceval partook, his object was money? If it was, then indeed, the same charge might be brought against him, Mr. Whitbread. Had the advisers of the Regent, who recommended the letter to the Queen, stating that his Royal Highness would meet his wife neither in private or public, money in their contemplation? If it was fair to say, that they had, then would be allow that his object was, and had been entirely, pecuniary. What was the true cause of all these painful and distressing discussions, as the noble lord termed them? Injustice and indignity to the Princess of Wales. Not a word respecting an increase of income would have been uttered had it not been provoked and compelled by the conduct, or rather misconduct, of ministers. The insult was the ground of complaint, and he declared that the finances of the Princess of Wales had never entered into his contemplation. Every man, not only of feeling, but who was almost destitute of feeling, must have been struck by the forlorn situation of her Royal Highness; and the vote of parliament was not so important from the sum as from the recognition it contained, that she was taken under the protection of parliament. He contended, that the letter sent to the Speaker was the most respectful mode of informing the House of the determination she had made; and the real fact was, that her Royal Highness had mistaken the purport of the noble lord's communication; and had, at first, imagined that as early as the 29th ult. a vote of some amount or other had actually been agreed upon in the House. In her reply, she had never reflected upon any sums; she had accepted the principle which, on the part of parliament, was an act of grace, and on the part of the crown an act of justice. It was but fair to state, that the instant the reduction was suggested, it received the hearty concurrence of her Royal Highness, and she felt grateful for this assistance, waving no right, and clogged with no condition. There was, at least, something invidious and unhandsome in what the noble lord had thrown out on a former night that in proportion to the smallness of the sum received was the necessity of introducing into the Bill a provision against the debts incurred by the Princess of Wales. Surely such a threat was unnecessary, when it was known that her Royal Highness, even limited as was her present income, did not owe a shilling: the insinuation, that it was possible, nay, probable, might have been spared, unless, indeed, the noble lord's experience in other garters had shewn him, that however enormous the revenue allowed to an individual, the incurring of immense debts was still inevitable. Much had been said to exonerate the House in future from hearing of the case of the Princess of Wales. All he could say was, that he hoped no cause would be given for bringing it again under the notice of parliament. For his own part, he did not feel himself precluded from asserting, in his place, the cause of the Princess of Wales, or of any other individual, who had to complain of indignity or injustice, whenever he should think it expedient. He felt happy in the conviction that the House of Commons did not give, and the Princess of Wales did not accept, the sum now voted as a compromise, barter, sale, or purchase of any right of person, dignity of station, or purity of character.

did not think that any thing he had said, called for the warm expressions employed by the hon. gentleman: he still maintained, that if the Princess of Wales had any objection to the 50,000l. mentioned in his note of the 5th instant, it was natural that it should be noticed in the reply. He did not wish to refer to any circumstances that could excite controversy or irritation; but whatever might be remarked of the advice given by his late friend, Mr. Perceval, it could not be denied, that he had given some strong proofs, that he did not think it fit that the family differences of the royal personages in question, should be agitated in parliament: he hoped that the hon. member would in future be of the same sentiment. With regard to the sum, if the hon. member had originally thought that an augmented income was necessary, it was a great pity that parliament had not arrived at that conclusion, before any of the painful deliberations had taken place.

felt it impossible to refrain from adding a few words. He put it to the noble lord, whether, with his knowledge of all the transactions of the parties, he did not think it would have been impossible to have avoided discussions like those which had recently occurred, if the Book had been published, which such great pains had been taken to conceal? If the noble lord meant to arraign him for not having proposed the reduction of the vote in the committee, he must know that he had concurred wholly in what fell from his right hon. friend (Mr. Tierney) upon the subject. As to the former debts of the Princess of Wales, lord Thurlow, who then advised her, had used the strongest expressions to induce her not to accept 12,000l. per annum: he had, in fact, told her, that if she did take it, she would be a begger, and the result proved the truth of his assertion. He concluded, by repeating his assertion, that pecuniary considerations had never operated upon him, and his conviction that it had never influenced the Princess of Wales.

wished to say a few words in justification of the vote he had given: it was not governed by a consideration of the pecuniary situation of the Princess of Wales, and consequently he had never conjectured whether the sum was likely to be too great or too small. He lamented now, as he had done before, that the subject had ever come before parliament, and he hoped that some steps would be taken to prevent a recurrence of the evil. The House was incompetent to enter into such questions, as whether the Princess of Wales should, or should not, be received at the drawing-room. The only constitutional mode of entertaining her case was by a grant of money. It was true, that he felt considerable resentment at an act of wanton oppression and unjust indignity offered to her Royal Highness, and he was desirous of shewing, for one, his disapprobation of that injustice and indignity. These considerations, and these only, had governed his vote.

The question was then put, and on the motion of lord Castlereagh, the amendment of 35,000l. Instead of 50,000l. per annum was introduced. A Bill was ordered to be brought in, to carry the Resolution into effect.

rose, he said, with considerable regret, to propose an additional measure for the preservation of the public tranquility in Ireland. The House were already aware, that he had introduced a measure during the present session, on the same subject, which was then in progress, and which was to have a permanent operation. When he brought this Bill forward, he had reserved to himself the right, should circumstances require it, of bringing in another, of a more effective and decisive description. The apprehensions which had induced him to make this reservation, had since been confirmed; and, however painful the task, he found it absolutely necessary to adopt a system which, although perfectly consistent with the established principles of constitutional government, was at variance with those maxims of moderation and mildness, by which he was desirous the people of Ireland should be governed. There was something peculiar in the present disturbed situation of that country, and in the character of the combinations which existed among its inhabitants, that rendered it necessary to have recourse to some extraordinary measure, of greater vigour, and of more limited duration, than the Bill which was then before the House. Since he had last addressed the House on this subject, he had endeavoured to collect information from every quarter, as to the state of Ireland; and it was, with particular pain, that he had now to state, that the disturbances, which existed, were of a most alarming description. He regretted to state, that in those parts of Ireland where the laws had been administered with the greatest severity, and where the greatest number of convictions had taken place, the terror arising from those convictions had scarcely survived the cause, when new combinations of a more extensive and dangerous character had obtained birth; and these combinations were carried on with a degree of secresy which defied the operations of the law, as it at present existed. Under these circumstances, it became necessary to intrust the Irish government with a power to be exercised in case of emergency, of a nature more decisive than that of which they were already possessed. The proposition which he should make to meet this end, was the revival of the measure which had received the sanction of parliament in 1807. He was sorry that considerable odium had attended the former introduction of this measure, because many of its provisions were copied from the act of the Irish parliament of 1796, although, in point of extent, it did not go so far. The amount of its operation was to permit two magistrates to transport idle and disorderly persons. The preamble was copied from the Act of 1807, and merely referred to certain disturbances which existed in various parts of Ireland, excited by seditious persons; and he should propose it to be limited to the period of two years. The object of the Insurrection Act, or rather of the clause to which he should now propose to revert, was to provide, in case any part of the country should be disturbed, or in danger of being disturbed, that two justices of the peace should be empowered to summon an extraordinary sessions of the magistrates of the county, which should consist of seven magistrates, who should make a report to the government, or the lord lieutenant, that part of their district was in a state of disturbance, and that the ordinary law of the land was inadequate to the preservation of the public peace. In this case, it was provided that the lord lieutenant, by the advice of his privy council, should be empowered to issue a proclamation, commanding all persons residing within the said disturbed district, from sun-set to sun-rise, to keep within their houses, and that no person should be suffered to be drinking in a public-house after the hour of nine o'clock; and further, if they should be detected out of their houses, without being able to shew good cause, they should be considered as idle and disorderly, and be liable to transportation for the period of seven years. The law also required that the lord lieutenant should order a special sessions of the peace to be held, at which these persons should be tried, and, if necessary, that trial by jury should be dispensed with.—There were other provisions, which sanctioned the employment of the military to quell disturbances, and, in order to facilitate the detection of offenders, enable the magistrates to pay domiciliary visits; and upon refusal being given to open the doors of such houses as they visited, enabling them to enter them by force. In the present state of Ireland, he thought it would be no great restriction, where disturbances did exist, to require the inhabitants to remain within their houses from sun-set to sun-rise. It was impossible to deny that this description of measure was an evil; but the House had to decide upon comparative evils; and when the dreadful alternative to which they would be reduced, if some such measure was not adopted, was considered, he apprehended no doubt could exist as to the expediency of adopting it, until the occasion for its existence had ceased. That the measure would prevent the evils of which he complained, he was satisfied; and this opinion was founded upon a variety of documents which he held in his hand. These documents gave the most convincing testimony of the disturbed and alarming state in which Ireland now was. Among others was one from a respectable magistrate of the county of Roscommon, which described the state of that county to be most alarming, and lamented that the law of the land was inadequate to the preservation of the public peace, in consequence of the magistrates having no power over suspected persons. There was another letter from a magistrate of equal authority, Mr. Maycock, of the county of Westmeath; who, after adverting to the atrocities which were every where committing within that county, observed, that if the legislature would allow domiciliary visits, and require the inhabitants to be at home at a particular hour, tranquillity would soon be restored. It was by no means the intention of government to have recourse to this Act, even if it should be passed, on ordinary occasions; on the contrary, as with the Act which had been passed in 1807, and remained in full force till 1810, without being acted upon, it was intended only to be resorted to, when every other effort had failed to quell disturbance. He would wish the House to consider the dreadful evils which were meant to be corrected. In many parts of Ireland, the inhabitants were obliged to sit up whole nights to guard themselves from assassination; and a letter had been put into his hand that day, by an hon. baronet, the member for the Queen's county (sir H. Parnell), which stated that the Caravats were levying contributions of 30s. and 40s. each, from the little farmers every night, and seizing arms and ammunition, wherever they could be found. He had also letters in his posses- sion, representing that the Carders were in constant activity throughout the county of Westmeath, and kept the unfortunate inhabitants (whose offence was perhaps no more than by their industry being able to give a higher rent to their landlords than others, their loyalty, or their refusal to join these lawless bands) in unceasing apprehension of assassination, or having their little cabins burnt over their heads. In addition to these facts, he had a letter from Mr. Wilkes, of Stoke's town, stating, that a band of these miscreants had broken into the house of a poor man, and carded both himself, his wife, and his two daughters, in the most dreadful manner. The operation of carding, he had already stated, to be performed with a wool card, with which the flesh was literally torn from the bones of the unfortunate creatures who happened to be exposed to the torture. These atrocities, too, were not committed by one particular sect against another, for Protestants and Catholics were alike exposed to them; and, in a letter from Westmeath, it appeared, that a considerable number of Roman Catholics had been served in this manner. In addition, however, to the prevention of these monstrous outrages, there was another motive equally strong, which operated as a ground for agreeing to the motion with which he should conclude, and that was, the fatal blow which would be given to the morals of the people of Ireland, if such practices were allowed longer to exist, without the most severe punishment. Ireland had frequently been the scene of similar combinations and disorders. In 1763, there existed the White Boys—then came the Hearts of Oak—these were followed by the Hearts of Steel—and these again by the Defenders, the Caravats, the Carders, the Shanavats, and the Thrashers, all of whom had been guilty of great excesses, but none had exceeded in atrocity the combinations which now existed. He did not conceive that it was necessary, in calling upon the House to revive the Insurrection Act, to shew that any conspiracy existed dangerous to the safety of the government; it was sufficient that several districts were in a state of disturbance, and that the laws, which were in force, were inadequate to the preservation of the public peace. He apprehended he had already given evidence sufficient of these facts; but if it was necessary, he could refer to other proofs of a nature equally satisfactory. He had in his hand a memorial dated November 29, 1813, and signed by 36 magistrates of the county of Westmeath, stating that the most daring outrages were committed in open day, and that assassinations were perpetrated at the places of worship, and in the face of a large congregation, without the slightest resistance. The same memorial declared the laws, as they existed, to be insufficient to prevent these atrocities, and suggested the expediency of the Insurrection Act of the 47th of the King. This was followed by a series of resolutions, passed at the Lent assizes, in March last, by which the contents of the memorial was confirmed, and the revival of the Insurrection Act again urged. There was another letter, dated the 27th of June last, reciting other acts of outrage, and representing the inadequacy of the law. To these were added a variety of other letters, of late date, all stating, in the most unequivocal terms, the excesses which were every where committed; and pointing out the necessity of affording protection to the unfortunate inhabitants, against the lawless attacks of the banditti by which the country was infested. The right hon. gentleman, in conclusion, observed, that he was persuaded these combinations had not arisen from any political feeling; but lest the floating masses of disaffection, which were dispersed in different parts of the country, should be collected by some able hand, he considered it highly important that a strong measure should be immediately adopted, so as at once to stem those disorderly propensities, which, from not being properly resisted, would gain additional strength every day. The right hon. gentleman then moved, "That leave be given to bring in a Bill to provide for the preserving and restoring of peace in such parts of Ireland as may at any time be disturbed by seditious persons entering into unlawful combinations or conspiracies."

said, he was far from accusing the Irish government of a desire to grasp at too much power, but he thought they had not asked for this increased proof of the confidence of parliament in a parliamentary manner. The nature and extent of the evil should have been made known to the House, that it might in its wisdom apply the proper remedy. The best and most correct manner of proceeding was to refer the proper documents to a select or secret committee, to which there could, in the present case, be no objection. The measure in 1807 had not gone through this form; but this was, he believed, because the Bill having been prepared by one administration and adopted by another, universal concurrence had been anticipated, He had then voted against that measure, though prepared by those in whom, on other subjects, he should have most confided. He hoped, if it was thought absolutely necessary, to pass the measure speedily, that at least it would be only of short duration, that on its renewal, an enquiry, though now omitted, might be instituted.

said, that he was adverse to the idea of a message from the crown upon this occasion, because it would give too much consequence in the eyes of Europe to a conspiracy, which was not at all of such a political or formidable character as that which some years since had unfortunately degraded our history, although it gave birth to disturbances so dangerous as to personal security and personal property, in certain districts in Ireland, as to render necessary the measure proposed by his right hon. friend. As to the proposition of a committee of enquiry, he could not see the necessity of such a proceeding, as the disturbances alluded to were so notorious as to be admitted on all sides. Indeed, their notoriety could not be disputed, and it would be recollected, that in consequence of this notoriety several gentlemen had, when, another Bill for preserving the peace of Ireland was under discussion, called upon his right hon. friend to bring forward a stronger measure with a view to that object. With respect to the execution of this measure, he thought, that from the conduct and character of the Irish government, no doubt could be entertained of its forbearance and moderation upon that point.

said, that in common, he believed, with every representative of the sister country, it would have been more agreeable to him, if the state of Ireland had been discussed in a committee, before the present measure was introduced. It would have been much better had the Bill come before them, founded on, and supported by, the deliberations of a committee, instead of being introduced so precipitately; because, from the mode of proceeding now adopted, it might go forth, that the House had acted, on the spur of the occasion, from a strong and general feeling of the disturbed state of Ireland. The system of referring subjects of this nature, in the first instance, to a committee, had been almost uniformly acted upon hitherto. Thus, when the manufacturing districts of this country were disturbed, the subject was canvassed in a committee, before any Bill was introduced and the very same course was taken, with reference to the first Bill brought into parliament, after the Union, for the purpose of securing the tranquillity of Ireland. The letters which the right hon. gentleman had referred to, were, he was convinced, perfectly worthy of credence; but still, he conceived, they ought to have been laid before a committee. He had himself remained in Ireland till the latter end of April, and at that period, much insubordination certainly existed. With respect to the county which he had the honour of representing, when its local situation was considered, it was not difficult to assign a reason for any disturbances that might have occurred there. That county was in part bounded by Tipperary and in part by Kilkenny; and, he believed, that, in every case where an outrage was committed, it was perpetrated by the inhabitants of the neighbouring counties; more particularly by those of Kilkenny, who, for that purpose, entered the Queen's county. He was, however, ready to allow that the inhabitants of that county, in consequence of the introduction amongst them of an illegal oath, were no longer so peaceable as they had been. From the disturbed state of the country, and from the difficulty of procuring information, it appeared to him necessary that the magistrates, for the purpose of enforcing the laws, should be armed with additional authority; but he was not friendly to a system which did away with the necessity of a jury. Magistrates might, he thought, be allowed to punish to a certain extent, but not without the intervention of a jury. He was extremely happy to find that the right hon. gentleman did not attribute these disturbances to any political motives: those by whom they were fomented, he believed, were of the lowest class, both with respect to education and property. He did not suppose that the most wealthy amongst them were possessed of more than 30l. or 40l. per annum.

expressed his perfect approbation of the measure proposed, particularly as it was meant that the Bill should state that certain parts of Ireland only were in a disturbed situation. He was no less friendly to the principle of the Bill recently introduced by the right hon. gentleman, although he had conceived it necessary to oppose particular clauses contained in it. He was of opinion that the notoriety of a fact was, in many instances, a fair ground for parliamentary proceeding; and with this feeling, he thought it would be most dangerous to put it off till next session, for the purpose of referring the business to a committee, what he considered to be a measure of caution and mercy to the people of Ireland. This measure, he contended, would give notice to the deluded inhabitants of the disturbed districts, of the inevitable consequences which would ensue from a perseverance in their disorderly conduct. With respect to the county of Wexford, which he represented, he was bound to observe, that it was in a most tranquil state: but this observation undoubtedly, would not apply to Kilkenny or Tipperary; in these counties, it was absolutely necessary that extraordinary powers should be placed in the hands of the magistrates, for the purpose of enabling them to carry the laws into effect, and to preserve the peace of the country, which must be dear to every friend to the prosperity of the British empire, The Bill about to be introduced was by no means a novel one. It was, in fact, little more than the revival of a measure which, at a former period, had effected much good in the county he had the honour of representing. The obnoxious title of the bill to which he alluded, was, however, removed; and the new measure would appear, not as one intended to put down sedition and insurrection, but merely to quell local disturbances. Many of the acts of the present government of Ireland deserved the highest praise; and none more so than their firmness in putting down the Catholic board—that junto, who professed, falsely, to be the friends of the Catholic body, and who manifested that friendship by endeavouring to make the population of Ireland enemies to Great Britain. Of whom he should be glad to know did that board consist, which pretended to regulate the interests of the Catholics of Ireland? It was constituted of a few professional men, who were eternally employed in blowing up the coals of discontent; and, who exerted the utmost of their power, to set the country in a flame. There were few men of property amongst them. He knew par- ticularly in his own county, a great many wealthy Roman Catholics, who absolutely shuddered at the mention of that abominable board. It appeared to him that the population of different districts in Ireland were not in their senses, and he highly approved of the intended measure, which he doubted not, would tend to restore them to a state of sanity. Indeed he could not imagine that any gentleman would think of opposing a bill which had for its object to make the lower orders of people in Ireland go to bed at sun-set, the proper time at which every honest, industrious man, whose business rendered it necessary for him to rise early in the morning, ought to retire to rest.

highly approved of the intended Bill, and observed, that if prompt and vigorous measures had been long since resorted to, Ireland would not have been disgraced by the disturbances which now predominated there.

said, that being in the command of a part of his Majesty's forces in Ireland, he had, on many occasions, witnessed the necessity of a measure, similar to that now about to be proposed.

, in answer to what had fallen from sir H. Parnell, observed, that the almost utter impossibility of procuring information in Ireland, on which an offender could be convicted, rendered it necessary to adopt those measures, of which the hon. baronet complained, as interfering with the trial by jury. One of the great evils against which the Bill was meant to provide, arose from the difficulty of getting persons to come forward and give evidence. It was most unfortunate, that the trial by jury, in those parts of Ireland which were disturbed, could not be acted on, beneficially for the peace of the country, because information could not be obtained against those who violated the laws. It had been urged, as an argument against the introduction of this measure, that it was nothing more than the renewal of the Insurrection Bill, which had produced very little effect. This, however, was a mistake. The Insurrection Bill had produced a very powerful and extensive effect in Ireland; the very name of it had operated beneficially. Whether those who fomented the disturbances possessed great or little property, was not a matter for the consideration of the House. They had only to decide, whether, under existing circumstances, they would arm government with extraordinary powers; and, when they recollected the mildness and forbearance which marked the course of proceedings adopted by the Irish government, he had no doubt that they would invest them with that authority which was now called for.

gave his most unqualified assent to the measure of the right hon. gentleman; which he was of opinion, would tend to introduce, amongst all classes of society in Ireland, that cordial unanimity, so necessary to the welfare of the country. After what the right hon. gentleman had stated, he thought not an hour should be lost in restoring the tranquillity of Ireland.

said, he was not present when the Bill, lately introduced by the right hon. gentleman, for preserving the peace of Ireland, was read a second time. He had, however, heard the constitutional speech of the right hon. gentleman when he proposed that Bill; and he would be most happy in giving his utmost support to any measure founded on the same wise and liberal principles.

, while he lamented the cause which rendered the proposed measure necessary, approved of it in the highest degree. He was, at the same time, happy to state, that that part of Ireland which he represented (Cork) was perfectly tranquil.

Leave was then given to bring in the Bill.