rose to withdraw his notice respecting some provision for the Midshipmen of the navy, who were thrown quite out of employ by the late peace. He observed, that the situation of these persons was peculiarly hard, as they were without any provision, and he feared would not be able to find occupation in the merchant's service, on account of the multitude of persons who would be dismissed from the transport service. He withdrew his notice, because he had hopes that some measures, on the part of the Admiralty, would render any motion on the subject unnecessary.

said, he rejoiced that the notice was withdrawn, as the motion would have excited hopes which it would not be possible to realize. At the termination of so long and arduous a contest, the persons in all branches of the navy had a right to expect that their services should be considered by those who had directed them in time of war. The claims of all ranks were actually under consideration, but he could not hold out any other hopes, than that of the half-pay, which had been mentioned in the last navy estimates. He was persuaded, that the House would not disapprove of any thing that was given as a reward for past, or a retainer for future services. But the consideration of the subject was attended with great difficulty, and no part of it with more than that which related to the class of midshipmen, which was composed of individuals of the most dissimilar ranks and expectations. He begged to be understood, that he could give no hopes of any particular measure on the subject; but he was convinced that the Admiralty would be most anxious to take all proper steps.

said, he was anxious lest any false impression should go abroad, that the cause of this class of men was abandoned by the House; because, when it was seen what arrangements the Admimiralty would make, it would be in the power of any member, if he disapproved of the arrangements, to make any motion on the subject.

The notice was then withdrawn.

wished to ask the hon. gentleman whether he had any plan in contemplation for the entire oblivion of slavery all over the world? The question had slept since the year 1807. Might not some regulation be adopted to prevent the clandestine importation of slaves into the West Indies, by enacting, that every black who set his foot not only in England, but in any part of the British dominions, should instantly become free?

replied, that the object of the friends of the abolition of the Slave Trade had been in the first place to stop all supplies of slaves from Africa, and then they hoped that the amelioration of the state of the slaves in the West Indies would follow as a matter of course. The object of the Petition he had just presented, and of many other Petitions of the same kind, was to shew the unanimous feeling of the country against this inhuman traffic.

mentioned the practice, of which he had been a witness in the East Indies, of bringing slaves a-shore from the French settlement at Pondicherry, and afterwards re-shipping them. He hoped that the noble lord would turn his attention to the subject.—[Lord Castlereagh signified his assent.]

said, his former objections to this Bill had by no means been removed; but as he found that nothing he could say would prevent its passing, it was in vain for him to trespass on the time of the House by any further length of argument. He must, however, say, he could not conceive why the measure, which was of the first importance, should be brought forward at so late a period of the session; and why it was hurried and pressed through the House, in the manner it had been, without any satisfactory reason assigned for it. It was about to be sent to the other House, at a period when the lords had already declared, there was not time to enter into the consideration of the question respecting the borough of Helstone; and if that was the case, it was surely too late to send up to that House so important a Bill as this, which went to take from his Majesty's subjects their dearest birth-right. He thought it his duty to protest against such a measure, and to give it his decided opposition, feeble as the effects of it were likely to prove.

denied, that in this measure he had taken the House by surprise; for when he introduced, on a former occasion, a measure of a different description, he reserved to himself the power of bringing forward one like the present, if it should be found necessary. He had, he believed, made out a sufficient case to induce the House to agree to the Bill. He had read an oath, for which no less than six convictions took place at the assizes of Westmeath, and the purport of which was to be true to Buonaparté. He had hoped that peace would have overpowered and overcome all such absurd speculations as adherence to the despot of another country; but he had recently learned that similar combinations were still forming in Ireland, and that an oath was now administered and taken in the county of Westmeath, hostile to the public peace and tranquility. He had considered it incumbent to wait till he had a distinct proof of the failure of other measures, before he resorted to the present Bill. This was not looked upon as a party question in Ireland. A memorial had been presented to the Lord Lieutenant, signed by sixty most respectable individuals of the county of Tipperary, eighteen of whom were magistrates, and the first name signed was lord Llandaff, the brother of the representative of that county in the House, the object of which memorial was to persuade the government to bring forward the present measure.

had no doubt, that what the right hon. gentleman had said as to the state of Ireland was correct; but it was not on the opinion of magistrates, and other persons residing in disturbed districts, that parliament ought to act. Persons residing in counties in this disturbed state, were, of all others, least likely to form correct opinions as to the proper remedy. They were too much under the influence of fear to judge correctly; they might be the best witnesses respecting those circumstances which they were acquainted with; but parliament, though they ought to enquire into and hear the reasons given by those persons for their opinions, were bound, at the same time, to form an opinion for themselves. He rose, to protest against this measure, considering, as he did, that he would not be doing his duty if he did not oppose it. If any one looked into the enactments of the Bill, they would be convinced, that a more important measure could not be submitted to any legislature. It went to suspend an important part of the constitution, in a quarter of the United Kingdom, where, if ever we hoped to see the people emerge from the barbarism into which they had been plunged by our mismanagement, it must be through their admission to all the privileges of that constitution. It was incumbent on the right hon. gentleman, to show that our constitution was a mere fanciful idea,—that it was not as well calculated for troublesome times as times of tranquility. He had no objection to the clause by which persons were confined to their houses after a certain hour; but what he chiefly objected to, was, the suspension of the trial by jury. It was of the utmost importance to keep sacred and inviolate the trial by jury; and it was a libel on the constitution to say, that it could not be carried into execution in cases, not of combination with a foreign enemy, but of domestic turbulence and disquietude. An infraction of the constitution could never be justified by precedent; but the precedent of 1807 was not analogous to the present case. At that time, the venerable champion of Irish liberty (Mr. Grattan) rose up in the House, and stated, that he was well informed there was a French party in Ireland, who held dark and dangerous meetings, for the purpose of organizing a French force. The impression made on the House by that declaration, was what might have been expected. We were then at war with a powerful enemy, and circumstances pressed. The circumstances were now, however, very different. He did not complain of the right hon. gentleman for taking the House by surprise; but for having delayed to bring forward this measure till a period of the session when the House could not go into the enquiry. The right hon. gentleman had said he was desirous of trying the effects of peace; but peace or war had nothing to do with these commotions; the seeds of them lay much deeper than any temporary cause. There must either be something anomalous in the state of Ireland, or the British constitution must be unable to exercise its own functions; and to protect its own magistrates, if a suspension of that constitution was necessary, not in a period of war, but in such circumstances as Ireland was never free from; for Ireland was not different now from what it had been throughout the whole of its history. These disturbances were confined to the lower orders; they were not supported by any other class, and they had no political objects but originated in a desire to prevent the rise of rents. If it could be made out that the British constitution was not fit to live under, that it could not afford complete power to the magistrate against the turbulence of the people, that constitution was a fanciful and idle theory. It was said, that it was impossible to get witnesses to come forward at present; but there was nothing in the Bill to afford any additional security to witnesses. What was to protect them? They were not to be examined in secret. It had been said, that juries would be intimidated, but he was informed there was little to fear from this. If there was any apprehension of this nature, the trial might be removed to Dublin. He hoped, that early in the next session a general and deliberate view of the situation of Ireland would be taken.

conceived, that the absolute necessity for this measure had been sufficiently made out. The hon. gentleman ridiculed the idea, that the House were better judges of the disturbances in Ireland, than the magistrates and inhabitants of that country. He should certainly give the Bill his support.

said, he did not conceive they were better judges of the disturbances of Ireland than the inhabitants of that country; but what he complained of was, that they were not allowed to judge at all.

had no difficulty in saying, that he should vote for the Bill. The question seemed so much to have the general assent of the gentlemen from Ireland, that it was impossible not to admit its necessity. He was surprised, however, that the measure should be allowed to pass, without the attention of the House being called to the situation of Ireland, and to the remedies for that situation. They were now looking merely to the protection of the subjects of that country—to a palliative measure, which was necessary in the lawless state of Ireland, from its misgovernment. What was the representation of the right hon. the Secretary for Ireland? That the people of that country were in such a situation, as no other country was ever in before—that they could procure no juries, no informers—that they could not get the wheels of government to move. This state of things, which government was now obliged to avow, was unheard of in civilized Europe. The right hon. gentleman had avowed, that he expected a change, on the downfall of Buonaparté; but this was a shallow view of the subject. It mattered not, whether it was Buonaparté; the Grand Turk, or the Pope. With the present hostile sentiments of the population of Ireland, if the Grand Turk were to raise his standard in that country, nearly the whole population would be ready to flock to it. Such was the security of lives and properties in Ireland, under, what was called, a Protestant ascendancy! It was impossible to vote for the Bill, without calling on the House to consider the subject more deeply than they were invited to do by the right hon. gentleman. As to the constitution of this country, it was, in his opinion, only adapted to a situation of affairs, where the people were friendly towards a government. The moment any country changed its situation in this respect, and resembled Ireland, the machinery of the British constitution was perfectly unfit for it. In considering a subject of this nature, the House were aware, that there was nothing in the nature of Irishmen, any more than of Welchmen or Scotchmen, disposing them to turbulence and anarchy; but the people were every where, what their laws and institutions made them.

said, the discontent of Ireland was undoubtedly a disease of centuries standing. It was an essential duty of the House, to turn their attention to the circumstances of Ireland. It was very natural in the Irish government, to sup- pose, that, on the overthrow of Buonaparté, the expression of dissatisfaction in Ireland, might also experience a change: but there was, it would seem, a sort of general spurning at the subordination of the law in that country. In this island, from the highest to the lowest, every individual bowed to the ascendancy of the law; but Ireland seemed to be in a very different situation. He was disappointed that they had not heard any thing from the board of education this year. As an Englishman, (said Mr. W.) I owe reparation to Ireland, for the wrongs of centuries. We have, it is true, of late years, manifested a sort of parental affection for that country; but I cannot but remember the period when it was governed by principles of a very different nature. The inhabitants of Ireland seem really, as some nations were said to be, incapable of enjoying liberty, to be, at present, incapable of enjoying the blessings of the British constitution.

admitted, that something ought to be done, but contended, that the trial by jury ought not to be suspended in Ireland, till every other means of redressing the evil had been tried. Trial by jury he considered the prop of the British government; and, would they seek to gain strength by removing the pillar which supported it?

said, that this measure was spoken of, as if it were one to enact, that trial by jury should, henceforth, be universally discontinued in Ireland. He was surprised to hear the last speaker, who had long been a magistrate in England, use the language he had uttered. The present Bill, except in one instance, where it authorized transportation for certain offences, without trial by jury, enabling the magistrates to do little more than the hon. gentleman himself had many times done during the quarter sessions, where acts of vagrancy were proved to have been committed. It was admitted, on all hands, that something must be done, although this Bill was so much opposed. He thought a sufficient case was made out to justify the House in passing it.

was ready to admit, that it was necessary that something should be done to preserve the peace of Ireland; but what he objected to was, that, without any information having been laid before the House, of any attempt being made to strengthen the police of Ireland, the axe had been laid to the root of the great bulwark of the constitution in that country, the trial by jury.

admitted, that many letters and documents had been read in the House to make out the case for this Bill; but as there were documents to which the House would not have recourse, he contended, before the House was called upon to adopt the Bill, these documents should have been submitted to a committee. At present he did not think sufficient ground had been stated for agreeing to the measure.

said, that no person would feel more reluctance than he should, in taking away from any class of his Majesty's subjects any of those rights, to which they were entitled by the constitution. There were cases, however, in which he understood, from political reasons, the trial by jury was not always the most effectual mode of obtaining public justice. He had received a letter from a correspondent in the county of Longford, which mentioned that a jury, consisting of ten Catholics, and two Protestants, had been chosen to try some persons of the Catholic persuasion. Though the case was perfectly clear, and the judge had so stated it to the jury, the ten Catholics would not agree to a verdict of guilty; and, as the two Protestants would not consent to a verdict of acquittal, in a case that was, to them, perfectly clear, the jury was obliged to be discharged.

Some clauses were then added to the Bill, by way of rider, and an Amendment of Mr. J. P. Grant, limiting the operation of the Bill to one year, instead of three, was rejected without a division. The Bill was then read a third time, and passed.

said, he should have hoped, that the right hon. gentleman would have stated to the House some ground for this vote. Excepting last year, when the vote of credit was five millions; the three preceding years, this vote had been but three millions, and this was at times of great difficulty, and when emergencies might have been expected. At the present period, no emergencies were to be apprehended—no circumstance was existing in the world, in fact, which could make it necessary, that so large a sum as that which had been intimated by the right hon. gentleman, should be placed at the disposal of the crown. He knew of no hostilities which existed, or could be anticipated, except the war with America; and the character of that war was not of a nature which could require the expenditure of any very great sums. While upon the subject of America, he thought it expedient to ask the right hon. gentleman, whether any negociations were going on, with respect to that country? and whether any persons had been appointed to meet the American deputies at Gottenburgh, with a view, if possible, of putting an end to the war, without a further effusion of blood? That such negociations were going on, would be a fact extremely pleasing for the House to hear. There was another point, to which he was also desirous of adverting, and that was, the fact of a large British army being yet employed in the Low Countries; the whole of which was placed under the command of the hereditary Prince of Orange. He thought some ground ought to be stated, why the command of these troops was taken from British officers, and given to the Prince of Orange. With respect to Sicily, too, this was a subject which required attention; and he could not help expressing a hope, that, at the approaching Congress, some representative from the Genoese states would be allowed to be present, so as to have an opportunity of pleading the cause of that republic. To return to America, he had heard that, of late, a mode of warfare had been adopted in that country, under sir Alexander Cochrane, which he considered not a legitimate one, and which, he feared, would recoil, in the most disastrous manner, on our colonies. He alluded to proclamations which, he understood, had been issued, specifically inciting the negroes of America to rise and revolt against their masters; and he held in his hand a proclamation, which indirectly held out that incitement, by inviting persons either to enter the British navy, or, if they did not like that, promising them settlements in the British colonies. He hoped, that these proclamations would be disavowed by his Majesty's government, as they were not legitimate weapons of war. In conclusion, he trusted the right hon. the Chancellor of the Exchequer would give some explanation be- fore the Speaker left the chair, which would satisfy the House, that the vote he was about to propose, was necessary on the present situation of affairs.

said that if the country had been in an actual state of peace, some justification might be necessary for proposing the vote, the amount of which was not yet under consideration, but which he had no hesitation in stating, would be three millions. The war with America, would, of itself, be considered a sufficient ground for placing this sum at the disposal of the crown. That this was a war by no means of a trifling or insignificant description, he believed the House would admit; and, he apprehended it would be conceded with equal readiness it was a war which might call for the assistance of very great resources; consequently, the proposal which he should make in the committee, would stand full justified. Independent of this, however those who had observed the state of Europe, must have remarked, that we ha not yet arrived at that state of ultimate security, which usually succeeded the signing of a definitive treaty. It was matter of public notoriety, that the future state of Europe, was a subject which had yet to undergo discussion at the approaching Congress; and, on such an occasion he need hardly say it would be prudent to place the crown of this country in such a situation as would enable it to support its interests with vigour and effect.—The hon. gentleman had animadverted up the employment of a British army in the Low Countries. He apprehended, however, that neither the House nor the country would think the government could be just field in leaving our old allies in that quarter of the world unprotected, until the final settlement of the definitive treaty had take place. And, he believed, the House and the country would be as little disposed object to the nomination of the illustrious character, who had been alluded to, to the command of that army; the more especially when it was recollected, not alone that he was nearly allied to the royal family of Great Britain, but, that he had received both his military and political education under British auspices. He thought a more becoming proof of our confidence in that august prince could not have been given, than the appointment which he had received. With respect to the particular enquiry which had been made, as to the main object of the vote of credit, he considered it necessary to recall to the recollection of the House, that a great proportion of the subsidy to our allies had not yet been paid; and upon reference to the treaty at Chaumont, it would be seen, that we had engaged to guarantee to Russia nine months, and to Austria and Prussia seven months pay to their troops. We had also to pay the armies of Spain and Portugal, which had not yet reached their own countries, and the expenses of which could not at present be specially stated. These were circumstances, which, combined with those he had previously stated, he imagined, would induce parliament to think, that the vote he intended to move in the committee, would be neither exorbitant nor unnecessary.

thought, that if any money was wanted for the pay of the troops in our service, it should have been made a part of the army extraordinaries. The other reason assigned for this vote, that of enabling the noble lord to appear with proper importance at the approaching Congress, he considered the worst reason which could be assigned; for, in his estimation, in point of principle, it was extremely objectionable, that a plenipotentiary should have a large sum at his command. Upon the whole, he believed it this to be but a round-about way of adding to the army extraordinaries, He, however, ventured to express a hope, that no delay would take place in the next session of parliament, in arranging a peace establishment; and that the whole state of the finances of the country, would be submitted to the investigation of a committee. It was extremely important, that the country should know, as soon as possible, whether the Income-tax was to be continued; for although this was a circumstance which he did not consider very likely, yet the doubt which existed upon is the subject, placed the landed interest under very peculiar embarrassments, in consequence of many leases having expired, which could not be renewed under the uncertainty which prevailed on this head.

observed, that his right hon. friend, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, had given a very correct outline of the circumstances under which the intended vote of credit was to be submitted to the House. The war with America in would require to be carried on with extraordinary vigour; and demands, of an ex- tended description, might, in consequence, become necessary on the Treasury. There was another branch, however, to which it was extremely important to call their attention. The other side of the House seemed to conclude, that the moment peace was established, all further solicitude should cease. It should be recollected, however, that the whole state of Europe was yet to be discussed; and that, although there was every moral certainty of a satisfactory peace being finally concluded, it was both wise and politic, that we should be prepared, in the event of other results, to maintain our own power and dignity with becoming strength. It should also be recollected, that at the treaty of Chaumont, exclusive of our contribution of soldiers, an engagement had been entered into by this country, to furnish a subsidy proportionate to the troops of the other powers; and a convention had since been entered into between the four powers, Russia, Prussia, Austria, and Great Britain, which had not yet been exchanged, and which, of consequence, he had not been able to lay before parliament, in which this agreement had been again recognised—[Mr. Whitbread here asked across the table, what was the date of this convention?] He did not exactly recollect the date, but he should be able to state it before he left the House. This fact, however, added to the policy of being prepared for the worst, he trusted, would operate as a sufficient ground for the vote in question. With respect to the general state of the negotiation with America, he had to observe, that commissioners had been nominated by this country, and were proceeding to the place appointed for meeting the deputies. He knew of no unnecessary delay to their immediately commencing their functions; but when he last heard from Paris, he understood M. Gallatin had not left that city. With respect to the proclamation of sir Alexander Cochrane, inviting the blacks to revolt against their American masters, he believed no such document to be in existence, although he did understand, that in consequence of several persons resident in America, having expressed a desire to place themselves under British protection, a proclamation had been issued, offering them an asylum in the British colonies. As to Sicily, he was not able to state what system his Majesty's government might hereafter deem it expedient to recommend with respect to this island.

could not comprehend from the statement of the noble lord, the necessity which existed for keeping up a great armament, under the present circumstances of Europe. This country was at peace with all the great European powers; all hostilities had ceased; and unless it was dreaded, that some of them intended to recur to those principles of aggrandisement and ambition, which had proved so fatal to the repose of the world, and which were generally supposed to have been overthrown, where was the necessity for maintaining an extensive armed force? For his part, he saw nothing in the conduct of any of the European powers, to justify this country in going to a great expense, for the purpose of supporting any part of the projected armament. The noble lord said, that a convention had been entered into; however, as it was not yet ratified, he could not give the House any specific information relative to it; but, in the next session it should be laid before parliament. Now, in his opinion, the noble lord might, on the present occasion give an outline of it. Surely he could state to the House, what force was intended to be kept up—what expense this country was to bear—and what was the object of this general armament. The public naturally looked with great anxiety towards the ensuing Congress; and, he hoped, when the noble lord returned from it, he would be able to place his hand on his heart, and say, that he haddone his duty to this country; and that the other powers had shewn a perfect willingness to conform to those arrangements which the interests of mankind required. He looked for the amelioration of those kingdoms that had been oppressed, and which ought to be restored. He looked to the freedom of that struggling country, Norway, than which no nation had ever been treated with more indignity or injustice! He trusted that the definitive treaty would be of that honourable character, which would add splendour to the history of this country, and would be consistent with the dignity of all the powers engaged. He hoped the spoliation of Genoa would not be permitted; and he trusted the restoration of Poland would be attempted. He should be happy to see Finland given up, as the means of saving Norway. The annexation of that country to Sweden, if not the grossest act of tyranny and injustice ever perpetrated, was, politically speaking, with regard to Great Britain, one of the worst circumstances that could have happened to her. He had been drawn into these observations, because he should be glad to have the fullest information on these interesting subjects, at a moment when they were in the constant habit of congratulating each other on their improved condition, when the common routine of conversation turned upon the public rejoicings,—and when they were about to witness the final spectacle, representing every thing that was magnificent, in honour of the peace. He should be glad to know, what weight of subsidy England was to bear, instead of furnishing her quota of troops. At the same time, situated as this country now was, he did not think any want of military force could be pleaded, as creating a necessity for the subsidy. He had heard a report, within a few hours, that a number of Prussian troops had been taken into our pay to send to America; on this point also, he desired explanation.

was sure, the hon. gentleman would have accused him of making a very bad bargain, if he had agreed to send out British troops to the continent, instead of paying an equivalent. With respect to the present state of Europe, what he said was, that this country should not, on account of the peace, dismiss all precaution; he never meant to insinuate, that they should entertain any alarm, or harbour any suspicion, as to the permanency of the present pacification. There was, in the very nature of the state of Europe, at this moment, sufficient ground to call for, and justify, a very large expenditure; and the convention was entered into for the mutual accommodation of all. It was considered equitable, that an expense, incurred for the benefit of all, should be defrayed in equal proportions. The hon. gentleman should recollect, that there was a great part of Europe at present occupied provisionally, In this situation were some of the countries on the left bank of the Rhine, as well as territories beyond that river. There was also a portion of Italy, and the entire kingdom of Piedmont, thus situated. The king of Sardinia, to whom the latter territory belonged, if he were put in immediate possession of it, had no troops to guard it. It was therefore provisionally occupied by Austrians; and, at Genoa, this country had, he believed, a small force. But the whole of the territories which had changed masters, and which were subject to the approaching discussions at Vienna, must necessarily be occupied, on a very large scale, until their situation was definitively settled. It would be unfair, that any particular power, should be obliged to bear the expense consequent on this occupation; and, therefore, it was deemed advisable, that the four great powers should, by the convention of Chaumont, equally support the necessary armament. What he had stated, sufficiently shewed the ground on which it was judged expedient to keep a great military force on the continent. With respect to the question which the hon. gentleman had asked, as to the amount of subsidy to be paid by this country, he declined to answer it; because it was not consistent with any principle of common sense, that the House should be put in possession of one fact, when they could not examine and discuss the whole subject fairly. It was much more constitutional to leave the business in the hands of his Majesty's ministers, who were bound to lay the entire subject before parliament as soon as circumstances permitted. This was his only reason for refusing the information; for, he believed, when parliament were acquainted with the convention, they would not be displeased with it. There was nothing in the general state of Europe calculated to excite alarm in this country; and he was convinced, that the same honourable principles which guided the confederacy in a long and arduous struggle, would distinguish their conduct in what remained to be done. As it was his wish, so it would be his endeavour, to prevent any act that would disgrace the close of their career.

enquired, whether the convention could not be laid before parliament, prior to the termination of the session?

—The time will not admit of it.

wished to know, whether any part of the expense which Great Britain was accountable for, under the convention, had been provided for under the estimates already disposed of?

said, certainly, as far as any British troops were at present serving on the continent, they were provided for in the present year.

—Then it appeared that part of this expense was provided for in the present, and part must be made good in the ensuing session. Now, until that period arrived, a great expenditure would be made by government, of which the country would not know a single word. If the noble lord had stated the fact sooner, perhaps some discussion might have taken place, and some useful information have been elicited. In his opinion, some statement ought to be made to the House on the subject.

said, there was no instance where information of the description alluded to had been laid before the House, in the manner now called for. It could only be done in the way he had stated. Until the arrangement was in a shape to be considered, until the whole convention was regularly communicated to the House, the information demanded could not be submitted to them. It was sufficient for him to state, that the situation of Europe was such as rendered it necessary, that a large force should still be kept up, the expense of which was to be defrayed by a joint contribution.

did not mean to doubt, the propriety of the arrangement made by the allied powers, but when this country was bound to sustain a heavy expense, he should be glad to have heard some specific statement on the subject. No intimation had before been given, that such a convention was about to be concluded. The noble lord, had said, there never was a case, where information was granted, under such circumstances. But he would ask, was there ever a case, where the people were told to rejoice for a general peace; and, between the commencement and the termination of their rejoicings, it was notified to them, that a new convention had been entered into, by which it would be necessary to continue a war expenditure?

was desirous to have mere direct information, with respect to the American negotiation, than the noble lord had given to the House. With respect to Mr. Gallatin, he might have remained at Paris, under the impression what commissioners were not yet appointed by this country; therefore, his delay in that capital ought not to have prevented this government from making the necessary arrangements. He wished to learn, whether this country shewed an alacrity to make peace with America? The impression certainly was, that a backwardness was manifested by this government, in meeting the gentlemen appointed on behalf of the Americans, and who had been for a long time in Europe. He could very well understand the necessity of keeping up a force on the continent, for the protection of territories, not yet definitively settled; but when the noble lord spoke of it as an armament for the common safety, it appeared to him as if some enemy was in existence, against whom it was necessary to make head. After the treaty of Chaumont, it might be right to keep up a great force for the purpose of preventing France from breaking that treaty; but the state of things being now entirely altered, he could not see the necessity for the great armament spoken of by the noble lord.

said, if the hon. gentleman supposed that any thing he had said, was aimed invidiously at any power—if, for instance, he thought that his expressions pointed at France, he was utterly mistaken in imputing to him such an intention. The armament, he must again observe, was incidental to that state of things, in which the war was terminated. With respect to the American commissioners he could assure the hon. gentleman, that there was no deficiency in alacrity, on the part of the British government to meet them. They had regulated the departure of the commissioners from this country, with reference to the time at which the American commissioners would arrive at the place of destination.

expressed his hope, that an opportunity would present itself at the approaching congress, of considering the condition of all the powers of Europe, in a more extensive manner than had occurred since the treaty of Westphalia, the state of Poland would form a part of their deliberations. He could not but hope, also, that on any occasion where the interests of that country should be discussed, all the weight and influence of this, which must now be undoubtedly great, would be thrown into the scale in ness behalf. He had always considered the partition of Poland as the foulest blot in the character of modern Europe; and, he was persuaded, there was no subject in which the people of this country would take a more lively interest than in the future condition of that kingdom. His noble friend was almost too young to remember the sensation excited in this country at the period of the last partition in 1792; but he, (Mr. W.) well remembered the lively feelings that were entertained by all classes, and the spontaneous meetings which were held on that occasion. As a member of the Bri- tish parliament, he should not think he discharged his duty, if he did not call upon the government to exert all its influence at the Congress, in behalf of that unhappy country.

did not mean to defend the partition of Poland; but he would rather that country should remain in its present situation, than that its former tyrannical feudal government should be restored. Under such a government, rational creatures never could be happy.

begged to remind the hon. gentleman, that, at the period of the infamous partition of Poland, the feudal government had been overthrown. It was in defence of the reformed government, by which the crown was rendered hereditary, and the representation of the people was established by law, that the brave Poles had shed their blood.

supported this observation, and quoted the sentiments of Mr. Burke on the subject. That great man contrasted the French with the Polish revolution, and said of the latter,—"Here is an instance of a revolution, accomplished without bloodshed—a revolution which is likely to procure for these people all the blessings derivable from the principles of the British constitution."

was not perfectly conversant with the historical fact; but he believed the Polish constitution was merely ephemeral; it never assumed any powerful consistence.

How could it exist, when Russia, Prussia, and Austria, were at its throat?

The Speaker then left the chair. In the committee, the Chancellor of the Exchequer moved for the sum of 3,000,000l. to enable his Majesty to meet such demands as the urgency of affairs may require.—Agreed to.

stated his liable objection to the principle of the measure, as one which he thought quite unnecessary in the present state of Europe, and which was liable to be perverted to so many grievous abuses. He adduced, as one instance of petty abuse, a case which he held in his hand, of a person keeping a house of public reception at Gravesend. This person complained that an alien office was established at a neighbouring tavern, in consequence of which foreigners, when they arrived, resorted there, under the idea that it was necessary to do so, to the great detriment and injury of his, the complaint's business. He was sure that in mentioning this case to the right hon. gentleman, he would take the proper steps for enquiring into it.

said, that the case alluded to by the hon. member, had come to his knowledge for the first time that day, and that orders had been issued to examine into the truth of it. Upon the clause empowering the Secretary of state to issue his order for placing an alien in the custody of his messengers, upon the mere presumption that the alien was not likely to obey any osder or proclamation for removal, some conversation arose. Mr. Whitbread and Mr. R. Smith opposed it as a dangerous and unnecessary stretch of power, totally uncalled for by the present condition of Europe, while Mr. H. Addington and Mr. Peel defended it as a necessary measure of precaution. After some further discussion, in which the Attorney and Solicitor-General, and Mr. Stephen, participated, the clause was postponed. The other clauses then went through the committee, with some amendments; and the House having resumed, the Report was received, and was ordered to be taken into further consideration on Friday.